V. I.

Lenin

Congress of Peasants’ Deputies [1]

[ Description of the Congress ]

A Congress of representatives of peasants’ organisations and
Soviets of Peasants’ Deputies, who have met to draw up regulations for the convocation of an All-Russia Soviet of
Peasants’ Deputies and to set up similar local Soviets, has been
in session in the Taurida Palace since April 13.

According to Dyelo Naroda, representatives from more than 20 gubernias
are attending the Congress.

Resolutions have been adopted urging the need for the speediest
organisation of the “peasantry” from bottom to “top”. “Soviets
of Peasants’ Deputies functioning in the various areas” have
been declared to be the “best form of organisation of the
peasantry”.

Bykhovsky, a member of the provisional bureau for the convocation of tile present Congress, has pointed out that a
decision to organise the peasantry by setting up an All-Russia
Soviet of Peasants’ Deputies had been taken by the Moscow Co-operative Congress , [2] representing an organised membership
of twelve million, or fifty million of the population.

This is an undertaking of tremendous importance, which must be
given every support. If it is carried out without delay, if the
peasantry, in spite of Shingaryov, takes over all the land
immediately by a majority decision and not by “voluntary
agreement” with the landowners as he would have it, then not
only the soldiers, who would receive more bread and meat, but
also the cause of freedom would gain by it.

For the organisation of the peasants, carried out from below
without the officials and without the “control and Supervision”
of the landowners and their hangers-on, is the only reliable
pledge of success for the revolution, for freedom, for the
liberation of Russia from the yoke and bondage of the landowners.

There is no doubt that all members of our Party, all classconscious workers, will do their utmost to support the
organisation of Soviets of Peasants’ Deputies, will see to it
that their numbers are increased and their strength consolidated, and will exert every effort to work inside these
Soviets along consistent and strictly proletarian class
lines.

To carry on this work, it is necessary to organise separately
the proletarian elements (agricultural labourers, day-labourers,
etc.) within the general peasant Soviets, or (sometimes
and) set up separate Soviets of Agricultural Labourers’
Deputies.

Our object is not to scatter forces; on the contrary, in order
to strengthen and broaden the movement, we must arouse the
“ lowest ”—to use the terminology of the landowners and capitalists—section of society, or, more
correctly, class.

To build up the movement, we must free it from the Influence of
the bourgeoisie; we must try to rid it of the inevitable
weaknesses, vacillations, and mistakes of the petty bourgeoisie.

This work must be done by means of friendly persuasion, without
anticipating events, without hurrying to “consolidate” organisationally that which the representatives of the rural
proletarians and semi-proletarians have not yet fully realised,
thought out, and digested for themselves. But it must be done, and a start must be made at once every where.

The practical demands and slogans, or, more properly, the
proposals that have to be made to gain the attention of
the peasants, should be based on vital and urgent issues.

The first issue is that of the land. The rural proletarians will
be for the complete and immediate transfer of all the land without exception to the whole people, and for its being
taken over immediately by the local committees. But you cannot
eat land. The millions of households that have no horses,
implements, or seeds will gain nothing from the transfer of the
land to the “people”.

The question of continuing to run the big farms, wherever at all
possible, as large-scale enterprises, directed by agricultural experts end the Soviets of Agricultural Labourers’ Deputies and
using the best machines, seeds, and most efficient farming
methods, must be discussed and practical measures taken without
delay.

We cannot conceal from the peasants, least of all from the rural
proletarians and semi-proletarians, that small-scale farming
under commodity economy and capitalism cannot rid humanity of mass poverty, that it is necessary to think
about going over to large-scale farming conducted on public
lines and to tackle this job at once by teaching the masses, and in turn learning from the masses, the
practical expedient measures for bringing about such a transition.

Another vital and pressing issue is that of the organisation and
administration of the state. It is not enough to preach
democracy, not enough to proclaim it and decree it, not enough
to entrust the people’s “representatives” in representative
institutions with its implementation. Democracy must be
built at once, from below, through the initiative of the masses themselves, through their effective participation
in all fields of state activity, without “supervision” from above, without the bureaucracy.

Replacement of the police, the bureaucracy, and the standing
army by the universal arming of the whole people, by a universal
militia of the entire people, women included, is a practical job that can and should be tackled immediately. The
more initiative, variety, daring, and creativeness the masses
contribute to this, the better. Not only the rural proletarians
and semi-proletarians, but nine-tenths of the peasantry probably
will follow us if we explain our proposals clearly, simply, and
intelligibly by demonstrating examples and lessons from real
life, Our proposals are:

— not to allow the restoration of the police; — not to allow the restoration of the absolute powers of
officials who, in effect, are undisplaceable and who belong to
the landowner or capitalist class; — not, to allow the restoration of a standing army separated from the people, for such an army is the surest guarantee
that attempts of all kinds will be made to stamp out freedom and
restore the monarchy; — to teach the people, down to the very bottom, the art of
government not only in theory but in practice, by beginning to
make

immediate use everywhere of the experience of the masses.

Democracy from below, democracy without an officialdom, without
a police, without a standing army; voluntary social duty by a
militia formed from a universally armed people—this is a guarantee of freedom which no tsars, no
swash-buckling generals, and no capitalists can take away.

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Notes:
[1]



[2]