4) All
land to the working people — this is unrealisable without revolution against capital.
5) Organisation of production — either deception (and new enrichment of the capitalists) or a utopia without revolution against capital.
6) “Offensive” — a utopia
without the greatest revolutionary enthusiasm of the masses, which can only be born from the greatest revolution against capital.
7) Departure from the Soviets,
betrayal of them, transition to officialdom:
we are for “state control”. But by whom?
Who controls?
Officials?
Or the Soviets.
8) Constituent Assembly on land:
already lagged behind
9) No trust and no support whatsoever!
10) Even stronger: clarification of the proletarian line, its separation from the petty-bourgeois line.
IT = Ministry of petty-bourgeois illusions and petty-bourgeois conciliation.

Appendix.
DECLARATION OF THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT.
Transformed and reinforced by new representatives of revolutionary democracy, the Provisional Government declares that it will with full determination carry into life the ideas of liberty, equality and fraternity, under whose banner the great Russian revolution was born.
The Provisional Government is united in particular by the following basic features of its forthcoming activity.
1)
In foreign policy the Provisional
Government, rejecting in accord with the whole people any thought of a separate peace, openly sets as its goal the speediest achievement of a universal peace, which does not have as its aim either domination over other peoples, or the deprivation of their national property, or the forcible seizure of others’ territories — a peace without annexations and indemnities, on the principles of self-determination of peoples.
In the firm conviction that, with the fall of the tsarist regime in Russia and the establishment of democratic principles in domestic and foreign policy, a new factor of strivings for a durable peace and fraternity of peoples has been created for the allied democracies, the Provisional Government will undertake preparatory steps towards an agreement with the allies on the basis of the declaration of the Provisional Government of 27 March.
2) Convinced that the defeat of Russia and her allies would not only be the source of the greatest calamities for the peoples, but would also postpone and make impossible the conclusion of a universal peace on the above-mentioned basis, the Provisional Government firmly believes that the revolutionary army of Russia will not allow German troops to crush our allies in the west and fall upon us with all the force of their arms.
The strengthening of the principles of the democratisation of the army, the organisation and strengthening of its fighting power both in defensive and offensive actions, will be the foremost task of the Provisional Government.
3) The Provisional Government will steadily and resolutely combat the country’s economic ruin by the further planned implementation of state and public control over production, transport, exchange and distribution of products, and in necessary cases will also resort to the organisation of production.
4) Measures for the all-round protection of labour will receive further energetic development.
5) Leaving to the Constituent Assembly the decision of the question of the transfer of land into the hands of the working people, and carrying out preparatory work for this, the Provisional Government will take all necessary measures to ensure the greatest production of grain for the country that needs it and to regulate land use in the interests of the national economy and the working population.
6) Striving for the consistent reconstruction of the financial system on democratic principles, the Provisional Government will devote special attention to increasing direct taxation of the propertied classes (inheritance tax, tax on wartime super-profits, property tax and so on).
7) Work on the introduction and strengthening
of democratic organs of self-government will be continued with all possible persistence and urgency.
8) Likewise, the Provisional Government will exert every effort towards the speediest convocation of the Constituent Assembly in Petrograd.
Setting as its goal the resolute implementation of the above programme, the Provisional Government categorically declares that its fruitful work is possible only on condition of the full and unconditional confidence of the whole revolutionary people in it and the possibility of actually exercising the full power so necessary for consolidating the gains of the revolution and their further development.

THESES
Addressing all citizens with a resolute and insistent appeal for the preservation of the unity of power exercised by the Provisional Government, the latter declares that, to save the homeland, it will take the most energetic measures against any counter-revolutionary attempts, as well as against anarchic, unlawful and violent actions that disorganise the country and create the soil for counter-revolution. The Provisional Government believes that on this path it will meet with the resolute support of all who hold dear the liberty of Russia.
Then follow the signatures of all ministers.

The documents being printed relate to the moment of discussion of the question of uniting our party and the so-called “Inter-District Organisation of United Social-Democrats” in Petrograd, to which Comrade Trotsky belonged and which published the weekly *Vperyod*.
The All-Russia Conference of our party in April 1917 resolved: to recognise rapprochement and unification with groups and currents that in fact stand on the ground of internationalism as necessary — on the basis of a break with the policy of petty-bourgeois betrayal of socialism.
In fulfilment of this decision, Comrade Lenin on 10 (23) May 1917 set forth the point of view of the Central Committee of the party on the questions and conditions of unification at a conference of the “Inter-District people”.
Vladimir Ilyich concluded his exposition of his point of view by reading out the written formulation of the conditions for immediate collaboration between the party and the “Inter-District people”.
After Lenin’s speech, Comrade Trotsky immediately — out of turn — took the floor and subjected the speech and proposals of Comrade Lenin to a critical analysis.
During Comrade Trotsky’s speech, Comrade Lenin kept a record of the most essential points of this speech, evidently fixing the speaker’s actual expressions very exactly.
Both of the above documents — the formulation of the conditions for collaboration and the record of Trotsky’s reply speech — have been preserved in Lenin’s papers. Together with these two documents, Lenin also preserved a record of the essential points of another speech by Comrade Trotsky. Judging by the content of this record, it is highly probable that it relates to a speech by Comrade Trotsky delivered before Comrade Lenin’s address, but evidently devoted to the same question of the attitude of the “Inter-District Organisation” and Comrade Trotsky towards the Bolshevik party.
The conference did not accept the proposals made by Lenin.
In place of these proposals, the conference adopted a resolution ending with the following provisions: “The Conference considers: 1) that unity is conceived by it as the unity of the revolutionary-internationalist forces of Social-Democracy; 2) that the only effective means of creating a united revolutionary Social-Democratic workers’ party can be an All-Russia Congress of organisations and groups standing on the point of view of Zimmerwald-Kienthal, and 3) that a united Congress of Social-Democratic internationalists of Russia can be an authority for revolutionary Social-Democrats only if the task of convening the Congress is handed over to an Organisational Bureau composed of representatives
of the Central Committee of the R.S.D.L.P., the Polish Social-Democracy, the Social-Democracy of the Latvian Region, the Inter-District Committee, and representatives of the Menshevik-internationalists of Russia, insofar as they break their organisational ties with defencism.”