V. I. Lenin

Source: ru:PSS/v49;es:MT
Translated: machine translation (DeepSeek) from the Russian; AI-translated.

30. III. 1917.

Dear Comrade, I thank you with all my heart for your efforts and assistance. Of course, I cannot avail myself of the services of people who have any connection with the publisher of *Kolokol*. Today I wired you that the only hope of getting out of here is to exchange Swiss emigres for German internees. England will under no circumstances let me, or the internationalists in general, or Martov and his friends, or Nathanson and his friends, pass through. The British sent Chernov back to France, although he had all the papers for travel!! It is clear that the Russian proletarian revolution has no worse and more bitter enemy than the British imperialists. It is clear that the agent of Anglo-French imperialist capital and the Russian imperialist Milyukov (and Co.) are capable of anything, of deceit, of treachery, of anything, anything, to prevent the internationalists from returning to Russia. The slightest trustfulness in this respect, either towards Milyukov or towards Kerensky (an empty windbag, an agent of the Russian imperialist bourgeoisie by his objective role), would be directly ruinous for the working-class movement and for our Party, and would border on betrayal of internationalism. The only, without exaggeration the only, hope for us to get to Russia is to send a reliable person to Russia as soon as possible, so that by exerting pressure through the “Soviet of Workers’ Deputies” we may obtain from the government the exchange of all Swiss emigres for German internees. We must act with the utmost energy, recording every step, sparing no expense on telegrams, collecting documents against Milyukov and Co., who are capable of dragging things out, feeding us with promises, deceiving us, etc. You can imagine what torture it is for all of us to sit here at such a time.

Further. Sending a reliable person to Russia is even more necessary for reasons of principle. The latest news from foreign newspapers indicates more and more clearly that the government, with the direct assistance of Kerensky and thanks to the unforgivable (to put it mildly) wavering of Chkheidze, is deceiving, and not without success, the workers, by representing the imperialist war as a “defensive” one. According to a telegram from the St. Petersburg Telegraph Agency of March 30, 1917, Chkheidze has allowed himself to be completely deceived by this slogan, which—if this source, which is generally unreliable, is to be believed—has also been adopted by the Soviet of Workers’ Deputies.

In any case, even if this news is not true, the danger of such deception is undoubtedly

enormous. All the Party’s efforts must be directed towards combating it. Our Party would disgrace itself forever, would politically kill itself, if it were to fall for such a deception. According to one report, Muranov, together with Skobelev, has returned from Kronstadt. If Muranov went there on the instructions of the Provisional Government of the Guchkovs and Milyukovs, I earnestly request you to convey (through a reliable person) and to publish that I absolutely condemn this, that any rapprochement with those who waver towards social-patriotism and who hold the profoundly erroneous, profoundly harmful social-pacifist, Kautskian position of Chkheidze and Co. is, in my deepest conviction, harmful to the working class, dangerous, and impermissible.

I hope you have received my “Letters from Afar”, Nos. 1–4*, in which I developed the theoretical and political foundations of these views. If these letters have been lost or have not reached Petrograd, please wire me, and I will send copies.

There is no doubt that in the Petrograd Soviet of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies the following are numerous and even, apparently, predominant: (1) supporters of Kerensky, the most dangerous agent of the imperialist bourgeoisie, who is pursuing imperialism, i.e., the defence and justification of the predatory, annexationist war on Russia’s part, under a flood of high-sounding phrases and empty promises; (2) supporters of Chkheidze, who is wavering shamelessly towards social-patriotism and shares all the vulgarity, all the absurdity of Kautskianism. Our Party is obliged to combat both trends in the most stubborn, most principled, most persistent, most ruthless manner. And I personally do not hesitate for a single moment to declare, and to declare in print, that I would prefer even an immediate split with anyone in our Party to making concessions to the social-patriotism of Kerensky and Co. or to the social-pacifism and Kautskianism of Chkheidze and Co.

* See *Collected Works*, Fifth Edition, Vol. 31, pp. 9–54. *Ed.*

At all costs I must demand the reprinting in Petrograd—even if under the title “From the History of the Last Years of Tsarism”—of the *Sotsial-Demokrat* published here, of Lenin’s and Zinoviev’s pamphlet on the war and socialism, 472 of *Kommunist* and of the *Sbornik Sotsial-Demokrata*. But most of all and above all, the theses from No. 47 of *Sotsial-Demokrat* (of October 13, 1915)*. These theses are now of extreme importance.

These theses state directly, clearly, and precisely how we should act during the revolution in Russia; they were written a year and a half before the revolution.

These theses have been remarkably, literally, confirmed by the revolution.

The war has not ceased to be an imperialist war on Russia’s part and cannot cease to be so as long as (1) the landlords and capitalists, representatives of the bourgeois class, are in power; (2) as long as such direct agents and servants of this bourgeoisie as Kerensky and other social-patriots are in power; (3) as long as the tsar’s treaties with the Anglo-French imperialists remain in force (the Guchkov-Milyukov government has directly declared abroad—I do not know whether it has done so in Russia—that it is loyal to these treaties). These treaties are predatory, concerning the seizure of Galicia, Armenia, Constantinople, etc., etc.; (4) as long as these treaties are not published and annulled; (5) as long as the entire alliance of Russia with the Anglo-French bourgeois, imperialist governments is not broken; (6) as long as state power in Russia has not passed from the imperialist bourgeoisie (mere promises and “pacifist” declarations, however much the foolish Kautsky, Chkheidze and Co. may believe them, do not turn the bourgeoisie into a non-bourgeoisie) into the hands of the proletariat, which alone is capable, provided it is supported by the poorest section of the peasantry, of breaking, not in words but in deeds, with the interests of capital, with imperialist policy, of breaking with the plunder of other countries, of fully liberating the oppressed peoples of Great Russia,

* See V. I. Lenin, “A Few Theses” (From the Editorial Board) (*Collected Works*, Fifth Edition, Vol. 27, pp. 48–51). *Ed.*

of immediately withdrawing troops from Armenia and Galicia, etc.; (7) the proletariat alone is capable, if it frees itself from the influence of its national bourgeoisie, of inspiring true confidence in the proletarians of all the belligerent countries and of entering into negotiations with them for peace; (8) these proletarian conditions for peace are set forth precisely and clearly both in No. 47 of *Sotsial-Demokrat* and in my Letter No. 4.

Hence it is clear that the slogan: “We are now defending the republic in Russia, we are now waging a ‘defensive war’, we will fight against Wilhelm, we are fighting for the overthrow of Wilhelm,” is the greatest deception, the greatest swindle of the workers!! For Guchkov, Lvov, Milyukov and Co. are landlords and capitalists, representatives of the class of landlords and capitalists, imperialists, fighting for the same predatory aims, on the basis of the same predatory treaties of tsarism, in alliance with the same imperialist, predatory bourgeoisie of England, France and Italy.

The appeal to the Germans from the bourgeois and imperialist republic in Russia: “Overthrow Wilhelm” is a repetition of the lying slogan of the French social-chauvinists, traitors to socialism, Jules Guesde, Sembat and Co.

It is necessary to explain to the workers and soldiers very popularly, very clearly, without learned words, that it is necessary to overthrow not only Wilhelm, but also the kings of England and Italy. That is the first point. And the second and main point is that it is necessary to overthrow the bourgeois governments and begin with Russia, for otherwise peace cannot be obtained. It is possible that we cannot “overthrow” the Guchkov-Milyukov government immediately. Let that be so. But that is no argument for speaking untruth!! The workers must be told the truth. They must be told that the Guchkov-Milyukov and Co. government is an imperialist government, that the workers and peasants must first (now or after the elections to the Constituent Assembly, if the people are not deceived about it and the elections are not postponed until after the war—the question of the moment cannot be decided from here), first must transfer all state

power into the hands of the working class, the enemy of capital, the enemy of the imperialist war, and only then will they be entitled to call for the overthrow of all kings and all bourgeois governments.

For heaven’s sake, try to get all this to Petrograd, to *Pravda*, and to Muranov, Kamenev and others. For heaven’s sake, make every effort to send this with the most reliable person. The best thing would be if a reliable, intelligent fellow, like Kuba, were to go (he would render a great service to the entire world working-class movement) and help our Petrograd friends!! I hope you will do this!! Do everything possible.

Conditions in Petrograd are extremely difficult. The republican patriots are straining every effort. They want to cover our Party with filth and slander (the “Chernomazov affair”—I am sending a document about it*) etc., etc.

Neither Chkheidze and Co., nor Sukhanov, nor Steklov, etc., are to be trusted. No rapprochement with other parties, with no one! Not a shadow of trust in or support for the Guchkov-Milyukov and Co. government!! The most irreconcilable propaganda of internationalism and struggle against republican chauvinism and social-chauvinism everywhere, both in the press and inside the Soviet of Workers’ Deputies, the organisation of our Party—that is the essence. Kamenev must understand that a world-historic responsibility rests upon him. 473

Do not spare money for communications between Petrograd and Stockholm!!

I earnestly request you, dear comrade, to wire me on receipt of this letter and generally to keep me *au courant** in all respects. I hope the Swedish friends will help in this too.

A firm handshake! Yours, Lenin

* Reference is to the document “The Chernomazov Affair” (see *Collected Works*, Fifth Edition, Vol. 49, pp. 406–407). *Ed.*
** informed. *Ed.*