Date: 1917-01
Source: ru:LS/v14; DeepSeek-v4-pro MT

* ENGELS: CRITIQUE OF THE DRAFT ERFURT PROGRAMME.
E n g e l s  i n  1 8 9 1  says (Zur Kri-
tik des s[ozial]d[emokratischen] Programment-
wurfes 1891, N [eue] Z [eit], XX, 1, 1901 — 2,
Seite 5 ff. E[ngel]s' l[ette]r to Kau[tsky] on sending this critique is dated] 29. VI.
1891).
"Die politischen Forderungen des Entwur-
fes haben einen grossen Fehler. Das, was eigent-
lich gesagt werden sollte, steht nicht drin" (Engels' italics) (S. 9).
And E[ngels] explains th[at] the Ger[man] constitution is an "Abklatsch" of the constitution of 1850, th[at] the Reichstag is (as L[iebkne]cht said) "das Feigenblatt des Absolutismus" (S. 10).
... "Auf Grundlage dieser Verfassung und
der von ihr sanktionierten Kleinstaaterei, auf
Grundlage eines Bundes zwischen Preussen, Reuss
Greiz Schleiz Lobenstein, wovon das eine soviel
Quadratmeilen hat als das andre Quadratzoll,
auf solcher Grundlage die 'Umwandlung aller
Arbeitsmittel in Gemeineigentum' durchführen
zu wollen, ist augenscheinlich sinnlos.
This text, enclosed by us in a frame, is written in the manuscript as an additional insertion in the margins. Ed.
E n g e l s :  C r i t i q u e  o f  t h e  D r a f t  E r f u r t  P r o g r a m m e .
E n g e l s  i n  1 8 9 1  says (A Critique of the Draft Programme of the Social-Democratic Party 1891, "Neue Zeit", XX, 1, 1901 — 2,
p. 5 ff. Engels' letter to Kautsky on sending this critique is dated 29. VI. 1891).3
"The political demands of the draft suffer from a major shortcoming. It does not contain (Engels' italics) what actually should have been said" (p. 9). [417]
And Engels explains that the German constitution is a ("carbon copy" of the constitution of 1850), that the Reichstag is (as Liebknecht said) "the fig leaf of absolutism" (p. 10). [417]
..."On the basis of this constitution and the division into petty states sanctioned by it, on the basis of a union between Prussia and some backwater duchy, which has as many square inches as Prussia has square miles, on such a basis to want to carry out the 'transformation of all instruments of labor into common property' is obvious nonsense.
NB:
argument and
((WILL of the people"..
"Daran zu rühren ist aber gefährlich. Und
dennoch muss so oder so die Sache angegriffen
werden. Wie nötig das ist, beweist gerade jetzt
der in einem grossen Teile der s[ozial]d[emokratischen] Presse einreissende Opportunismus.
Aus Furcht vor einer Erneuerung des Sozialistengesetzes, aus der Erinnerung an allerlei
unter der Herrschaft jenes Gesetzes gefallenen
voreiligen Äusserungen soll jetzt auf einmal
der gegenwärtige gesetzliche Zustand in Deutschland der Partei genügen können, alle ihre Forderungen auf friedlichem Wege durchzuführen".
E[ngels] says further th[at] one can still speak of "peaceful" "growing into" ("man kann sich vorstellen)"— this is weaker and more cautious: only to imagine) in such countries as democratic republics, Fr[an]ce, Am[er]ica, in such m[onar]chies as England, "wo die bevorstehende Abkaufung der Dynastie tagtäglich in der Presse besprochen wird und wo diese Dynastie gegen den Volkswillen ohnmächtig ist."...
..."Aber in Deutschland, wo die Regierung
fast allmächtig und der Reichstag u[nd] alle anderen Vertretungskörper ohne wirkliche Macht,
in Deutschland so etwas proklamieren u[nd]
noch dazu ohne Not, heisst das Feigenblatt dem
Absolutismus abnehmen und sich selbst vor die
Blösse binden.
( ( A B S T R A C T
O N  T H E  1 - S T
P L A N ,  C O N -
C R E T E
O B S C U R E D ! ! ) )
Nota bene!
splendid!
the main point captured!
NB
"To touch on this topic is dangerous. But the matter, nevertheless, must be advanced one way or another. How necessary this is, is shown precisely now by the opportunism spreading in a large part of the social-democratic press. Out of fear of a renewal of the Anti-Socialist Law, or recalling certain premature statements made under the rule of that law, they now want the party to recognize the present legal order in Germany as sufficient for the peaceful implementation of all its demands."
Engels says further that one can still speak of "peaceful" "growing into" ("one can imagine"— this is weaker and more cautious: only to imagine) in such countries as democratic republics, France, America, in such monarchies as England, "where the impending buying-off of the dynasty is discussed daily in the press, and where this dynasty is powerless against the people's will."...
..."But in Germany, where the government is almost all-powerful, and the Reichstag and all other representative institutions have no real power, — in Germany to proclaim something like this, and moreover without any necessity, means removing the fig leaf from absolutism and binding it before one's own nakedness.
"Such a policy can only, in the long run, lead the party astray. General, abstract political questions are pushed to the forefront and thereby the immediate concrete questions are covered up, questions which, at the first major events, at the first political crisis, place themselves on the agenda. What can come of this, except that the party suddenly, at the
NB:
argument and
"will of the people"..
((A B S T R A C T
O N  T H E  1 - S T
P L A N ,  C O N -
C R E T E
O B S C U R E D ! !))
Nota bene!
splendid!
the main point captured!
NB
"Eine solche Politik kann nur die eigene
Partei auf die Dauer irreführen. Man schickt
allgemeine, abstrakte politische Fragen in den
Vordergrund u[nd] verdeckt dadurch die nächsten konkreten Fragen, die Fragen, die bei
den ersten grossen Ereignissen, bei der ersten
politischen Krise sich selbst auf die Tagesordnung setzen. Was kann dabei herauskommen,
als dass die Partei plötzlich im entscheidenden
Moment ratlos ist, dass über die entscheidendsten
Punkte Unklarheit u[nd] Uneinigkeit
herrscht, weil diese Punkte n i e  d i s k u t i e r t
worden sind." (S. 10)...
"Dies (S. 11) Vergessen der grossen Hauptgesichtspunkte über den augenblicklichen Interessen des Tages, dies Ringen u[nd] Trachten
nach dem Augenblickserfolg ohne Rücksicht auf
die späteren Folgen, dies Preisgeben der Zukunft der Bewegung um der Gegenwart der Bewegung willen mag
"ehrlich" gemeint sein,
aber O p p o r t u n i s m u s  ist und b l e i b t  es,
und der "ehrliche" Opportunismus ist v i e l l e i c h t
der g e f ä h r l i c h s t e  v o n  a l l e n.*
Welches sind nun diese kitzlichen, aber sehr
wesentlichen Punkte?
"Erstens. Wenn etwas feststeht, so ist es
dies, dass unsere Partei und die Arbeiterklasse
nur zur Herrschaft kommen kann unter der
Form der demokratischen Republik. Diese ist
sogar die spezifische Form für die Diktatur des
Proletariats, wie schon die grosse französische
Revolution gezeigt hat"....**
... "Nun scheint es gesetzlich nicht anzugehen, dass man die Forderung der Republik direkt ins Programm setzt, obwohl das sogar unter Louis Philippe in Frankreich ebenso zulässig war wie jetzt in Italien. Aber das Faktum,
dass man nicht einmal ein offen republikanisches Parteiprogramm in Deutschland aufstellen darf,
beweist, wie kolossal die Illusion ist, als könne
man dort auf gemütlich friedlichem Wege die
Republik einrichten u[nd] nicht nur die Republik, sondern die kommunistische Gesellschaft.
*
Starting from the words "der ehrliche Opportunismus" underlined in pencil; the marginal note is also written in pencil. Ed.
** The last sentence is written in larger handwriting. Ed.
"honest"!
opp[ortun]ism
most dangerous
of all
decisive moment, finds itself helpless, that on the decisive questions there reigns within it lack of clarity and lack of unity, because these questions have n e v e r  b e e n  d i s c u s s e d." (10)... [417 — 8]
"This forgetting of the great, fundamental considerations for the sake of the momentary interests of the day, this striving and struggling for momentary successes without regard for the later consequences, this sacrifice of the future of the movement for the sake of the present of the movement may be 'honestly' meant. But it is and r e m a i n s  o p p o r t u n i s m, and 'honest' opportunism is p e r h a p s  t h e  m o s t  d a n g e r o u s  o f  a l l. What then are these ticklish, but very essential questions?
NB
"honest"!
opp[ortun]ism
most dangerous
of all
"Firstly. If anything is beyond doubt, it is that our party and the working class can only come to power under the political form of the democratic republic. This latter is even the specific form for the dictatorship of the proletariat, as the great French Revolution has already shown".... [418]
..."The direct inclusion of the demand for a republic in the programme seems impossible, in view of its illegality, although this was considered possible even under Louis Philippe in France and is considered possible now in Italy. But the very fact that in Germany one does not even dare to openly put forward the demand for a republic in the party programme proves how colossal is the illusion that in this country it is possible to establish a republic by peaceful means, and not only a republic, but also communist society.
NB
"for the time being"
"if"
NB
"Indess kann man an der Republik sich allenfalls vorbeidrücken. Was aber nach meiner Ansicht hinein sollte u[nd] hinein kann, das ist die
Forderung der Konzentration aller politischen
Macht in den Händen der Volksvertretung. Und
das würde einstweilen genügen, wenn man nicht
weiter gehen kann.
"Zweitens.
Die
Rekonstitution
Deutschlands"—  Namely (a) abolition of Kleinstaaterei, (b) "Preussen muss aufhören zu existieren,
muss in selbstverwaltende Provinzen aufgelöst
werden, damit das spezifische Preussentum aufhört, auf Deutschland zu lasten."
again!!
NB
N B #
"4 nations"
in England
NB
..."Was soll an die Stelle treten? Nach meiner Ansicht kann das Proletariat nur die Form
der einen u[nd] unteilbaren Republik gebrauchen.
Die Föderativrepublik ist auf dem Riesengebiet
der V[ereinigten] Staaten jetzt noch im Ganzen
eine Notwendigkeit, obgleich sie im Osten bereits ein Hinderniss wird. Sie wäre ein Fortschritt in England, wo vier Nationen auf den
beiden Inseln * wohnen und trotz eines Parlaments schon jetzt dreierlei Gesetzsysteme nebeneinander bestehen. Sie ist in der kleinen Schweiz
schon längst ein Hinderniss geworden, erträglich
nur, weil die Schweiz sich damit begnügt, ein
rein passives Glied des europäischen Staatensystems zu sein. Für Deutschland wäre die föderalistische Verschweizerung ein enormer Rückschritt. Zwei Punkte unterscheiden den Bundesstaat vom Einheitsstaat, dass jeder verbündete Einzelstaat, jeder Kanton seine eigene Zivil u[nd] Kriminalgesetzgebung u[nd] Gerichtsverfassung hat,
*
The beginning of the sentence up to the word "losein" is written in larger handwriting. Ed.
"However, the question of the republic can be somehow circumvented. But what, in my opinion, should and can be included in the programme, is the demand for the concentration of all political power in the hands of the people's representation. And this would suffice for the time being, if one cannot go further.
"Secondly. The reconstitution of Germany".... Namely (a) abolition of the division into petty states, (b) "Prussia must cease to exist, it must be dissolved into self-governing provinces, so that specific Prussianism ceases to weigh upon Germany".
..."What should take its place? In my opinion, the proletariat can only use the form of the one and indivisible republic. The federal republic is still, on the whole, a necessity on the gigantic territory of the United States, although in its East it is already becoming a hindrance. It would be a step forward in England, where four nations live on the two islands, and, despite the unity of parliament, three systems of legislation exist side by side. It has long since become a hindrance in little Switzerland, and if the federal republic can still be tolerated there, it is only because Switzerland is content with the role of a purely passive member of the European state system. For Germany, its federalist Swissification would be an enormous step backward. Two points distinguish the federal state from the completely unitary state, namely, that each individual state entering the union, each canton has its own special civil and criminal legislation, its own
"for the time being"
"if"
NB
again!!!
NB
N B #
"4 nations"
in England
NB
und dann, dass neben dem Volkshaus ein Staatenhaus besteht, worin jeder Kanton, gross
oder klein, als solcher stimmt." (S. 11). Our Bundesstaat =  transition to Einheitsstaat. And "die Revolution von Oben" (S. 11) of 1866 and 1870 we must not turn back ("rückgängig machen"), but "supplement" with "einer Bewegung von Unten".*
This is especially N B: In England (1891) 4 nations, and t h e r e f o r e  a Fed[eral] Rep[ublic] would be pr[o]g[ress]!!
NB
|
"Also einheitliche Republik. Aber nicht im
Sinne der heutigen französischen, die weiter
nichts ist, als das 1798 begründete Kaiserreich
ohne den Kaiser. Von 1792 bis 1798 besass
jedes französische Departement, jede Gemeinde
vollständige Selbstverwaltung nach amerikanischem Muster, und das müssen wir auch haben.
Wie die Selbstverwaltung einzurichten ist und
wie man ohne Bureaukratie fertig werden kann,
das bewies uns Amerika u[nd] die erste fr[an]z[ö]s[i]sche Republik, u[nd] noch heute Australien, Kanada u[nd] die anderen englischen Kolonien. Und eine solche provinzielle u[nd] gemeindliche Selbstverwaltung ist weit freier als
z[um] B[eispiel] der schweizer Föderalismus, wo
der Kanton zwar sehr unabhängig ist gegenüber
dem Bund, aber auch gegenüber dem Bezirk
u[nd] der Gemeinde. Die Kantonalregierungen
ernennen Bezirksstatthalter u[nd] Präfekten, wovon
man
in den Ländern englischer Zunge
nichts weiss u[nd] die wir uns ebenso höflichst
German text of Engels: "Und wir haben nicht die 1866 und 1870
gemachte Revolution von Oben wieder rückgängig zu machen, sondern ihr
die nötige Ergänzung und Verbesserung zu geben durch eine Bewegung
von Unten". Ed.
special court system, and then, that alongside the people's house there exists a house of states, and in it each canton votes as such, regardless of whether it is large or small." (p. 11) [418 — 9]* Our federal state =  transition to a unitary state. And "the revolution from above" of 1866 and 1870 we must not turn back, but "supplement" with "a movement from below".
This is especially N B: In England (1891) 4 na-
|
tions, and t h e r e f o r e  a Federal Republic
would be progress!!
NB
"So, a unitary republic. But not in the sense of the present French republic, which is nothing more than the empire founded in 1798 without the emperor. From 1792 to 1798, every French department, every commune possessed full self-government on the American model, and this we must have too. How self-government should be organized and how one can manage without bureaucracy, America and the first French republic showed and proved to us, and now Australia, Canada, and the other English colonies still show. And such provincial (regional) and communal self-government is a far freer institution than, for example, Swiss federalism, where, it is true, the canton is very independent in relation to the Bund, but is also independent in relation to the district (Bezirk) and [in relation to] the commune. The cantonal governments appoint district governors (Statthalter) and prefects, which is completely unknown in the countries of the English tongue and which we in the future
* — i.e., to the federal state as a whole
I
"hint"
NB 'I
in Zukunft verbeten haben wollen, wie die preussischen Landräte u[nd] Regierungsräte.
"Von allen diesen Sachen wird nicht viel
ins Programm kommen dürfen. Ich erwähne sie
auch hauptsächlich, um die Zustände in Deutschland zu kennzeichnen, wo so etwas zu sagen
nicht angeht, und damit gleichzeitig die Selbsttäuschung, die solche Zustände auf gesetzlichem
Wege in die kommunistische Gesellschaft überführen will. Und ferner, um dem Parteivorstand
in Erinnerung zu bringen, dass es noch andere
politische Fragen von Wichtigkeit giebt, als die
direkte Gesetzgebung durch das Volk u[nd] die
unentgeltliche Rechtspflege, ohne die wir am
Ende auch vorankommen. Bei der allgemeinen
Unsicherheit können diese Fragen von heute
auf morgen brennen werden und was dann, wenn
wir sie nicht diskutiert, uns nicht darüber verständigt haben?
"Was aber ins Programm kommen kann
u[nd] was wenigstens indirekt als Andeutung
des nicht Sagbaren dienen kann, ist die Forderung:
"«Vollständige Selbstverwaltung in Provinz,
Kreis u[nd] Gemeinde durch nach allgemeinem
Stimmrecht gewählte Beamte. Abschaffung aller
von Staatswegen ernannten Lokal- und Provinzialbehörden.»
"Ob es sonst noch möglich ist, in Bezug
auf die soeben diskutierten Punkte Programmforderungen zu formulieren, kann ich hier nicht
so gut beurteilen als Ihr dort. Aber wünschenswert wäre es, dass diese Fragen
innerhalb
der Partei debattiert würden, ehe es zu spät ist."
(S. 12)
must just as resolutely forbid as the Prussian Landräte and Regierungsräte. * [419 — 420]
"Of all these things, not much may be allowed into the programme. I mention them mainly to characterize the conditions in Germany, where it is not permissible to speak of such things, and at the same time to point out the self-deception which expresses itself in the desire to pass from such conditions to communist society by legal means. Furthermore, I also wanted to remind the Central Committee of the party that there are still other important political questions besides direct legislation by the people and free legal services, without which we, in the end, can also manage. Given the general instability, these questions can become very burning from one minute to the next; and what then, if we have not discussed them beforehand and come to an understanding among ourselves?
"But what can be included in the programme and what can, at least indirectly, serve as a hint of what cannot be said, is the demand:
"«Complete self-government in the province, district, and commune through officials elected by universal suffrage. Abolition of all local and provincial authorities appointed by the state.»
"Perhaps something else from the points just discussed could also be formulated as programme demands; you there on the spot can judge this better than I can here. But in any case, it is desirable that the party discuss these questions while there is still time." (p. 12).
*
— i.e., commissars, police chiefs, governors, generally officials appointed from above.
—j— ibid[em] E[ngel]s simply writes: "5.
Vollständige Trennung von Kirche u[nd] Staat.
Alle religiösen Gemeinschaften ohne Ausnahme
werden vom Staate als Privatgenossenschaften
NB
behandelt. Sie verlieren jede Unterstützung aus
öffentlichen Mitteln u[nd] jeden Einfluss auf die
öffentlichen Schulen." And that's it!! N B: instead of
III
"declaring] rel[igion] a pr[ivate] matter"??
[See p. 32, bottom, here.] *
Thus, Engels in 1891 (29.VI.1891), discussing the political] prog[ram]me of S[ocial]-D[emocra]cy,
(1) directly fights o p p o r t u n i s m, speaking of its growth in the party, defining it as "forgetting the large, great, main (relations) 'points of view'".
(2) repeats the definition "dictatorship of the proletariat".
(3) insists on the republic (as the "specific form for the dictatorship of the proletariat").
(4) insists on the abolition of all officials appointed by the state in local self-government.
(5) against the illusion of a purely peaceful, purely legal path.
The picture is clear!
Theoretically esp[ecially] NB the combination of the dictatorship of the proletariat with the fullest local self-government.
The bourgeoisie took over from the feudal] -\-abs[olutist] m[onar]chy the "bureaucratic-military" state machine and developed it. Opp[ortun]ists (esp[ecially] 1914 — 17) grew into it (imperialism, as the epoch
* See this miscellany, p. 318. Ed.
-{- ibid[em] Engels simply writes: "5.
Complete separation of church and state. All religious communities without exception are treated by the state as private associations.
NB
They lose all support from state funds and all influence on state schools." And that's it!! N B: instead of
"declaring religion a private matter"?? [See p. 32] bottom, here.] *
Thus, Engels in 1891 (29.VI.1891), discussing the political programme of social-democracy,
(1) directly fights o p p o r t u n i s m, speaking of its growth in the party, defining it as "forgetting the large, great, main (relations) 'points of view'".
(2) repeats the definition "dictatorship of the proletariat".
(3) insists on the republic (as the "specific form for the dictatorship of the proletariat").
(4) insists on the abolition of all officials appointed by the state in local self-government.
(5) against the illusion of a purely peaceful, purely legal path.
The picture is clear!
Theoretically especially NB the combination of the dictatorship of the proletariat with the fullest local self-government.
The bourgeoisie took over from the feudal -\-absolutist monarchy the "bureaucratic-military" state machine and developed it. Opportunists (especially 1914 — 17) grew into it (imperialism, as the epoch
* See this miscellany, p. 319. Ed.
Summary:
approximately:
in the advanced countries, generally enormously strengthened it). The task of the proletarian revolution: "Zerbrechen", to smash this machine, to replace it with the fullest self-government below, locally, and the direct power of the armed proletariat, its dictatorship, above.
How to unite, connect the communes? By nothing, say the an[ar]ch[i]sts (a). By bureaucracy and a military caste, says (and does) the bourgeoisie (ß). By the union, the organization of armed workers ("Soviets of Workers' Deputies"!), says Marxism (γ).
(α) =  "abolition" of the state; (ß) = perpetuation (more precisely: defense) * of the state; (γ) = revolutionary use of the state (dictatorship of the proletariat; smash the old machine; suppress the resistance of the bourgeoisie; unite and connect fully democratic communes by the armed, centralized proletariat) for the transition to the abolition of classes, to communism, leading to the withering away of the state.
Ad (α) — apoliticism; ad (γ) — participation in the political struggle f o r  the preparation for the revolutionary use of the state.
Bernstein in his "V[o]r[au]s[se]tz[un]gen", S. 24, esp[ecially] emphasizes Engels' answer to the "young ones" of 13. IX. 1890 (in "S[ozial]-D[emokrat]"), conveying this answer as follows]: "Engels erklärte die Bewegung der Jungen für eine blosse 'Literaten- u[nd] Studentenrevolte', warf ihr 'krampfhaft verzerrten Marxismus' vor u[nd] erklärte,
was von dieser Seite der Fraktion vorgeworfen werde, laufe im besten Falle auf
|
In the manuscript, the words enclosed by us in parentheses: "more precisely: defense" are written above the word "perpetuation", without parentheses. Ed.
in the advanced countries, generally enormously strengthened it). The task of the proletarian revolution: "to smash", to break this machine, to replace it with the fullest self-government below, locally, and the direct power of the armed proletariat, its dictatorship, above.
How to unite, connect the communes? By nothing, say the anarchists (α). By bureaucracy and a military caste, says (and does) the bourgeoisie (ß). By the union, the organization of armed workers ("Soviets of Workers' Deputies"!), says Marxism (γ).
(α) =  "abolition" of the state; (ß) = perpetuation (more precisely: defense) of the state; (γ) = revolutionary use of the state (dictatorship of the proletariat; smash the old machine; suppress the resistance of the bourgeoisie; unite and connect fully democratic communes by the armed, centralized proletariat) for the transition to the abolition of classes, to communism, leading to the withering away of the state.
Ad (α) — apoliticism; ad (γ) — participation in the political struggle f o r  the preparation for the revolutionary use of the state.
Bernstein in his "Presuppositions", p. 24, especially emphasizes Engels' answer to the "young ones" of 13. IX. 1890 (in "Sozial-Demokrat"), 4 conveying this answer as follows: "Engels called the movement of the young ones simply a 'revolt of literati and students', accusing them of having a 'convulsively distorted Marxism', and declared that their reproaches and accusations against the fraction amounted, at best, to mere trifles; let the
Summary:
approximately:
Sic!
("trap")
remarkable!
Lappalien hinaus; möge die 'Sächs[ische] Arb[eiter]z[eitun]g' auf eine Überwindung
der erfolgssüchtigen parlamentarischen Richtung in der S[ozial]d[emokra]tie durch den
gesunden Sinn der deutschen Arbeiter hoffen, so lange sie wolle, er, Engels, hoffe
nicht mit, ihm sei von einer solchen Mehrheit in der Partei nichts bekannt." (Thus Bernstein recounts, comparing with E[ngel]s' remarks of 1887 in the preface] to "Z[ur] W[ohnungs]fr[age]". N B)
note among other things, th[at] in the Critique of the draft Erf[urt] Prog[ram]me E[ngels] also wrote on the question of parity chambers*.
... "wäre zu bemerken, dass wir mit Arbeitskammern von halb Arbeitern u[nd] halb Unternehmern geleimt wären. Auf Jahre hinaus werden da die Majoritäten stets auf Seiten der Unternehmer sein, wozu ein schwarzes Schaf unter den Arbeitern genügt. Wird nicht ausgemacht, dass in Streitfällen beide Hälften separat (Engels' italics) Meinung abgeben, wäre es viel besser, eine Unternehmerkammer u[nd] daneben eine unabhängige Arbeiterkammer zu haben". (S. 13). (Engels' italics).
NB:
Engels
on trusts:
In the same Critique of the draft] Erfurt] Prog[ram]me E[ngel]s, regarding the word "Planlosigkeit", wrote: "Und wenn wir von den Aktienges[ellscha]ften übergehen zu den Trusts, die ganze Industriezweige beherrschen u[nd] monopolisieren, so hört da nicht nur die Privatproduktion auf, sondern auch die Planlosigkeit." (S. 8)
*
This quotation from "Voraussetzungen" by Bernstein, highlighted with a frame, is written in the margins in the manuscript. Ed.
'Sächsische Arbeiterzeitung' hope, as long as it likes, that the healthy sense of the German workers will overcome the success-seeking parliamentary tendency in social-democracy; he, Engels, does not share this hope, he knows nothing of such a majority in the party." (Thus Bernstein recounts, comparing with Engels' remarks of 1887 in the preface to "The Housing Question". N B)
note among other things, that in the Critique of the draft Erfurt Programme Engels also wrote on the question of parity chambers:
... "it should be noted that we would be taken in by labour chambers composed half of workers and half of entrepreneurs. For years to come, the majorities there will always be on the side of the entrepreneurs, for which one black sheep among the workers suffices. If it is not agreed that in case of disputes both halves give their opinion separately (Engels' italics), it would be much better to have an entrepreneurs' chamber and, alongside it, an independent workers' chamber" (p. 13). (Engels' italics).
In the same Critique of the draft Erfurt
|
Programme Engels, regarding the word
|
"Planlosigkeit", wrote:
|
"If we pass from joint-stock companies
|
to trusts, which dominate and monopolize
|
whole branches of industry, then not only
|
private production ceases, but also planlessness." (p. 8) [416.]
So!
("trap")
remarkable!
Engels
N B: on trusts: |
22 M[ar]x in 1852 — task: "smash" the bureaucratic-military machine. —
M[ar]x in 1871 — significance] of the Par[is] Com[mune]: attempt t o  s m a s h  the bur[eaucratic]-mil[itary] machine. —
Engels] (-\- M[arx]) in 1875 the strongest "against" the state (here p. 13).—*
M[ar]x and E[ngels] from 1872 to 1891 — "dictatorship of the proletariat". —
Find and check,
did M[arx] and E[ngels] before 1871 speak of the "dictatorship of the proletariat"? It seems, no!**
|
E[ngels] in 1891 — dictatorship of the proletariat -f- abolition of state officials in local self-government. —
in the same year preface] to "Civil War" with a special indication of the danger of the "superstitious faith in the state" reigning in Germany (see here p. !) 1 — about
***
In the C o m m u n i s t  M a n i f e s t o (1847) only "proletarian revolution", "communist revolution", "violent Umsturz aller bisherigen Gesellschaftsordnung"... "die Erhebung des Proletariats zur herrschenden Klasse, die Erkämpfung der Demokratie" =  first step (end of ch[apter] II) **** ( =  first formulation!!))/
*****
* See this miscellany, p. 250. Ed.
In the manuscript, the words "it seems, no!" are written above the words: "before 1871". Ed.
*** See this miscellany, pp. 324 — 326. Ed.
In the manuscript, the words: "end of ch[apter] II" are written without parentheses above the word: "Demokratie". Ed.
***** The paragraph enclosed by us between lines is written on the left side of the manuscript page, alongside the three preceding paragraphs. Ed.
Summary: Marx in 1852 — task: "smash" the bureaucratic-military machine.—
Marx in 1871 — significance of the Paris Commune: attempt t o  s m a s h  the bureaucratic-military machine.—
Engels (-\- Marx) in 1875 the strongest "against" the state (here p. 13).*
Marx and Engels from 1872 to 1891 — "dictatorship of the proletariat".—
Find and check,
did Marx and Engels before 1871 speak of the "dictatorship of the proletariat"? It seems, no!'
|
Engels in 1891 — dictatorship of the proletariat -f- abolition of state officials in local self-government. —
~  ~  ~  in the same year preface to "Civil War" with a special indication of the danger of the "superstitious faith in the state" reigning in Germany (see here pp. 34 — 35).**
In the C o m m u n i s t  M a n i f e s t o (1847) only "proletarian revolution", "communist revolution", "violent overthrow of all existing social order"... "the raising of the proletariat to the position of ruling class, the conquest of democracy" =  first step (end of chapter II ( =  first formulation!!).
* See this miscellany, p. 251. Ed.
* Same, pp. 325 — 327. Ed.