The Class Shift

Original Russian title: Классовый сдвиг
Date: 1917-02-27
Source: ru:PSS/v32
Translation: AI translation by Claude (Anthropic)
Note: This is an AI-generated translation from Russian. While striving for
accuracy, readers should consult the original Russian text for authoritative
reference.
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Every revolution, if it is a real revolution, amounts to a class shift. And therefore the best way to clarify the consciousness of the masses—as well as to combat the deception of the masses by means of swearing by the revolution—consists in analyzing what precise class shift has occurred and is occurring in this revolution.

In the years 1904-1916, the correlation of classes in Russia during the final years of tsarism was particularly clearly defined. A handful of feudal landlords, headed by Nicholas II, was in power, in closest alliance with the magnates of finance capital, who received profits unheard of in Europe and in whose favor predatory treaties of foreign policy were concluded.

The liberal bourgeoisie, with the Cadets at its head, was in opposition. Fearing the people more than reaction, it pushed its way to power by means of compromise with the monarchy.

The people, i.e., the workers and peasants, with leaders driven underground, was revolutionary, representing "revolutionary democracy," proletarian and petty-bourgeois.

The Revolution of February 27, 1917 swept away the monarchy and brought the liberal bourgeoisie to power. The latter, acting in direct agreement with the Anglo-French imperialists, wanted a small palace coup. It did not want under any circumstances to go further than a census-based constitutional monarchy. And when the revolution in fact went further, to the complete destruction of the monarchy and to the creation of Soviets (of workers', soldiers', and peasants' deputies), the liberal bourgeoisie became entirely counter-revolutionary.

Now, four months after the coup, the counter-revolutionary nature of the Cadets, this main party of the liberal bourgeoisie, is clear as day. Everyone sees it. Everyone is forced to recognize it. But far from everyone agrees to look this truth in the face and think through its significance.

In Russia now there is a democratic republic, governed by the free agreement of political parties that freely agitate among the people. Four months after February 27 have fully consolidated and formalized all the more or less significant parties, manifested them in elections (to the Soviets and to local institutions), and revealed their connection with different classes.

In Russia now the counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie is in power, in relation to which the petty-bourgeois democracy, namely the parties of the SRs and Mensheviks, has become "His Majesty's Opposition." The essence of the policy of these parties consists in compromise with the counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie. The petty-bourgeois democracy is rising to power, filling first the local institutions (as the liberals under tsarism conquered first the zemstvos). This petty-bourgeois democracy wants a share of power with the bourgeoisie, not its overthrow, in exactly the same way as the Cadets wanted a share of power with the monarchy, not the overthrow of the monarchy. And the compromising of the petty-bourgeois democracy (SRs and Mensheviks) with the Cadets is caused by the same deep class kinship of small and large bourgeois, as the class kinship of the capitalist with the landlord living in the conditions of the twentieth century forced them to embrace around the "adored" monarch.

The form of compromise has changed: under the monarchy it was crude, the tsar admitted the Cadet only to the backyard of the State Duma. Under the democratic republic, the compromise has become European-refined: petty bourgeois are admitted in a harmless minority and to roles harmless (for capital) in the ministry.

The Cadets have taken the place of the monarchy. Tsereteli and Chernov have taken the place of the Cadets. Proletarian democracy has taken the place of truly revolutionary democracy.

The imperialist war has extraordinarily accelerated all development. Without it, the SRs and Mensheviks could have sighed for ministerial posts for decades. But this same war accelerates development further. For it poses questions not in a reformist, but in a revolutionary manner.

The parties of the SRs and Mensheviks could have given Russia many reforms by agreement with the bourgeoisie. But the objective situation in world politics is revolutionary; one cannot get out of it with reforms.

The imperialist war oppresses and will crush the peoples. To postpone doom, petty-bourgeois democracy may be able to do so, but not for long. To save from doom is only capable of the revolutionary proletariat.

Pravda No. 92, July 10 (June 27), 1917

Printed from the text of the newspaper Pravda