3 1 6
N. В.
y anarchi- sts too: writers, journa- lists, Jou- haux and Co.! *
The bourgeois state lets workers and socialdemocrats into its
institutions, into its democracy in this and only this way, that it (α) strains them,
filtering out revolutionaries; (β) wears them out, turning
them into bureaucrats; "Ermattungsstrategie" of our opponents,
enemies; E r mattungss trategie on the other hand ! ! (-y) it takes them with bribery:
"you train them, and we'll buy them"...
(δ) besides crude bribery, it practices sub- tle bribery, even to flattery, on les cajole etc.; —
(ε) "employs", buries them with "work", suf- focates them under the piles of "papers", with the
stale air of "reforms" and little reforms; (ζ) corrupts
them with petty-bourgeois comfort, "culturally" bearable
Philistine life...
The struggle against this on all fronts. How to fight? Not by refusing to participate (in bour-
[geois] life ?) — this is possible only in exceptional moments — but
by creating a direction and a party for such a struggle. Karl Liebknecht is not a loner,
he grew out of the left direction in
German socialdemocracy]. The Bol[she- vi]ks are not a "case," they grew out of the strugg-
le with opportunism in 1894–1914! I
ENGELS' PREFACE. TO MARX'S "CIVIL WAR".
Engels' preface to the 3rd ed. "Der
B[ürger]krieg," marked 18. III. 189/, printed] as well in "Neue] Zeit IX, 2.
(90/91), p. 33, gives a mass of excellent material precisely
on this issue. Especially note the follow- ing:
* In the manuscript, these words are written above the words: "S.-D. into its institutions, into its democracy." Ed.

ENGELS' PREFACE TO MARX'S "CIVIL WAR"
The bourgeois state lets workers and social democrats into its institutions, into its democracy
in this and only this way, that it (α) strains them, filtering out revolutionaries; (β) wears
them out, turning them into bureaucrats; "a stra- tegy aimed at wearing down" our oppo-
nents, enemies; a strategy, aimed at wearing down the opponent on the other hand ! ! (γ) it takes
them with bribery: "you train them, and we'll buy them"... (δ) besides crude bribery, it practices
subtle bribery, even to flattery; they cajole them etc.; — (ε) "employs", buries them with "work",
suffocates them under the piles of "papers", with the stale air of "reforms" and little reforms;
(ζ) corrupts them with petty-bourgeois comfort, "culturally" bearable Philistine life...
The struggle against this on all fronts. How to fight? Not by refusing to participate (in bour-
geois life?) — this is possible only in excep- tional moments — but by creating a direction
and a party for such a struggle. Karl Liebknecht is not a loner, he grew out of the left
direction in German social democracy. The
Bolsheviks are not a "case," they grew out of the struggle with opportunism in 1894 —
1914!!
N . B.
anarchi- sts too:
writers, journalists, Jaures and Co.!
-* ENGELS' PREFACE TO MARX'S "CIVIL WAR".
Engels' preface to the 5th ed. of "Civil
War", marked 18. III. 1894 |, also printed in "Neue Zeit" IX, 2 (90/91), p. 33
gives a mass of excellent material precisely on this issue. Especially note the following:

NB
P. 4: In France after each revolution
the workers were armed, — ... "für die am Staatsruder befindlichen Bourgeois
war daher Entwaffnung der Arbeiter erstes Gebot. Daher nach jeder, durch die
Arbeiter erkämpften Revolution ein neuer Kampf, der mit der Niederlage der Arbeiter endigt" ...
Pp. 7 — 8: excellent summary of the measures of the Commune (with dates).
"Wie in der Kommune fast nur Arbeiter oder anerkannte Arbeitervertreter sassen, so
trugen auch ihre Beschlüsse einen entschieden proletarischen Charakter. Entweder dekretierten
sie Reformen, die die republikanische Bour geoisie nur aus Feigheit unterlassen hatte, die
aber für die freie Aktion der Arbeiterklasse eine notwendige Grundlage hildeten, wie die
Durchführung des Satzes, dass 'dem Staat gegenüber (italics by Engels) die Religion blosse Privat-
sache sei; oder sie erliess Beschlüsse direkt im interesse der Arbeiterklasse, ufnd] teilweise tief
einschneidend in die alte Gesellschaftsordnung.
Alles das konnte aber, in einer belagerten Stadt, höchstens einen Anfang
von
Verwirklichung erhalten." (S. 8).
The members of the Commune were divided into a majority of Blanquists and a minority of Proudhonists
(P. 10). Like all "doctrinaires" (11), they had to do (when they found them-
selves in power) "the opposite of" what their
Schuldoktrin (11) taught them.
Proudhon hated association. The main measure of the Commune aanordnete eine Organisation
der grossen lndustrie ufnd] sogar der Manu- faktur, die nicht nur auf der Assoziation der
Arbeiter in jeder Fabrik beruhen, sondern auch alle diese Genossenschaften zu einem grossen
Verband vereinigen sollte; kurz, eine Organisa-

ENGELS' PREFACE TO MARX'S "CIVIL WAR"
P. 4: In France after each revolution
the workers were armed, — ... "for the bourgeoisie, who were at the helm of the state,
the first commandment was the disarmament of the workers. Hence — after each revolution, won
by the workers, a new struggle that ends with the defeat of the workers"... [421]
Pp. 7 — 8: excellent summary of the measures of the Commune
(with dates).
"Corresponding to the fact that almost exclusively workers or recognized represen-
tatives of the workers sat in the Commune, its decrees also had a decidedly proletarian
character. Either these decrees enacted such reforms, which the republican bourgeoisie
had refused only out of base cowardice and which constituted a necessary foundation for
the free activity of the working class.
Such is the implementation of the principle that in relation to the state (italics by En-
gels) religion is merely a private matter.
Or the Commune issued decrees directly in the interests of the working class and which
in part deeply cut into the old social order. [422] But the city was
besieged, therefore only the first steps could be taken." (p. 8).
The members of the Commune were divided into a majority of Blanquists and a minority of Proudhonists.
Like all "doctrinaires," they had to do (when they found themselves in power) "the opposite
of" what their school doctrine taught them (10 — 11).
Proudhon hated association. The main measure of the Commune "the organization of large industry
and even manufacturing, which not only required workers' associations
|
in each given factory, but also needed to unite all the individual associations into one
large union. Such an organization, as Marx

NB
Isn't \ D this «Fede- ralism»?
j
No, that would be simply quibbling over words
/
//
NB
with «old state
| ma]chine».
one cannot

PREFACE BY ENGELS TO MARX'S "THE CIVIL WAR" as Marx rightly noted in "The Civil War," of necessity led to communism, to a direct contradiction of Proudhonism" (p. 11).

Obviously, Engels has in mind the following (p. 8): "On April 16, the Commune ordered a statistical survey of factories shut down by manufacturers and the development of a plan for their operation by cooperative associations of workers who had previously worked in these factories, and for the union of these associations into one large union."

What about the Blanquists? Their school = conspiracy, strict discipline, revolutionary energy of a "small group"... "To make such a thing succeed, first and foremost, dictatorial centralization of all power in the hands of the new revolutionary government was needed. What did the Commune, in which the majority consisted of Blanquists, do? It issued appeals to the provinces of France, in which it invited all French Communes, together with Paris, to freely unite into one national organization, an organization created for the first time truly by the nation itself. Namely that oppressive power of the former centralized government, the army, the political police, the bureaucracy, which Napoleon created in 1798 and which since then every new government has adopted as a desirable tool, and used it against its opponents, precisely this power was to fall everywhere in France, as it had fallen in Paris.

(a —) "The Commune had to recognize from the very beginning that the working class, having come to power, cannot continue to manage with the old state machine;

NB
cooperative associations of workers who worked in these factories, and for uniting
these associations into one large union."

Lenin Collection XIV.

NB: "eliminate" the machine of oppression ((army; p[o- lice]; bureau
cracy))
((secure oneself from deputies] and officials" (1)
two "infalli- ble" means:
1) replacea-
bility at any time (2)
ihrer eigneu, erst eben eroberten Herr- schaft wieder verlustig zu gehn, einerseits
alle die alte, bisher gegen sie selbst ausge- nutzte U n t e r d r u c k u n g s m a s c h i n e r i e
besei t i gen, a n d r e r s e i t s aber sich si с he r n miisse gegen ihre eignen Abgeordn
neten und Beamten, ( — p), * indem sie diese, oh/ie alle Ausnahme, fbr jederzeil
absetzbar erklärte. Worin bestand die cha- rakteristische Eigenschaft des bisherigen Sta-
ats?» (S. 12) в превращении «слуг общ[ест]ва», «Diener der GesellschafU,
органов его, в «Herren über dieselbe», в «господ** над общ[ест]вом».
«Wie dies
z. В. nicht bloss
in der erblichen Monarchie, sondern e ben so- g u t in der d e m o k r a t i s c he
R e p u b l i k zu sehn ist». Напр[имер], в Сев[ерной] Аме
рике], две «бапды» политических] спекулян тов (зд[есь] пет ни династии, ни двор[япст]ва*
нп постоянного] войска, ни бюрократии «mit fester Anstellung oder
Pensionsberechtigung»
S. 12). Нация бессильна против этих двух
«Kartelle von Politikern» (S. 1 3 )....
«Gegen diese, in a l i e n b i s h e r i g e n
S t a a t e n unumgängliche
Yerwandlung des
S t a a t s ufnd] der
S t a a t s o r g a n e aus
Dienern der Gesellschaft in Herren der Gesfell- sch]aft wandte die Kommune z w e i u n f e h l -
bare M i t t el an. Erstcns besetzte sie alle
Stellen, verwaltende, richtende, lehrende durch
Wahl nach allgemeinem Stimmrecht der Betei- ligten, und zwar auf jederzeitigen Widerruf
durch diesell)en Beteiligten. Und zweitens zahlte
*
a — p: Это место цитует К[арл] К[аутский] в своем ответе Б[е)рн-
шт|ей]ну, S. 22, aBfernstein] ufnd] das sozialdemokratische Prfogramm]»
(см. стр. 47 зд[есь]). [См. настоящий сборник, с. 380. Это замечание Ленина
написано на полях. Ред. |
** В рукописи ошибочно написано: «господа». Ред.

PREFACE BY ENGELS TO MARX'S "THE CIVIL WAR" (1)
(2)
that the working class, in order not to lose
|again its newly conquered
|domination,
must, on the one hand, eliminate the entire old machine of
oppression, which had hitherto been used against it, and on the other hand,
must secure itself against its own deputies and officials (— p), * by
declaring them all, without any exception, removable at any time. [422] What
was the characteristic feature of the state that had existed until now?" (p. 12) the transformation
of "servants of society", organs of it, into "masters over society".
"Such a phenomenon occurs not only in hereditary monarchies, but also in democratic republics".
For example, in North America, two "gangs" of political speculators (here there is neither a dynasty
nor nobility, nor a standing army, nor a bureaucracy "with securely guaranteed positions or pensions" p. 12).
The nation is powerless against these two "large unions of politicians" (p. 13)....
"Against this, inevitable in all states that have existed hitherto, transformation of the state and organs
of the state from servants of society into masters over society, the Commune applied two infallible
means. Firstly, it appointed to all positions in administration,
in the judiciary, in public education, persons elected by
universal suffrage, and moreover introduced the right to
recall these elected officials at any time by a decision of
their elecNB: "eliminate" the machine of oppression ((army, po-
lice, bureau cracy))
"secure oneself from depu- ties and offi- cials" two "infalli-
blely act- ing" means:
1) replacea-
bility at any time.
* a — (3: This passage is quoted by Karl Kautsky in his reply to Bernstein, p.
22, "Bernstein and the Social Democratic Program" (see p. 47 here).
[See this collection, p. 381. Ed.]

2) payment
ordinary worker’s sie für alle Dienste, hohe wie niedrige, nur den
Lohn, den andre Arbeiter empfingen. Das höchste
Gehalt, das sie überhaupt zahlte, war 6 000 Fran- ken. Damit
war der Stellenjäferei und dem Strebertum ein sichrer Riegel
vorgescho- ben, auch ohne die gebundnen Mandate bei
Delegierten zu Vertretungskörpern, die noch zum
Ueberfluss hinzugefiigt wurden.
The salary of an ordinary worker
NB:
"the explosion of the old state power and its replacement
with a new . . . "
NB:
"superstitious belief in the state"
NB:
"superstitious reverence for the State" etc.
NB
NB
«Di e s e S p r e n g u n g der bis her i g e n
S t a a t s m a c h t und ihre E r set z и n g d ur c h
eine neue9 in W a h r h e i t d e mo k r a t i s c he ,
ist im dritten
Abschnitt des «Bürgerkriegs» eingehend geschildert. Es war aber nötig, hier
nochmals kurz auf einige Züge derselben einzu- gehn, weil gerade in Deutschland der Aber -
g l aube an den S t a a t aus der Philosophie sich in das allgemeine Bewusstsein der Bour
geoisie und selbst vieler Arbeiter übertragen hat. Nach der philosophischen Vorstellung ist
der Staat die aVerwirklichung der Idee», oder das ins Philosophische übersetzte Reich Gottes
auf Erden, das Gebiet, worauf die ewige W ahr heit und Gerechtigkeit sich verwirklicht od[er"
verwirklichen soli. Und daraus folgt dann eine aber g l d u b i s c he
V e r e h r u n g des Staats und alles dessen, was mit dem Staat zusammen-
hSngt, und die sich um so leichter einstellt, als man sich von Kindesbeinen daran gewöhnt
hat, sich einzubilden, die der ganzen Ges[ell- schajft gemeinsamen Geschäfte und Interessen
könnten nicht anders besorgt werden, als wie sie bisher besorgt worden sind, nämlich durch
den Staat und seine wohlbestallten BehOrden.
Und man glaubt schon einen ganz gewaltig küh- nen Schritt getan zu haben, wenn man sich
frei gemacht vom Glauben an die erbliche
Monarchie und auf die demokratische Republik schwört. In Wirklichkeit aber ist
der Staat

ENGELS' PREFACE TO MARX'S "THE CIVIL WAR IN FRANCE" officials. And, secondly, it paid all office
holders, both higher and lower, only such pay as other workers received. The highest salary that
the Commune generally paid was 6,000 francs.
Thus an effective barrier to place-hunting and careerism was set up, even apart from the binding
mandates to delegates to representative bodies which, moreover, were added by the
Commune.
«This explosion of the old state power and its replacement
with a new, truly democratic, one are described in detail in the third section
of *The Civil War’. But it was necessary to dwell briefly once again on some features of this
replacement, because precisely in Germany the superstitious belief in the state has
been transferred from philosophy into the general consciousness of the bourgeoisie and even of
many workers. According to the teachings of the philosophers, the state is the “realization
of the Idea,” or, translated into philosophical language, the Kingdom of God on earth, the
state is the field upon which eternal truth and justice is or should be realized. And from this
follows a superstitiousreverencefor the state and for everything connected with the
state—a superstitious reverence which takes root all the more easily since people are accustomed
from childhood to imagine that the affairs and interests common to the whole of society
cannot be carried out and safeguarded otherwise than in the old way, namely, through the agency
of the state and its lucratively rewarded officials.
People imagine they are taking a quite extraor dinarily bold step forward when they rid them
selves of belief in hereditary monarchy and become supporters of the democratic republic.
In reality, however, the state

LENINIST COLLECTION
DOWN WITH ALL
"state rags" (rubbish)
(junk)
\\
nichts als eine Maschine zur Unterdrückung einer Klasse durch eine and re, und zwar in
der demokratischen Bepublik nicht minder als in der Monarchie; und im besten Fall ein Uebel,
das dem im Kampf um die Klassenherrschaft siegreichen Proletariat vererbt wird, und dessen
schlimmste
Seitcn es, ebensowenig wie die
Kommune, umhin konnen wird, sofort mög- l i c h s t z u b esc h n e i d e n , bis ein in neuen,
freien Gesellschaftszustanden herangewachsenes
Geschlecht im Stande sein wird, den g a n z e n
S t a a t s p l u n d e r v o n s i ch a b z u t u n.» (13).
i !
«Der deutsche Philister ist neuerdings wie- der in heilsamen Schrecken geraten bei dem
Wort: Diktatur des Proletariats. Nun gut, ihr
Herren, wollt ihr wissen, wie diese Diktatur aussieht? Seht cuch die Pariser Kommune an.
Das war die Diktatur des Proletariats.» (S. 14).
((End of preface]. Date: 20th anniversary of the Paris Commune' 18.III.
1891.))
;
It cannot be denied that Engels here and in the letter of 18/28.III.1875 sets forth the most important
j I thoughts on the dictatorship of the proletariat and on the form
(or rather: on the necessity of a new Form)
; ! of that state power that the proletariat will conquer more popularly than Marx. In order
to conquer and hold state power, the prole tariat must not take the old ready-made state
machine into its hands, transfer it from old hands to new, but
smash the old one and "create" ("neue ge- schichtliche Schöpfung" "new historical
|| creativity" || see here
page
29)* a new one.
See the present collection, pp. 301-303. Ed.
NB:
"all this state junk | thrown out":)

ENGELS' PREFACE TO MARX'S "THE CIVIL WAR IN FRANCE" is nothing but a machine for the oppression
of one class by another, and indeed in the democratic republic no less so than in the
monarchy. And at best it is an evil inherited by the proletariat after its victorious struggle
for class supremacy, whose worst sides the victorious proletariat, just like the
Commune, cannot avoid immediately chopping off as much as possible, until a generation
brought up in new and free social conditions will be able to throw the whole
state lumber overboard." (13) [424] "Of late, the German philistine
has once again begun to experience wholesome terror at the words:
dictatorship of the proletariat.
Well then, gentlemen, do you want to know what this dictatorship is like?
Look at the Paris
Commune. That was the dictatorship of the prole tariat." (p. 14).
((End of preface. Date: 20th anniversary of the Paris Commune 18.III.1891.)
It cannot be denied that Engels both here and in the letter of 18/28.III.1875 sets forth the most important thoughts
on the dictatorship of the proletariat and on the form (or,
more correctly, on the necessity of a new Form) of that
state power which the proletariat will conquer more popularly than Marx. In order to conquer and
hold state power, the prole tariat must not take the old ready-made
state machine into its hands, transfer it from old hands to new, but smash the old
one and "create" ("new historical || creativity" ||: see here p. 29)* a new one.
((DOWN WITH all "state rags" (junk)
(tatters)
NB:
"all this state junk thrown out"
* See the present collection, pp. 302-304. Ed.