# Plan for the Pamphlet "Imperialism, as the Highest Stage of Capitalism"

FOREWORD
The six Lenin's "Notebooks on Imperialism," included in this Collection *, cover vast and most diverse
material, illuminating from various angles the imperialistic
stage of development of capitalism and the world war of 1914,
born of imperialism.
Of exceptional interest is Lenin's plan for the book "Imperialism, as the Highest Stage of Capitalism" (see p. 104 of
this Collection).
The detailed, meticulous plan occupies 4 pages in
Notebook y. These four pages are so densely filled with Lenin's notes that, upon deciphering, they transformed
into 20 pages of printed text.
The plan contains a number of versions of the book's outline. The fourth—
final— version, written by Lenin on the very edge (on the left margins) of the 30th page of the manuscript, coincides with the table of contents
of the book, and the pages indicated in this outline coincide with
the pages of Lenin's manuscript "Imperialism, as the Highest
Stage of Capitalism."
Lenin's plan is the key to all the diverse material of the preparatory notebooks on imperialism. The plan ties
this gigantic material into a single, coherent whole, consistently
unfolding a comprehensive analysis of imperialism, revealing
all its specific features, peculiarities, contradictions.
In the plan, Lenin refers to the corresponding preparatory notebooks for various points, meticulously indicating their
pages. The largest number of references fall on the notebooks;
"a"** (Schulze-Gävernitz, Schilder, Liefmann, Kestner, et al.) —
about 40 references; "(3"‘* (Jeidels, Tschierschky, Schilder, Agahd, Ballod,
excerpts from "Die Bank" and others)—over 110 references; "0" (Hil-
* The remaining preparatory notebooks on imperialism will be published in forthcoming Lenin Collections.
** Published in Lenin Collection XXII.
[ 4 ]

FOREWORD

ferding, Riesser)—about 40 references; "7"—about 20; "x" (Hobson)—about 20, etc. From the plan, it can be seen that in the
still undiscovered notebook "8" there is material about Karl Kautsky.
The clear, chiseled formulations of the plan shed a bright light
on the entire era of imperialism, revealing its deepest roots
and illuminating the paths of its development.
Extremely characteristic in this regard are at least the sections
and formulations dedicated to the most important problem of decay
and uneven development in the era of imperialism. Lenin meticulously
comprehensively analyzes the "parasitism and decay of capitalism." He emphasizes that "imperialism is parasitic
or decaying capitalism," and immediately reveals the peculiarities of imperialism in all the contradictions of its
real movement. "Rapidity of growth and over-ripening" . . . To
this point of the plan, Vl. Ilyich wrote in pencil: "compatibility
оооих [of both]."
""Decay" and the birth of the new." "Rapidity of growth."
How harshly these formulations, which are a vivid embodiment of revolutionary dialectics, strike all the vulgar, trite
and flat ideas about the decay of capitalism, as a continuous
degradation, a simple "movement backwards." Only on the basis
of Lenin's analysis, encompassing all sides, all peculiarities
of the development of capitalism in its highest stage, can one understand
reality, complex and multi-faceted, full of contradictions,
through which the iron laws, revealed by Marx—Lenin, force their way with irresistible force.
"Imperialism is monopolistic capitalism"— writes Lenin in the plan. And immediately develops: "Monopoly and free
competition—banks and socialization—intertwining and socialization—division of the world and redivisions." Vl. Ilyich analyzes in detail
the "unevenness of growth" and "redivision of the world," characterizing,
in particular, the "ardor of German imperialism" and revealing
the economic and historical roots of the clash of interests
of English imperialism with German imperialism before the war of 1914.
In the 1st chapter (2nd paragraph) of the plan, dedicated to the question of
the concentration of production, the note about Russia is characteristic. After
indications of the concentration of production in Germany (with reference
to the censuses of 1882—1895—1907) and in the United States
(censuses of 1900—1910) Lenin writes: "Note about Russia ("The
Development of Capitalism"?)".

The material about Russia was not included in the book.
As is known, the conditions of Tsarist censorship (Lenin was writing the book
for legal publication) deprived Vl. Ilyich of the opportunity to
cite material directly characterizing the imperialism of Tsarist Russia. He wrote about this in the preface to
the first edition of "Imperialism," published after the February Revolution (in April 1917): "It is hard to reread
now, in days of freedom, these places in the pamphlet, distorted by the thought of Tsarist
censorship, squeezed and compressed in iron clamps...
One place is especially worth noting, on pp. 119—120*: in order
to explain to the reader in a censorial form how shamelessly the capitalists
and the social-chauvinists who have gone over to their side (with whom
Kautsky is so inconsistently fighting) lie on the question of annexations,
how shamelessly they cover up the annexations of their capitalists,
I was forced to take the example of... Japan! An attentive
reader will easily substitute Russia for Japan, and Finland,
Poland, Courland, Ukraine, Khiva, Bukhara, Estonia and other areas populated by non-Great Russians
for Korea."
If in the book Lenin did not have the opportunity to directly
speak about Russian imperialism, the corresponding places in his preparatory
notebooks are of even greater interest. Vl. Ilyich cites a lot of material characterizing
the imperialism of Tsarist Russia not only in relation to the "outskirts" and "regions populated by non-Great Russians" within the empire, but also in the Far and Near East—in relation to China, Persia, Turkey.
In particular, from the materials published in this Collection
it is worth noting the remark in notebook "C", dedicated
mainly to a comparative analysis of the colonial possessions
of the great powers that divided the world. Lenin writes: "and Russia... 96
million appeased or unequal".
In Lenin's "Imperialism" (Soch. XIX, 135)*** a concise, compact table is placed, giving an exceptionally vivid
picture of the division of the world among the "great powers." Comparative
* Soch. XIX, 169 — 170.
** Ibid, 71— 79.
*** See also this Collection, pp. 230 — 231, note "What is
Imperialism?"

Data on the colonial possessions of the Great Powers in 1876 and 1914 clearly show the process of the division of the world among imperialist predators and at the same time provide material for illuminating the question of the struggle for its redivision.

The materials published in this Collection (see pp. 220–2 II) show the enormous amount of work Lenin did before he compiled this table. The small table—half a page—is based on an entire notebook, almost entirely devoted to geographical and statistical materials, which Lenin most carefully checks, compares, combines, and supplements before he comes to the conclusion about the "division of the world":
"millions of inhabitants
300 — 'Great Powers' and privileged oppressors and robbers
300 — dependent, disenfranchised, robbed, and petty
1,000 — colonies and 'booty'."
Vladimir Ilyich fixes this conclusion in a short table placed in the book "Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism".

Lenin’s excerpts and remarks on Hilferding’s "Finance Capital," to which a large part of notebook "{>" is devoted, are extremely important.

There are a great many grossly erroneous ideas about Hilferding and his research on Finance Capital. Some enthusiastic authors have even tried to depict the matter as if Lenin, in his analysis of imperialism, "developed," "continued," and "corrected" Hilferding’s theory. These assertions are all the more ridiculous because Hilferding, along with Kautsky, perhaps receives the most criticism in Lenin's works devoted to imperialism. Lenin, of course, carefully studied the works of Hilferding, just as he studied the research of Hobson, Eydels, Riesser, and others, up to the arch-ideologue of imperialism, Schulze-Gaevernitz. Lenin's notebooks on imperialism vividly demonstrate this. Thus, regarding Hobson’s work (notebook "x", to be published in the next Lenin Collection), Vladimir Ilyich makes far more sympathetic remarks than he does on Hilferding’s "Finance Capital".

Lenin's theory of imperialism grew and was forged in a relentless struggle against all bourgeois and petty-bourgeois theories, including the theories of the opportunists from the Second International, Kautsky and Hilferding in particular. In his notebooks, Lenin repeatedly subjects Hilferding’s works to devastating criticism. It suffices to point out the following remarks by Lenin on Hilferding’s main work—"Finance Capital" (see pp. 317 and 320 of this Collection). Lenin copies the following colorful quote from Hilferding’s book: "According to E. Mach, 'I' is only that focus in which the endless threads of sensations converge more closely... Just as money is the knot in the network of social relations." Against this excerpt, Lenin notes in the margins:
"Porridge.
Incorrect. Not "тадо/ее"." Further, Lenin criticizes Hilferding on the issue of money, noting that "Hilferding's money enters into circulation without value." Lenin especially sharply assesses Hilferding's general methodological remark: "only our contemplation gives things the form of space." Regarding this philosophical sententia, Lenin writes: "Kantian." Vladimir Ilyich mocks Hilferding’s "verbal imitation" of Marx and harshly criticizes him for praising Tugan-Baranovsky.

Sharply critical, devastating remarks addressed to Hilferding can often be found in Lenin's various notebooks. In notebook "|3", summarizing "Hilferding's shortcomings," Lenin indicates: "1) theoretical error regarding money, 2) ignores (almost) the division of the world, 3) ignores the relationship of Finance Capital to parasitism, 4) [ignores the relationship of] imperialism to opportunism." Needless to say, Lenin did not skimp on the devastating political assessments of Hilferding’s opportunism.

In contrast to Hilferding, Lenin, in his analysis of imperialism, emphasizes with all sharpness that "imperialism is parasitic or decaying capitalism," "imperialism is transitional or dying capitalism." Vladimir Ilyich elaborates on these provisions in detail in his plans and notes.

The materials published in this Collection illuminate a number of important theoretical issues. It suffices to point out at least the following Lenin’s notes:
"3 contradictions of capitalism: 1) social production and private appropriation, 2) wealth and poverty, 3) city and
village"

FOREWORD
"É т è — the export of capital. Its difference from the export of goods."
Lenin analyzes in detail the specific features of colonial policy in the era of imperialism:
"Distinctions of modern colonial policy:
1) monopoly (raw materials)
2)
—
—
(for a supply of land)
3) (delimitation — 'autarky') — monocultures
4) (export of capital)
5) concessions, etc.
1. Social significance (domination)
2. Dependence of 'independent' countries."
These indications are of particular importance, since one of the
most favorite techniques of bourgeois and social-democratic apologists of imperialism is to blur its specific features, in particular, with assertions that colonial policy is equally inherent in all epochs of human history — right up to ancient Rome. Proving with exhaustive completeness that imperialism is a special stage of capitalism, its highest and final stage, Vladimir Ilyich reveals all the specific features, distinctive features, and contradictions of its development.

Ruthlessly exposing the theoretical sophistry of bourgeois researchers, their methodology, their apologetic conclusions and inferences, certifying them very unflatteringly (see Lenin's reviews of Riesser, Liefmann, etc.), Lenin at the same time most carefully studies the factual material cited by these authors, carefully checks it, compares it, and critically uses it.

Here, for example, is Lenin’s characterization of Professor R. Goeniger’s work "The Economic Significance of German Military Affairs": "the chatter of a vulgar man devoted to militarism, who proves that military expenses are not a loss at all, because the money remains in the country, they yield a huge profit, military service educates and strengthens, etc. and etc."

Lenin's preparatory notebooks clearly show the methods of his research work, his approach to factual material. It is necessary, in particular, to emphasize that Lenin studies all the features of imperialism in their concrete historical development, in all their connections and mediations. As a characteristic for example, one can point to the analysis of the development of German banks in stages from 1871 to 1910, which Vladimir Ilyich traces with extraordinary care, from the materials published in this Collection.
Vladimir Ilyich inextricably links the entire analysis of imperialism with a relentless exposure of opportunism in all its manifestations. In the work plan "Imperialism, as the Highest Stage of Capitalism," Lenin formulates with all sharpness: "The struggle against imperialism without the struggle and rupture with opportunism is deception."
Characteristic are Lenin's remarks addressed to Kautsky, whom he calls a "petty swindler," and Paul Lensch, whose article is assessed as "a model of lackey-chauvinistic bl-t. It would be very useful to compare with Plekhanov//" (see pp. 294 and 296 of this Collection).
Giving the deepest theoretical analysis of imperialism, the highest stage in the development of capitalism, Lenin most closely links this analysis with the study and coverage of the world war, not missing a single fact, phenomenon, speech that helps to clarify the imperialist nature of this war and the tasks of the revolutionary struggle to transform it into a civil war. And it is natural that in Lenin's notebooks on imperialism, various economic, statistical, geographical, historical materials are constantly intertwined with excerpts and remarks about the current events of "wartime." Special mention should be made of the excerpts from Julius' (Rosa Luxemburg) pamphlet "Die Krise der Sozialdemokratie" (notebook "C"), which are included in the published notebooks, regarding which Lenin wrote a special article in August 1916 "On the Junius Pamphlet"* (published in the "Collection of Social-Democrat" in October 1916).
The notes of Lenin "On the Slogan of Disarmament" (notebook "y") are of quite topical interest in connection with the 20th anniversary of the beginning of the World War of 1914, which has come in the current year, and in connection with the ever-increasing danger of a new war. At the beginning of October 1916, Lenin wrote a special article on this plan, published in December 1916 in the "Collection of Social-Democrat" 2 *.
* Соч. XIX, 176— 190.
Там же, 314—322

FOREWORD

Some of Lenin's notebooks are almost entirely devoted to excerpts and notes about the imperialist war of 1914. In particular, it should be noted a number of remarks in notebook "e", in connection with reports from English newspapers about the "reconciliation" of soldiers at the front when trenches approached. Lenin carefully notes these facts of fraternization.
Lenin's theory of imperialism is the key to understanding the nature and driving forces of the imperialist war of 1914. Lenin's theory, in inextricable unity with revolutionary practice, was at the same time a sharp weapon in the struggle to transform the imperialist war into a civil war.
. The October Revolution snatched 1/6 of the globe from the bloody chaos of the First World Imperialist War!
In Russia, under the leadership of Lenin and the Bolshevik Party, the imperialist war was transformed into a civil war. The proletariat created a powerful Soviet state and is victoriously building a classless socialist society, inflicting crushing blows on class enemies. Building socialism, the working class of the USSR is stubbornly fighting for peace.
The strongest stronghold of peace for the Soviet country, surrounded on all sides by imperialist predators, is its armed force. Such is the dialectic of history. And the only country in the world that is really fighting for genuine disarmament, the mighty country of the proletarian dictatorship confidently says: "Our foreign policy is clear. It is a policy of preserving peace and strengthening trade relations with all countries. The USSR does not intend to threaten anyone and - even less so - to attack anyone. We stand for peace and defend the cause of peace. But we are not afraid of threats and are ready to respond to the blow of the warmongers with a blow" (Stalin).
B. Gal.

LENIN'S NOTEBOOKS ON IMPERIALISM
PART II
NOTEBOOK
"Ψ"
PP. I — 52

Ш
4 — 52
Ноешдег (2)
[16]
Bëgar(1
[23]
[ 8 4 ]
ТЬёгу
[31
[20]
Са1г
[25]
[ 88]
Ьевсиге
[51
[26]
[27]
[ 9 6 ]
Ра(оиПЫ
[91
[36]
ТоппеЫ
[35]
[124]
Моов

[501
Со^оп
[37]
[130]
Вгипсаи
[17]
[661
КегЫоЬ
[39]
[132]
[19]
[71]
Р. Ьоии
[43,
[142]
11иЬс1Ч
[22]
[82]
Могпз
[47]
[148]
Index [of Literature]:
2 [16]; 7 [32] and 8 [3 2 1; 13 [4 61; 15 [5 6]; 16 [58] and 18 [7 0[; 34 [117]
* Bold numbers on the margins (here and further on) indicate the numbering of the manuscript pages. Ed.
** Columns of numbers standing against names indicate pages of the text of the notebook <Φ>, dedicated to the study of the corresponding authors: the left column of numbers - pages of the manuscript; the right column - pages of the present collection. Ed.
*** The following numbers indicate: the numbers written by Lenin - pages of the manuscript; numbers added by the editors (in square brackets) - the corresponding pages of this collection. Ed.
[ 14 ]

Гёнпгер с.** (2)
[17]
Тэрп
13]
[211
Лсскюр
[5]
[27]
Пату tie
19]
[37]
Моос
[14]
[51]
Брюно
[17]
[67]
Лизис
[19]
[75]
Гюбер
[22]
[83]
Indications
2 [17 J; 7 [3 3 1
15 [57]; 16 [51
1*
- 5 2
Бсрар
[23]
[ 8 5 ]
Лэр
[25]
[ 89 ]
Рюссье
[27]
[ 97]
Тонела
[35]
[125]
К ольсоп
[37]
[131]
Рсдслоб
[39]
[133]
П. Луи
[43]
[143|
Моррис
[47]
[149]
* * *
literature
;
and 8 ¡3 3j; 13 [4 7], and 18 [7 1]; 34 [ 117] t

]

[R O B E R T  H O G M G E R . «D IE  W I R T S C H A F T L I C H E  B E R E U  -
TUi\G B E S  D E U T SC H E M  1 I1 L 1 T Ä R W F S E A S »]
Prof. Dr. Robert Ho e n ig er: «Die wirtschaftliche
Bedcutung dfes] deutschen
Militärwesens». Leipzig 1913. (Vortr[äge] d[er 1 Gelie-Stiftung [zu Dresden]. Bd. У, H. 2).
Chatter of a military-devoted philistine, who proves that expenses
on the army are not a loss at all, because the money stays in the country, there is a huge profit from them, military service educates
and strengthens, etc. etc.
Characteristic quote:
...«Der Abgeordnete Erzberger sagte im
Reichstag (24. April 1912): «Wenn der Herr
Kriegsminister alle die Wünsche nach Garniso nen, die an die Militärverwaltung herantreten,
berücksichtigen wollte, so müsste er mit einer sechsmal
grösseren Militärvorlage kommen».
(S. 18)
The petty bourgeoisie wins in every possible way from garrisons. One
OF THE REASONS FOR THE POPULARITY OF Militarism!
From the literature:
Wilhelm
Ahr:
«Kriegswesen und
Volks wirtschaft der Grossmächte während der letzten 30 Jahre», Berlin 1909.
[

]

Robert Hoenig er. "Economic Significance of the German
Military Affairs" 1
Prof. Dr. Robert Hoeniger: "Economic significance of the German Military Affairs."
Leipzig 1913. (Reports of the "Gehe-Stiftung" in Dresden. Vol. V, issue 2.)
Chatter of a philistine devoted to militarism who proves that expenses
on the army are not a loss at all, because the money stays in the country, there is a huge profit from them, military service educates and strengthens, etc. and etc.
Characteristic quote:
... "Deputy Erzberger said in the Reichstag (April 21, 1912): "If the Minister of War
wanted to satisfy all requests for garrisons that are addressed to the military department, then he would have to ask for military credits six times larger."
(p. 18; The petty bourgeoisie wins in every possible way
from garrisons. One of the reasons for the popularity of militarism!
From the literature:
Wilhelm Ahr: "Warfare and the national economy of the great powers for the last
30 years." Berlin 1909.

Hartwig Schubart: "Relationships between the economic situation and the armed force of a state." Berlin
1910.
"Militärwochenblatt". Supplements: 90 (1902) * and h 10
(1904).
Fr. Braumann: "The economic benefit of a garrison." Magdeburg 1913.
Kultur der Gegenwart, IV. Tb., Bd. 12 (Tech nik des Kriegswesens).
* As in the manuscript. Ed.

ROBERT HÖNIG ER.
"ECONOMIC SIGNIFICANCE OF THE GERMAN MILITARY AFFAIRS"
1 9
Hartwig Schubart: "Relationships between the economic situation and the armed forces of the state." Berlin 1910.
"Militärwochenblatt". Supplements: 90 (1902) * and

1901).
Fr. Baumann: "The Economic Benefit of the Garrison". Magdeburg 1913.
("Kultur der Gegenwart" (Culture of the Present), part IV, vol. 12 (Military Affairs Technology)).

E D M O N D  T H É R Y . «L’ E U R O P E  É C O N O M IQ U E «] текст,
кажпсь, только к таблицам.
Edmond Thèry. L’Europe économique. Pfaris*!
1911 \ (Author, editor of «L’Economiste européen», author of a mass of economic] writings)
The book has a lot of comparative tables:
Population (millions)

[18]58— f 18)83 118]83—■
[1]908
Germany
36.8
46.2
63.3
+ 26°/о
+ 3/ ’/о
England
28., 35.7
45.,

France
Russia (Euro-
34. v
37.,
З9.3

pean)
66.8
86., 129.8 all Europe
278., 335., 436., State expenditure (millions of frs)
Germany
80 1 2  695 9.263
-t-236
-244
England
1.651 2.192 5.169

France
1.717 3.573 3.910 etc.
Expenditure on armament] and fleet

1.068

Germany
England
France
Russia
+

1.280

etc.
* In the margins to the left of the text below (in parentheses) is the note "Fribourg" ("Freiburg" - a city in Switzerland).
Apparently, this note means that Lenin ordered this book from this city.
Ed.
[ 20 ]

[EDMOND THÉRY. "ECONOMIC EUROPE"]
Edmond Théry. Economic Europe. Paris
1911 \ (Author, editor of «L’Economiste européen», Author of a mass of economic writings)
I text, The book has a lot of comparative tables:
I it seemed, only
J for taPopulation (millions)
'
bles.

1883 1908
1858— 1883 1883 -1908
G ermany
36.8
46..
63.,
+ 26%
+ 37®/,
England
28.0
35.7 45.1

France
Russia (Euro-
31-, 37.,
З9.3

pean)
66.8
86.! 129.8 all Europe
278.t 335.1 436.!

State expenditure (millions of Francs)
Germany
801 2.695 9.263
+ 2 3 6
+ 2 4 4
England
1.651 2.192 5.169

France
1.717 3.573 3.910 etc.
Expenditure on armament and fleet
Germany

+

1.068

England

France

Russia

1.280

etc.
[ 21 ]