«K L A S S E N K A M P F  G E G E N  D E N  K R I E G !
M A T E R I A L  Z U M
« F A L L
L I E B K N E C H T »)
NB
K l a s s e n k a m p f  g e g e n  d e n  K r i e g !
M a t e r i a l  z u m « F a l l
L i e b k n e c h t ».
(Pages 88) ((«Printed as Manuscript»!))
M o t t o:
«The German socialists denounced above all the faults
of
German
diplomacy; the French socialists denounced above all
the faults of French diplomacy.
When this spirit prevails in international relations, peace and
right will be assured».
Jaures, l’Humanite (April 1905).
P. 3: On July 12, 1914, there was a demonstration
for peace in France in "Conde sur l'Escaut" on the Belgian border. L[ieb-
kne]cht also spoke.— I cannot forget this — wrote
L[iebkne]cht.
July 23, 1914 — Austria's ultimatum
to Serbia. Quote from
V/V rw[arts] and other
newspapers from July 24 and 25 — condemnation of Austria and G[e]rm[any]. Appeal from Vorstand (July 25, 1914) — P. 7 — also...
July 31, 1914 and (August 1) "volliger Um-
schwung in eincr grossen Zahl dcr Partciz)ei]t[un]- gen" (P. 9) — quote "we will fulfill our
duty" (P. 9: many newspapers).

“CLASS STRUGGLE AGAINST WAR!”

p. 10:
“In this connection we must recall two facts: words spoken in 1913 by the War Minister at the sessions of the Reichstag Budget Commission: Social Democratic anti-militarism does not frighten him; under the slogan ‘against Tsarism’ the whole of Social Democracy will come out. And the remark of one highly placed German state official after the outbreak of the war: ‘Wasn’t it true, our password against Tsarism worked splendidly after all?’”

The German “White Book” is silent about the negotiations between Vienna and Berlin before the ultimatum to Serbia, and this is the most important thing (p. 12).

p. 13: Giolitti’s speech of 5 December 1914 proved that Austria already in August 1913 wanted war. Telegram from di San Giuliano (Foreign Minister) to Giolitti of 9 August 1913, that Austria wants to attack Serbia (quoted from the “Berner Tagwacht” of 7 December 1914).

p. 14: “And already on 1 August it became known from the bourgeois press that on 4 August Social Democracy would probably vote for the credits” ... On 3 August the Fraction meeting... “On this occasion the collapse of the so-called radical wing of the Fraction was revealed. Three comrades — Ledebour, Lensch, Liebknecht — with the greatest haste, as only minutes were at their disposal, drew up a concise draft declaration for submission to the Fraction, which ended with the demand for rejection of the credits.”

The first to speak was David, for voting in favour (against Tsarism, Bebel’s words) — p. 15.

“Among other things, it stated there: ‘We cannot oppose the mood of the people. If we reject the credits, our organisations will be destroyed, whereas voting “Ja” will enormously strengthen the position of Social Democracy’...” (p. 15).

... “Kautsky, who raised the question of organising emergency credits, proposed: to demand from the government an assurance that it did not want any conquests and, if the assurance were given, to approve, if refused, to reject; the proposal met with general rejection” (p. 15).

... “The majority listened to the representatives of the minority only with impatience and unease. A motion to close the debate put a rather early end to the very excited debate” (p. 15). ((4 votes against; 78 for.))

Scoundrels!!

“The motion to stand up (with others) at the cheer for ‘Emperor, People and Fatherland’ was contested, but was nevertheless adopted by a large majority, with reference to the concession contained in the mention of people and fatherland” (p. 15).

“It was... reported that the government desired a weakening of the passage of the declaration directed against conquests, because the threatening danger of English intervention could be sharpened by this passage. The government’s wish was complied with” (p. 16).

At the end of August Liebknecht proposed to the Vorstand (Berlin) to organise meetings against annexations and for peace. “The meetings were rejected because it was feared that comrades might speak in them in favour of annexations” (17).

“Documents”... Letter from Liebknecht of 3. IX. 1914 in the “Bremer Bürgerzeitung”, that the vote on the credits went against the opposition, amidst “unprecedentedly heated debates” (17)...

Letter from Liebknecht, Clara Zetkin, Rosa Luxemburg and Franz Mehring

The vote on credits went against the opposition, amidst "unheard-of heated debates" (17)...
Kautsky!!
NB
boorish!! »
negotiations
with the
government
?)
Letter
from Liebknecht,
Clara Zetkin,
Rosa Luxemburg and Franz Mehring of 10 Sep-
LENIN COLLECTION
for defence 1 1
of 10. IX. 1914, in many newspapers, about their
disagreement with Südekum and Richard Fischer
(p. 18).
Letter from Liebknecht of 26. IX. 1914
(in many
newspapers)
...that the minority of the Reichstag faction: "I need not tell you that it (the minority)
has by no means negated the right to national self-defence" (p. 18). ..."Even from the most extreme national standpoint, our faction has made a monstrous mistake and taken upon itself the heaviest responsibility" (p. 19), because it allegedly increased the zeal for war among the enemies...
Resolution of "the district executive" "of district N N" (29. IX. 1914) — demand from the Party Executive for a declaration against annexations and for peace.
Reply of the Executive (of 5. X. 1914) — there was "no need" for such a resolution, because the Party Executive is acting ("as far as possible") precisely in that way. Resolution of the "extended conference of the chairmen of the local associations of district NN" (of 11. X. 1914) joins the resolution of 29. IX. 1914 and regrets the behaviour of the Party Executive in the matter of the ban on "Vorwärts" (p. 20).
Reply of the Party Executive (of 15. X. 1914) — we are doing everything, you are poorly informed (p. 21).
+
<see next
page>
m!
On 2. X. 1914 Liebknecht was invited to a meeting of the Party Executive. Exchange of letters: Liebknecht to the Party Executive (of 2. X. 1914), that I had the right to speak both in Belgium and in Stuttgart, etc.
..."I emphasised that a reconstruction of the International, in my deep conviction, is only possible from the standpoint of a conception

"CLASS STRUGGLE AGAINST WAR!"
159
of 10 September 1914, in many newspapers, about their disagreement with Südekum and Richard Fischer (p. 18).
Letter from Liebknecht of 26 September 1914 (in many newspapers)... that the minority of the Reichstag faction: "I need not tell you that it (the minority) has by no means negated the right to national self-defence" (p. 18).
..."Even from the most extreme national standpoint, our faction has made a monstrous mistake and taken upon itself the heaviest responsibility" (p. 19), because it allegedly increased the zeal for war among the enemies...
Resolution of "the district executive" "of district N N" (29 September 1914) — demand from the Party Executive for a declaration against annexations and for peace.
Reply of the Executive (of 5 October 1914) — there was "no need" for such a resolution, because the Party Executive is acting ("as far as possible") precisely in that way. Resolution of the "extended conference of the chairmen of the local associations of district NN" (of 11 October 1914) joins the resolution of 29 September 1914 and regrets the behaviour of the Party Executive in the matter of the ban on "Vorwärts" (p. 20).
Reply of the Party Executive (of 15 October 1914) — we are doing everything, you are poorly informed (p. 21).
On 2 October 1914 Liebknecht was invited to a meeting of the Party Executive. Exchange of letters: Liebknecht to the Party Executive (of 2 October 1914), that I had the right to speak both in Belgium and in Stuttgart, etc.
..."I emphasised that the reconstruction of the International, in my deep conviction, is possible only on the basis of such a
"revive"
the party
III
IV
NB
conception which rejects the standpoint of the faction majority; — nota bene: the construction of an International which is not to be given over to childish ridicule" (p. 22)...
Reply of the Party Executive of 7. X. 1914 condemning Liebknecht's behaviour in Belgium, Holland, Stuttgart. ..."If you believe yourself called upon to thoroughly regenerate the German Social Democracy, then we must ask you to postpone this activity"... (until the discussion of the question "in full publicity")... (p. 24)
Liebknecht wrote in his letter of 2. X. 1914: ..."I declared that the German party, in my innermost conviction, must be regenerated from the skin to the marrow, if it does not want to forfeit the right to call itself social-democratic, if it wants to regain the respect of the world which it has now thoroughly squandered. I emphasised that the struggle necessary for this will be doubly hard, because it must be waged not only, as before and even more sharply, against the government and the ruling classes, but also against certain official party bodies, against a tendency within the party that has become ever more powerful — against tendencies which have today, to a certain extent, allowed the party to become an officious instrument of the government (chauvinism, the annexation question, the concealment of the class struggle, youth care, etc.)" (pp. 22-23).

J[u&kne]xm to P[artei]v[orstand] of 10. X.
1914.
...."Parteivorstand, whose emissaries abroad
defended, among other things, the German attack on Belgium and acted
in fact almost as heralds of German imperialism; ... Parteivorstand,
under whose eyes the party

"CLASS STRUGGLE AGAINST WAR!"
Germany, which rejects the point of view of the majority of the Fraction; — nota bene: the creation of such an International, which would not become a laughing-stock for children" (p. 22) ...
Reply
of the Party Executive
of 7 October 1914 on the condemnation of Liebknecht's behaviour in Belgium, Holland, Stuttgart.
..."If you consider yourself called upon to fundamentally regenerate German Social Democracy, then we must ask you to postpone this activity" ... (until the question is discussed "with full publicity")... (p. 24)
Liebknecht wrote in a letter of 2 October 1914: ..."I declared that the German party,
in my deepest conviction,
must be regenerated to the very marrow of its bones, if
it does not want to lose the right to call itself
Social Democratic,
if it wants to restore in the eyes of the world its prestige, at the present time thoroughly lost.
I emphasised
that the struggle,
necessary for this,
will be doubly hard,
because
it must be waged not only as before,
and even more sharply, against the government and the ruling classes,
but also against certain
official party bodies, against
the ever-strengthening trend in the party, —
against the trends which today make the party
to a certain extent an official instrument of the government (chauvinism, the annexationist question, the glossing over of the class struggle, the leadership of youth, etc.)"
(pp. 22-23).
Liebknecht
to the Party Executive
of 10 October 1914.
... "The Party Executive, whose emissaries abroad, among other things, defended the German attack on Belgium and acted in fact almost as heralds of German imperialism; ... the Party Executive,
"regenerate"
the party
NB
NB
LENIN COLLECTION
NB
immer tiefer in die masurischen Sümpfe eines seichten Nationalismus und Illusionismus gerät und Position auf Position — bis zur kommandierten — zeitweiligen — öffentlichen Abschwörung des Klassenkampfes ohne nennenswerten Kampf räumt"... (p. 25)
..."Seine (P[artei]v[orstand]s) überopportunistische Politik"... (p. 26)
L[iebkne]cht to P[artei]v[orstand] of 16. X.
1914 ... Südekum in Sweden and Jansson for militarism etc.
P[artei]v[orstand] to L[iebkne]cht of 17. X.
1914... you have, they say, "false assertions"...
Südekum
on
behalf!!
of the ban
(and re-
opening)
of V[o]rw[ärts]
A 1
Nota bene
"Die Internationale wird in ruhigen Zeiten unsere Stellung verstehen, wie wir die Stellung unserer Bruderparteien in den anderen Ländern verstehen".., (p. 29)....
P[artei]v[orstand] to L[iebkne]cht of 28. X.
1914.... "Before Comrade Südekum travelled to Italy on behalf of the party leadership, a detailed discussion took place with him about the task assigned to him"....
L[iebkne]cht to
P[artei]v[orstand]
26.
X.
"Here they have not even made the attempt, so customary under the Anti-Socialist Law, to create replacement newspapers" (p. 31)..
(regarding the banning of
V[o]rw[ärts]) ...
"One immediately began to 'haggle' and, before the cock crowed thrice, capitulated" (p. 31)....
..."Gewiss handelt es sich um einen imperialistischen Krieg, um den imp[erialisti]schen Weltkrieg, der da seit langem kommen sollte und dem wir aus allgemeinen Gründen international alle unsere Kraft entgegenzusetzen gelobt hatten; gerade wir Deutschen hatten aber besonderen Grund, uns ihm entgegenzuwerfen;

countries” ... (p. 29) ...
Party Executive to Liebknecht, 28 October 1914.... “Before Comrade Südekum, on the proposal of the party leadership, travelled to Italy, an exhaustive discussion of the task assigned to him was conducted with him” ....
Liebknecht to the Party Executive, 26 October 1914: “Here not even the attempt was made, customary already during the Anti-Socialist Law, to issue other newspapers in their place” (p. 31)... (regarding the banning of “Vorwärts”) ... “Immediately they began to ‘haggle’ and, before the cock crowed thrice, capitulated” (p. 31)....
...“Of course, it is an imperialist war, that imperialist world war which was long bound to break out and to counteract which we, proceeding from basic principles, solemnly promised on an international scale to devote all our strength. But we Germans in particular had special reason to counteract it; the rapidly burgeoning German imperialism was historically the aggressive one; there is a crude German-Austrian preventive and at the same time war of conquest” (p. 32)..
....“The French vote of 4 August... was already under the impression of the decisions of our Fraction, which, even before their actual adoption, were prophetically trumpeted abroad by the press; by this, of course, I in no way wish to justify it” (p. 33)...
...“A proclamation which clearly expressed the will to end the war, to international solidarity, to the self-determination of peoples and to the struggle against every annexation, would be a salvation, would have a liberating effect on the proletariat of the whole world”... “This policy would, of course, be a different one from the policy of Comrade Bauer, who does not wish to ‘forfeit the present obliging attitude of the government towards him’.... than a policy which still stands deeply under the slogan: ‘Cannons for popular rights’, and much more deserves the epigraph: ‘Through self-mutilation to victory!’” ....
Liebknecht to the Party Executive, 31 October 1914 — repeats the demand for a declaration against annexations.
Sessions of the Fraction, from 29 November to 2 December 1914. ...Stormy scenes... David for the majority...
Liebknecht: ...“The international class struggle against the war was thereby recognised as the only possible policy of the proletariat in the now erupted imperialist war” (37-38)...
Draft Declaration by Liebknecht (for submission on 2 December 1914):
“CLASS STRUGGLE AGAINST THE WAR!”
“It is a question of an imperialist war and indeed especially also on the German side with the aim of conquests on a grand scale.... It is also a question of a Bonapartist undertaking to smash and demoralise the rapidly growing revolutionary workers’ movement.... It is not a German defensive war and not a German war of freedom. It is not a war for a higher ‘culture’ — the greatest European states of equal ‘culture’ fight each other, and precisely because they are states of the same, i.e. capitalist, ‘culture’. Under the deceptive flag of a war of nationalities and races, a war is waged in which the most motley mixture of nationalities and races is mustered in both camps” (38).
Against the war credits it was decided to vote... “A

The letter from Victor Adler, brought for reading, who implored the faction to issue an energetic declaration for peace and against the violation of Belgian neutrality, remained without effect... (40)...

As on 3 August, the draft was communicated to the government and the bourgeois parties. ("Just as the declaration adopted on 3 August was immediately communicated to the bourgeois parties and the government, so too was the one now adopted".... p. 41). The bourgeois parties and the government wanted (on 1 December) to achieve a softening, but then: ... "When on the evening of 1 December the machinations aimed at changing the declaration became known in the faction, 20-30 members of the faction, at the instigation of Haase, assembled and solemnly resolved that, in the event the majority of the faction yielded to the will of the bourgeois parties and the government, they would publicly oppose this and read out in the plenary session of 2 December, as a minority vote of the faction, the declaration drafted on 30 November... This threat sufficed"... (41)...

p. 41: "Reasons for the vote" of Liebknecht (handed to the President of the Reichstag, but not read by him and not included in the stenographic record).

p. 43: Letter from Liebknecht to the Faction Executive of 3. XII. 1914 (party discipline above all, etc.).

p. 44: Condemnation of Liebknecht by the Faction Executive (from *Vorwärts* of 3. XII. 1914).

pp. 44-48. Letters from Franz Mehring, Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht (not Zetkin) in the *Labour Leader*.

48-50. Several resolutions:
Conference of "trusted persons in X." 20. XII. 1914, — "electoral district in Y." 20. I. 1915, — "electoral district in Z." 25. I. 1915
War is imperialist and "Bonapartist" (p. 48), for a democratic peace etc., against voting for credits... condemnation of the violation of Belgian neutrality — "class struggle against war"...

Session of the Reichstag faction 2.-4. II. 1915.
..."Legien demands the expulsion of Liebknecht from the faction" (51)...
..."Edmund Fischer states that he and, as he has learned, probably 20-30 other faction members were resolved on 3 August to vote publicly for the credits in opposition to any possible faction decision to reject them; under these circumstances, any condemnation of Liebknecht is an injustice and hypocrisy.
"Ed. Bernstein finally characterises the embarrassment of the drill-like yes-saying and

The war is imperialist and “Bonapartist” (p. 48), for a democratic peace, etc., against voting for credits... condemnation of the violation of Belgian neutrality— “class struggle against the war”...
Session of the Reichstag Fraction, 2–4 February 1915.
. . . Legien demands the expulsion of Liebknecht from the Fraction” (51)...
. . . “Edmund Fischer asserts that he and, as he has learned, no fewer than 20–30 other members of the Fraction decided on 3 August to vote officially for credits against the then possible decision of the Fraction to reject credits; under such circumstances any condemnation of Liebknecht would be an injustice and hypocrisy.
“Ed. Bernstein, finally, characterises the inconvenience of voting ‘for’ on command and
LENIN MISCELLANY
very good!!
“defeatism”. ..
very good!!
good
declared frankly, he had actually been pleased at Liebknecht’s conduct.” (p. 52)...
. . . Liebknecht. . . .(says) . . . “A shaking-up and clarification are needed today, not agreement on some middle line” (54)...
“Heine and others accuse Liebknecht of fanatical hatred of Germany; he endangers Germany’s interests by his attacks on the government”... (54).
“Liebknecht. ...‘The policy of the international class struggle against the war is marching on; it is possible; it is necessary also in the interests of the German proletariat. Not he, Liebknecht, endangers this interest, but the party imperialists with their sufficiently exposed short-sighted and unsocialist slogan of “holding out” until complete victory.’ (55) ....‘The bourgeois press, under whose gentle wings the reformist discipline-breakers of the past were cherished and protected from the radical “discipline-riding”, fell with ruffled feathers and shrill cackling upon the radical discipline-breaker. The protectorate which certain bourgeois newspapers had assumed in the development of the present revisionist party leadership found its eloquent and justified expression in the demand of the “Berliner Tageblatt” e tutti quanti to drive the scapegoat as quickly as possible out of the paradise of the Social Democratic Party, where the government sun never sets’ (56)...
. . . “If I (Liebknecht) did not decide, even then (4 August), to go my way completely alone, no one regretted it more and no one earlier than I myself” (57)...
“Legien’s motion was withdrawn after Richard Fischer declared that the expected rejection of this inadmissible
168
LENIN MISCELLANY
!!!
mountain—
“centre”!!
motion would be exploited by Liebknecht as a vote of confidence of the Fraction” (58)...
P. 59: Legien complains about “special conferences” of Hoch and Co., and Edmund Fischer again admits that he too participated in the special conferences of the right wing.
P. 64--------3. II. 1915 condemnation of Ledebour’s conduct.
“At the beginning of February ... Liebknecht was called up for military service”...
P. 62: Landtag deputies Hue, Hantsch (and Leinert) threatened, if Strobel spoke for peace, to polemicise with him. “This threat

prevented Ströbel's speech" (62). (Meeting of the Prussian Landtag faction, 23. II. 1915).
P. 65 ------- 7. III. 1915 Party Committee approves the vote for credits by 35 votes to 5; 30 against 10 for the vote for the budget.
8. III. 1915 meeting of the faction (budget of 10 milliards)... From the debates of 18. III. 1915...
"Wurm warns the faction not to overstretch the bow; opposition to the faction's tactics is growing among the working masses; it is necessary to adhere to the Marxist centre. David accuses Wurm of preparing the rejection of the credits. The conduct of Hoch and Wurm is described in an interjection as 'dishonest'. David continues: our possible opposition would drive the government into the arms of the hardliners. Legien thinks that the Hoch-Wurm tactics are 'drawn from conventicles'. Südekum is not only convinced that a move in the spirit of Hoch's proposal

"CLASS STRUGGLE AGAINST THE WAR!"
would be used by Liebknecht as a vote of confidence in the faction" (58)...
p. 59: Legien complains about the "private conferences" of Hoch and Co., and Edmund Fischer again admits that he too participated in the private conferences of the right wing.
p. 64: ------- 3 February condemnation of Ledebour's conduct.
"At the beginning of February... Liebknecht was called up for military service"...
p. 62: Landtag deputies Hue, Hänisch (and Leinert) threatened, if Ströbel spoke for peace, to polemicise against him. "This threat prevented Ströbel's speech" (62). (Meeting of the Prussian Landtag faction, 23 February 1915).
p. 65 ------- 7 March 1915 Party Committee approves the vote for credits by 35 votes to 5; 30 against 10 for the vote for the budget.
8 March 1915 meeting of the faction (budget of 10 milliards)... From the debates of 18 March 1915...
"Wurm warns the faction against overstretching the bow; opposition to the faction's tactics is growing among the working masses; it is necessary to adhere to the Marxist centre. David accuses Wurm of preparing the rejection of the credits. The conduct of Hoch and Wurm is described in an interjection as 'dishonest'. David continues: our possible opposition would drive the government to extreme measures. Legien thinks that the Hoch-Wurm tactics are 'created by secret gatherings'. Südekum is not only convinced that a move in the spirit of Hoch's proposal
! ! \
mountain —
"centre"!
* See article "Opportunism and the Collapse of the Second International" (Works, Vol. XIX, II). Ed.
LENIN MISCELLANY
"national-
liberal"
p[oli]t[ics]
for the "mass"?
is hopeless (to reduce 10 milliards to 5 milliards), but also that the government, if the Reichstag were to refuse it the 10 milliards, would simply push it aside and manage on its own authority — trusting in future indemnity. From this powerlessness of the Reichstag, Südekum concludes that the Social Democracy must not allow itself to be excluded from participation in — powerlessness! Hoch characterises the policy of David, Heine, Südekum as national-liberal; he cannot go along with that".. (67).
77 votes against 23 for the 10 milliards. | Liebknecht and Rühle voted against in the Reichstag. |
P. 70: Vorwarts of 22. III. 1915: The faction condemns Liebknecht and Rühle.
Pp. 71-88: "From a speech which Comrade Liebknecht held in January 1915 in Neukölln, we give the following fragments from stenographic records"...
The essence of imperialism ("whose main bearer on the European continent is Germany" (71)) — striving for expansion — Belgium and France (heavy industry) — Asia Minor, etc.
"The appeal to the mood of the popular masses is dismissed in a few sentences. Who knew and who knows this mood? The howling, shrieking, raging crowd that filled the streets, that tore the clothes of everything that was or seemed foreign and set about maltreating them, must have been repulsive, not exemplary, to every Social Democrat. No freedom of the press, no meetings, no possibility of coming into contact with the people! But even if the great mass of the people demanded the granting of credits: the

Liebknecht delivered a speech in January 1915 in Neukölln; we provide the following excerpts from the stenographic record”...
The essence of imperialism (“whose main bearer on the European continent is Germany” (71)) — the striving for expansion — Belgium and France (heavy industry) — Asia Minor, etc.
a An appeal to the public opinion of the popular masses was finished off in no time. Who knew and who knows this opinion? The shouting, shrieking, raging mob that filled the streets, that tore clothes and beat anyone who was or seemed a foreigner, should have inspired disgust in every Social Democrat, not seemed exemplary. No freedom of the press, no meetings, no possibility of coming into contact with the people! But even if the great mass of the people demanded approval of credits: although Social Democracy will always duly take such mass moods into account, examine them and use them for its own edification, it will not follow them uncritically” (73)...
...“These patriots out of fear of the ‘destruction’ of the organisations fail to recognise in their shallow opportunism the fundamental essence of the workers’ movement and the roots of its strength and greatness: a large organisation, dominated by the spirit of bookkeeping, faint-heartedness, inner weakness and uncertainty of aim, signifies not an advantage, but a hindrance, a misfortune, a negative quantity”... (73)
...“These patriots out of fear” (elsewhere: “patriots of fear”) “are often at the same time huckster patriots, patriots of good hope, of longing for reward for good behaviour”.. (74)...
...“It (the people) is today a tool in the hands of the imperialists, a tool for capitalist purposes and nothing more; but also nothing less: the most indispensable tool and a living tool; and such a living, animate tool possesses the dangerous property that it can revolt against its users. And it will revolt, if it is played with too roughly”... (75).
..“Class struggle is the watchword of the day. Class struggle not only after the war. Class struggle during the war. Class struggle against the war”. (76)...
Can one expect a “reorientation” of domestic policy from a “reward” for the good behaviour of the S. D.?...
“Certainly! A ‘reorientation’ may come. But not because of the refutation of a Reichsverband swindle, but because of the revolt of the tools against their users, as a result of the, despite everything,

very good!!
“revolt”
... “class struggle against war”...
“revolt”

due to the inevitable revolt of minds caused by the war" . . . . (79—80)
I do not say that war is a profitable business. I think it is a "miserables Geschaft".. . (80)
... But in its tendency, both war and peace are capitalist "Geschaft".
... "A party whose resistance to mass psychoses, to the howling mob of the street, to torn government demagogy (81—82), to a sheet of paper with printer's ink that proclaims a state of siege, has become so obvious, a party that has honored the name of a subversive party only by subverting its own principles, and whose firmness at a great historical moment was so small that a house of cards appears in comparison as a fortress wall, such a party will lack both that trust (trust of the masses) and that respect (of enemies). All the more so, the more "socialist" spring larks flutter around in the inhospitable winter of imperialist discontent and try to instill in the people the delusion of a near Canaan. To imagine that it is possible to pave the way for the proletariat by means of such "direct action" of a national-liberal caliber means throwing the ABC of dialectical materialism to the wind.
"The enemies of the proletariat have learned the art of defeating us playfully. The Social Democracy must win back the lost respect; win back in the struggle. If it takes up this struggle even during the war, it can quickly and thoroughly reach that goal. If it postpones it until after the war, it will be more difficult for it, precisely because it is then less dangerous"... (82)

((CLASS STRUGGLE AGAINST WAR?»
177
....Section heading (speech): "War as a Bonapartist Enterprise"...
"It is true, the oppressed classes quite often did not see the inseparable connection between foreign and domestic policy, but the ruling classes always saw it. Many social democrats, even in the official policy of the social-democratic central bodies, when they came out in favor of the war, expressed hopes for an easier transition through this policy to a new orientation of domestic policy and fear of the destruction of workers' organizations in the event of an oppositionist policy." (82)...
When in 1910, in the run-off election, the Social Democrats were winning, the warmongers shouted, demanding an "external (foreign) conflict" in order to crush the proletariat.
(Do not forget de Bissing's corps order - 83).
"There exist two methods of Bonapartism: actual violence on a suitable occasion and corruption" (84)...
Section heading (speech): "The Principle of Social-Democratic Tactics in War" (86):
"War is the continuation of ('peaceful') politics by other means" (86)... "Did we correctly assess before the war the relations that led to war or not? Or have other decisive circumstances emerged which refuted our previous opinion? No one can answer this question in the affirmative. On the contrary, it is obvious that this world war, as it is, is precisely the world war that we foresaw and against which we fought beforehand. And so, if our previous opposition to this war was recognized seriously and in earnest, carried out with account of all complex interconnections, then there is no possibility whatsoever of renouncing it; if
Lenin Miscellany XXX
N. B.
NB
fear for
organizations
NB
12

((CLASS STRUGGLE AGAINST WAR?»
179
nevertheless we do renounce it, then there is no point complaining that our previous opposition is regarded as incorrect or unserious, as a sham opposition, a conclusion which was drawn with full right)). (86).
..."Either opposition before and after the outbreak of war, or national-liberal government policy before and after the conclusion of peace." (87)
"And to the influence of the proletariat on the termination of the war applies the law: only in the class struggle is it possible. Every action of Social Democracy for peace - of whatever kind - will have force only insofar as it evokes an international response, and the force of this international response will always correspond to the revolutionary force that evokes it. But the Social Democracy of each country has the right to speak in the name of the International and act in an international direction only if it speaks in a socialist manner and fights in a socialist manner against militarism and capitalism" (88).
(Last phrase of the brochure).
very true!
national-liberal
speech
January 1915
peace and
revolution!!
[End of notebook]