V. I. Lenin

Letter to the Central Committee, The Moscow And Petrograd
Committees and the Bolshevik Members of the Petrograd and Moscow Soviets

Dear Comrades, Events are prescribing our task so clearly for us that
procrastination is becoming positively criminal.

The peasant movement is developing. The government is intensifying its severe repressive measures. Sympathy for us is
growing in the army (99 per cent of the soldiers' votes were
cast for us in Moscow, the army in Finland and the fleet are
against the government, and there is Dubasov's evidence about
the front in general).

In Germany the beginning of a revolution is obvious, especially
since the sailors were shot. The elections in Moscow—47 per
cent Bolsheviks—are a tremendous victory. Together with the
Left Socialist-Revolutionaries we have an obvious majority in the country.

The railway and postal employees are in conflict with the
government. Instead of calling the Congress for October 20, the
Lieberdans are already talking of calling it at the end of
October, etc., etc.

Under such circumstances to “wait” would be a crime.

The Bolsheviks have no right to wait for the Congress of
Soviets, they must take power at once. By so doing they
will save the world revolution (for otherwise there is danger of
a deal between the imperialists of all countries, who, after the
shootings in Germany, will be more accommodating to each other
and will unite against us), the Russian revolution (otherwise a wave of real anarchy may become stronger than we are) and the lives of hundreds of thousands of people at
the front.

Delay is criminal. To wait for the Congress of Soviets would be
a childish game of formalities, a disgraceful game of formalities, and a betrayal of the revolution.

If power cannot be achieved without insurrection, we must
resort to insurrection at once. It may very well be that right now power can be achieved without insurrection, for
example, if the Moscow Soviet were to take power at once,
immediately, and proclaim itself (together with the Petrograd
Soviet) the government. Victory in Moscow is guaranteed, and
there is no need to fight. Petrograd can wait. The government
cannot do anything to save itself; it will surrender.

For, by seizing power and taking over the banks, the factories
and Russkoye Slovo, the Moscow Soviet would secure a tremendous basis and tremendous strength, it would be able to
campaign throughout Russia and raise the issue thus: we shall
propose peace tomorrow if the Bonapartist Kerensky surrenders (and if he does not, we shall overthrow him). We
shall hand over the land to the peasants at once, we shall make concessions to the railway and
postal employees at once, and so on.

It is not necessary to “begin” with Petrograd. If
Moscow “begins” without any blood being shed, it will certainly be supported by (1) the army at the front by its
sympathy, (2) the peasants everywhere and (3) the fleet and
the. troops in Finland, which will proceed to Petrograd.

Even if Kerensky has a corps or two of mounted troops near
Petrograd, he will be obliged to surrender. The Petrograd Soviet
can wait and campaign for the Moscow Soviet Government. The
slogan is: Power to the Soviets, Land to the Peasants, Peace to
the Nations, Bread to the Starving!

Victory is certain, and the chances are ten to one that it will
be a bloodless victory.

To wait would be a crime to the revolution.

Greetings,
N. Lenin