This slogan is necessary (civil war)...
In Germany, a split may be inevitable
Tactics
^ I think the split of the International will be foam zhev Reden
nogo ((the unfortunate situation may be so split great that a split becomes))....
water
Graylich's words are quite practical.. . . 68 country...
(from the righteous the International would consist of 3— \
people)
Azleb:09
Armed socialdemocracy (Germany)
Leshsh rushed onto Belgium
AGENT
(( one cannot equate Belgium with Germany: if the Belgians
had not defended themselves, oii would not simply be l< a pi i
decent people...
I like Kautsky's position better....
'
Lenin participated in the resolution in Lugano__
|
It would have been wet long ago where Germany stands, if not for Russia's backwardness__
A « Germany will have a socialistic] revolution.
3 stars ni:*10
Lenin sows discord in minds__ (Life goes far from Leninna
Little remains of his (Trotsky's) agreement with Lenin__
(«rebellious anarchism» and scientific socialism.)
to frighten anyone who disagrees to death.......
civilian] voyna is an eternal truth for him...
(.... dead classification....)
political cynicism
^more than political illiteracy j ((deprivation of the Baltic region))
Serbia bleeds to reach the sea...
^^Loved — Pashich — remembered his youth for kala __ )) 71 ((WAR AND SOCIAL DEMOCRACY))
((The Only] Serbian socialist))
You won’t get far with just one Serbian socialist....
["revise his old rebellious attitude towards the state
The German philistine soul spoke out in Kautsky..
Lenin seemed to be ahead of everyone
No one sees or hears waving...
Kisilev
*NOTES ON OPPONENTS' SPEECHES.
1) Lenin participated in the conference and resolution]
Lugano
Zvezdich — — «wise sociald[emocracy)) — groupings:
(Savin)
— Trotsky and Litvak
2) Imp[eria.i1]z.m (((Litvak))
Otsch[e s t]v o
Russky shoviiniizm economic] conditions and native language
Collapse of the International.
Mehring
Volksrecht
Deutsche Sozfialisten]
Opportunism — (( oiuscheno by Trotsky))
Split slogan of peace........
The document published below is a copy of a letter sent by Lenin to the editors of the newspapers «Vorwarts» and Wie
ner «Arbeiter Zeitung», in connection with the publication by these newspapers of brief reports on his report, read in Zurich
(M SOS « Vorwarts’а» of November 40, 4944 and No. 309 Wiener
«Arbeiter Zeitung» of November 7, 4944). These reports gave
a clearly distorted account of Lenin's views. Especially shamelessly acted Wiener «Агbetter Zeitung», depicting
Lenin as an Austrophile, a supporter of the liberation of «Slavs»
in general and Ukraine in particular under the auspices of the Austro-Hungarian
monarchy. Regarding Lenin's letter, a Vorwarts» placed a short
note. 5 Tгепег «ЛгбеЛег Zeitung» such a note did not appear.
2?the text of the letter is written on 3 sheets in black ink,
the title in red pencil. At the end of the document there is the following
following record of the addresses of the indicated newspapers:
VorwSrts. S.W.68. Lindenstr.3. Berlin. Die Arbeiter-Zeit[ungj
V. Rechte Wienzeile. 97. Ж г e n.

LETTER, SENT REGISTERED TO V[0]RWARTS
AND WIENER ARBEITER-ZEITUNG.
(Die Arbeiter-Zeitung)
[Mid-November 1914, Bern.]
Werte GenossenI
Der VorwSrts brachte kiirzlich eine irrefuhrende Notiz uber
den Vortrag, den ich in Zurich uber Krieg und Sozialismus hielt.
Die Noliz erweckt den Eindruck, als ob ich mich auf eine Polemik
gegen den Zarismus beschrSnkt hatte. In Wirklichkeit habe ich
meiner Ueberzeugung gemSss, dass es die Pflicht der Sozialisten
eines jeden Landes ist, einen rucksichtslosen Kampf gegen den
Chauvinismus und Patriotismus des eigenen (und nicht nur des
gegnerischen) Landes zu fiihren, den Zarismus scharf angegriffen und in diesem Zusammenhang von der Freiheit der Ukraina
gesprochen. Der Sinn meiner Ausfiihrungen wird jedoch gefdlscht,
wenn mit keinem Wort erwahnt wird, was ich iiber den Zusammenbruch der zweiten Internationale, des Opportunismus und gegen
die Haltung der deutschen und oesterreichischen Soziald[emokrajtie sagte: neun Zehntel meines zweistiindigen Yortrags waren
dieser Kritik gewidmet.
Ich wurde Ihnen verpflichtet sein, wenn Sie diese berichtigende
Erg8nzung im Vorwarts (resp..,.) bringen wollen.
Mit s. d. Gruss.

letter sent to «Vorwiirts» and Wiener «Arbeiter Zeitung» 145
[Translation.]
Dear comrades!
Recently, in connection with my report on war and socialism,
read in Zurich, «Vorwiirts» published a brief note which gives a completely false impression of it. The note
gives the impression that I was limited to polemics against the autocracy. In reality, however, I, being convinced,
that it is the duty of the socialists of each country to wage a merciless struggle
with chauvinism and patriotism of their own (and not only
enemy) country, sharply attacked the autocracy and in connection
with this I spoke about the freedom of Ukraine. But the meaning of my reasoning
is completely distorted if not a word is mentioned about
what I said about the collapse of the Second International, about opportunism
and against the position of the German and Austrian social democracy.
Nine tenths of my two-hour report were devoted to this criticism.
I would be very grateful if you could print these indicated additions in «Vorwarts’e» (or...).73
With s. d. greetings...
1 G. Plekhanov's report «War and Social Democracy» began at 3:30 p.m. After
a break, Plekhanov began the second part of his report at 4:36 p.m.
2 A proposal to declare a military strike was first introduced
at the Zurich Congress of the Second International (1893) by the Dutch
headed by D. Nieuwenhuis. The draft resolution proposed that in the event
of a declaration of war by governments, «respond with a refusal of reservists to appear
for military service (military strike), a general strike, especially in
those industries that are related to the war, and an appeal to women
so that they keep their husbands and sons at home» (see Zinoviev
vol. V, pp. 339-346).
V. Liebknecht, G. Plekhanov, V. Adler, J. Guesde, and others objected to this proposal, which was an anarchistic utopia, and it was
•rejected. Plekhanov outlines the content of his speech against D. Newvenhuis in the brochure «About War». 1915, p. 53.
In 1910, at the Copenhagen Congress (August 28 – September 3)
Vaillant and Keir-Hardy introduced the following proposal on the question of all
general strike in case of war: «Among all those means that must
be applied to prevent and counteract war, the congress 'Considers particularly expedient a general strike of workers, mainly
•in those industries that supply military property (weapons, ammunition, means of transport, etc.). Equally
^agitation and work (Aktion) are necessary in the masses, moreover, - most energetic means" ("Internationaler Socialisten Kongress zu Kopenha-gen." Berlin. 1910). This proposal, after heated debates, was transferred to the preliminary discussion of the ISB so that this issue could be submitted to the next international congress. This issue, however, was never resolved.
4 What is being discussed could not be established.
5 At the meeting of the German Reichstag on August 4, 1914, Haase delivered a declaration on behalf of the Social-Democratic faction on supporting the German government in its war with Russian despotism and on the Social-Democrats' voting for war credits.
6 Leuven is a Belgian city near Brussels, was taken by German troops on August 19, 1914.
7 According to statistical data, the German army at the beginning of the war consisted of more than one third of the members of the German Social-Democracy.
8 «La Guerre Sociale» ("The Social War") – a socialist newspaper with a syndicalist slant, published under the editorship of Gustave Hervé, took a social-patriotic position with the beginning of the war; after some time, the newspaper's name was changed to «La Victoire» ("Victory").
The article by Compère-Morel «Senlis» ("Senlis"), which Plekhanov refers to, was placed in No. 83 of «La Guerre Sociale» on September 26, 1914. The article speaks about the destruction caused by the Germans in the French city of Senlis, in Leuven, and Reims.
9 At one of the election meetings in Berlin on February 10, 1898, W. Heine stated that there might come a time when Social-Democrats could vote for military bills in exchange for political concessions to the working class: «Kanonen gegen Volksrechte» ("Cannons for people's rights") (see «Protokoll über die Verhandlungen des Parteitages der Socialdemokratischen Partei Deutschlands». Berlin. 1899, p. 250 – 251).
10 Radicals – i.e. the group of Karl Liebknecht, which assumed at the meeting of the Reichstag faction, held on August 3, 1914, that on the next day, when the Reichstag considered the issue of allocating credits for military needs, it would be in the majority together with the center (which did not have a firm position on this issue).
11 «Die Gleichheit» ("Equality") – a Social-Democratic journal for women, founded in 1890, published in Stuttgart, edited by Clara Zetkin. During the war, the journal defended a centrist position.
Plekhanov, according to all data, refers here to the article «Frauenpflicht» ("Women's Duty") in No. 25 «Gleichheit» from September 4, 1914, which speaks of the atrocities to which German soldiers (including the wounded) are subjected by the population of Belgium.
12 The article in question is
K. Kautsky's
«Der Krieg» ("The War")
in
«Neue Zeit» from August 21, 1914 (Nr. 19, 2. Bd.). The archive of the Lenin Institute has a copy of this issue with Lenin's notes in the indicated article.
13 At this point from Plekhanov's report, Lenin also dwells in his article "Dead Chauvinism and Living Socialism" (Works, vol. XVIII, p. 79).
14 Being the viceroy of Poland, Grand Duke Konstantin Pavlovich persistently sought to ensure that the Polish army did not participate in the war.

MATERIALS FOR LENIN'S SPEECHES ON THE ISSUE OF WAR of Russia with Turkey (1828). One French historian attributes to him the phrase: "I cannot stand war, it spoils the troops," meaning that the army in campaigns and battles loses its marching order and organization.
Plekhanov gives this example for the purpose of comparing it with the position of the German Social-Democracy, refraining from decisive actions so as not to disrupt the party organization. Plekhanov also indicates in the brochure "On War" "that even before the appearance of revisionism," the German comrades avoided celebrating, as they should have, May Day. They were afraid that, by ceasing work on this day, the German proletariat risked disrupting its organizations.
Plekhanov here cites his conversation with Viktor Adler in 1898 about Bernstein.
16 «Dies ist Arme Karl» – words of V. Adler about K. Kautsky, who stated that Bernstein, by denying Marx's theory of value, committed infanticide.
17 The words: "You +" imply: "You + Karl Kautsky" and relate to V. Adler's statement that only 2-3 people in Europe are interested in matters of theory: Plekhanov and Kautsky.
18 Plekhanov quotes here from memory a phrase from Mephistopheles' dialogue in the first act of Goethe's "Faust." The correct text: «Verachte nur Vernunft und Wissenschaft».
19 Wiener «Arbeiter Zeitung» ("Vienna «Workers' Newspaper») – the central organ of the Austrian Social-Democracy, at the beginning of the war, appealed to the workers to fight for "German humanity," thereby abandoning the principle of class struggle.
20 This passage from Plekhanov's speech in No. 31 of "Golos" from October 18, 1914, is recorded as follows: "No revolutions against the war will be sincere after everything that has happened. All this will only cause deserved ridicule from the bourgeoisie."
21 In this part of his report, Plekhanov moves on to the question of the attitude of the French and Belgian socialists to the war.
22 By the decree of the presidium of the German Social-Democratic Party, G. Müller, one of its leaders, was sent to Paris to negotiate with the French socialists. These negotiations took place on August 1, 1914, in Paris and concerned the issue of the tactics of the socialist parties of France and Germany during the war, as well as the need to postpone the convocation of the international socialist congress scheduled for August 9 in Paris, in view of the extremely tense international situation. During the negotiations, Müller proposed to the French socialists to refrain from voting for credits for military needs, arguing that in this case, the German Social-Democracy, when considering credits in the Reichstag, would in turn vote against or also abstain from voting.
23 Justifying the behavior of the French socialists who voted for credits for the war, Plekhanov, at the same time, recalls the "fact" that the financial oligarchy helped suppress the revolution with its gold in Russia.

LCNCHN'.KMI COLLECTION
14 See note 15, p. 26.
25 With the declaration of war, Jules Guesde and Marcel Sembat entered the Viviani ministry. Plekhanov justifies the entry of Guesde and Sembat into the ministry on the pretext that the resolution of the Amsterdam Congress (August 14-20, 1903) allowed socialists to participate in bourgeois governments "as a forced, temporary, and exceptional means in the struggle against difficult circumstances."
26 Entering the French ministry, J. Guesde and M. Sembat, according to some sources, stated in a private conversation that the French government had promised to end the war as soon as German troops were driven out of French territory. Under this condition, allegedly, the French Socialist Party gave its consent to J. Guesde and M. Sembat receiving ministerial portfolios.
27 We quote the relevant passage from Plekhanov's report as recorded by a correspondent for *Golos*: “Of course, ... in individual speeches by French socialists there were excesses and errors, for example, in the speeches of Hervé. But Plekhanov never considered him a socialist, and it is impossible to hold French socialism responsible for Hervé's statements.”
28 Vaillant headed the Blanquist movement in the French Socialist Party for a relatively long time. Here, according to all information, Plekhanov has in mind Vaillant's article in *L'Humanité* of October 8, 1914, “Resolution confiante” (“Resolution inspiring faith”), in which the author stated that France in this war, as in the era of revolutionary wars, is fighting for the highest interests of humanity. Plekhanov compares Vaillant's position with Blanqui's position in 1870 during the Franco-Prussian War, when Blanqui called on the proletariat to defend the country, since the bourgeoisie, in his opinion, was powerless, cowardly, and incapable of fulfilling this task.
29 This refers to the resolution of the Swiss and Italian socialists, adopted at a conference in Lugano on September 27, 1914. Lenin's theses on the war, published above (see p. 10), had some influence on this resolution.
30 Plekhanov has in mind Karl Marx's articles "National Revolutions" in the *Neue Rheinische Zeitung* for 1848 (see *K. Marx and F. Engels in the era of the German Revolution of 1848-1850*, 19*26, p. 117), in which he called for war against Tsarism.
31 At the meeting of the State Duma (August 8) July 26, 1914, a member of the State Duma, Khaustov, read a declaration on behalf of the Social-Democratic Fraction (13 people) protesting against the war. The declaration stated that "the present war is generated by a policy of seizure, is a war for which the ruling classes of all warring countries are responsible," and that, although "the conscious proletariat of the warring countries could not prevent the outbreak of war," the Social-Democratic Fraction is convinced that "in the international solidarity of all the working masses of the whole world, the proletariat will find the means to the speedy end of the war." After reading the declaration, the Fraction left the meeting hall and did not participate in the vote on credits for the war. The "Trudovik" Fraction also joined the Social-Democrats.
32 This expression belongs to M. Sembat and was said by him regarding the refusal of the Social-Democratic fraction of the State Duma to vote for the allocation of credits for the war.

MATERIALS FOR LENIN’S SPEECHES ON THE WAR ISSUE

33 Plekhanov is referring here to G. Hervé's book *Leur patrie* ("Their Fatherland"). The main idea that Hervé sharply emphasizes in this book is that the fatherland exists only for the ruling class, and the proletariat has no business with it. A number of Hervé's positions and conclusions were clearly anarchist in nature. Hervé held a similar position at the Stuttgart Congress (August 16-24, 1907). Lenin, recognizing some truth in Hervé's criticism in his anti-militarist campaign, characterized the position he took as semi-anarchist (see his article: "The International Socialist Congress in Stuttgart," Works, Vol. XII, p. 82). In his closing remarks at a lecture in Lausanne, Plekhanov tried to present the position Lenin took during the war as a result of Lenin's rejection of Marxism and his transition to the ground of "Hervéism."
34 Plekhanov is referring to the sharp anti-militarist position taken by G. Hervé in the pre-war years.
35 See G. Ieck: "The International," St. Petersburg. 1906 Plekhanov implies under Marx's "note" the "Manifesto of the General Council" of July 23, 1870 (p. 108).
36 Plekhanov here cites the dialogue of the famous Greek philosopher-eclectic Lucian "The Dream or the Rooster," in that part where the Rooster in conversation with Micillus asserts that he, the Rooster, is Pythagoras. Micillus disputes this, stating that the Rooster's assertion does not correspond to his behavior: he, unlike Pythagoras, is talkative and eats beans, thereby violating the laws that Pythagoras followed. To this, the Rooster replies that his actions depend on changing circumstances: when he was Pythagoras, he did not eat beans, but now, having become a bird, he eats these beans, since this is not forbidden for a bird.
37 Plekhanov refers to A. Bebel's speech in the commission of the Stuttgart Congress (1907) on the issue of "Militarism and international conflicts" (see note 8, p. 25).
38 At a meeting of the Belgian Chamber of Deputies on August 4, 1914, Vandervelde made a statement on behalf of the socialist faction about the readiness to vote for the military credits that the government would require to protect the Belgian nation. At the same meeting, Prime Minister de Broqueville announced the appointment of Vandervelde as minister, to which the latter replied with his consent.
39 We quote the relevant passages from V. Kosovsky's report on Nos. 9-10 of the "Information Leaflet": "The modern war ... has completely destroyed any distinction between attacking and defending sides. The question of the "main culprit" has been sublated both by the nature of the war and by the entire preparatory period .... all the peoples involved in the war feel that they are in a state of necessary self-defense; and for social democrats everywhere the question has arisen of defending the fatherland."
40 A quote from Nos. 9-10 of the "Information Leaflet": "The principle of defending the fatherland not only does not contradict the traditions and decisions of the International, but, on the contrary, derives most directly from them. The International, proceeding from the self-determination of nations, sanctioned the right and the Ought of the proletariat to defend the independence and freedom of the country from any encroachments from the outside."

41 Kosovsky refers here to the article "Die Sozialdemokratie und der Krieg" ("Social Democracy and the War") in No. 214 of "Grütlianer" of September 14, 1914. The author of this article, in response to a letter from Richard Fischer, who was trying to prove that the German Social Democrats had fulfilled their duty to the German workers (see p. 53), expresses doubt that a victorious end to the war would lead to an expansion of the rights of the masses and an improvement in their situation. "I believe," the author goes on to say, "that this kind of doubt has led many to think that the German Social Democracy has been deceived" ("die deutsche Sozialdemokratie ist dupiert worden").
42 Kosovsky is referring to A. Bebel's article: "Deutschland, Russland und die orientalische Frage" ("Germany, Russia and the Eastern Question") in "Neue Zeit" for 1886 (Jahrgang IV, p. 502), in which Bebel spoke in favor of Germany waging war against Russia and France.
Excerpts from this article by Bebel with Lenin's notes are in the Institute's archive.
43 This refers to the refusal of "Vorwärts," at the request of the military authorities, to touch on the topics of "class struggle." Kosovsky justified the behavior of "Vorwärts" by the fact "that... the existence of a workers' newspaper, albeit restricted in its treatment of issues, but honestly conducting its business, is immeasurably more useful than the empty space that becomes the bourgeois press, poisoning the minds of workers deprived of their press."
In relation to the Franco-Prussian War, there were two tactical opinions in the ranks of the German Social Democrats: a negative attitude to the war by W. Liebknecht and Bebel and the "patriotic point of view" of Schweitzer. The latter, however, after some time joined the position of Liebknecht and Bebel.
Vaillant published a note on the conversation of Italian socialists with Südekum in No. 3817 of "L’Humanité" of September 29, 1914: "Infâmes morales et politiques" ("Moral and political cripples"). He awards this epithet to Italian socialists who spoke out for Italy's observance of neutrality in the war and took steps to convene a conference of socialists. Vaillant called the conference of Italian and Swiss socialists in Lugano an assembly of "certain" citizens claiming the title of socialists (see his article: "Quelques explications" ("Some Explanations") in "No. 3824 of "L'Humanité" of October 6, 1914). Vaillant's position clearly testified to his desire to induce Italian socialists to take part in the war against Germany.
This refers to the Brussels meeting that took place on the eve of the war on July 29, 1914 (see note 1, p. 23).
47 This refers to the manifesto of the French and Belgian socialists to the German workers.
48 Lenin is referring to the Spanish-American War of 1898, which ended with the Americans seizing the island of Cuba, the Philippines and Puerto Rico; the Italo-Turkish War of 1911, which ended with the Italians seizing Tripoli, and the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-5.
49 Avdeev - A. Divnilkovsky, at that time a Menshevik-Plekhanovite.
50 What is being discussed could not be established.
51 This remark refers to Lenin's statement in the report that in the interests of the revolution, the defeat of the Tsarist army is necessary and that

MATERIALS FOR LENIN'S SPEECHES ON THE QUESTION OF WAR in this regard there will be nothing wrong, even if German troops take Kiev, Riga, or other cities of the national regions of Russia.
52 During the Franco-Prussian War in 1870, A. Bebel and W. Liebknecht abstained from voting on military credits, and then strongly protested against Germany's seizure of Alsace-Lorraine, for which they were accused of treason and sentenced in 1872 to two years in prison.
53 In the pamphlet "On War" (p. 68), Plekhanov reports that in September, after the victory on the French Front, Germany, confident in the upcoming defeat of France, was going to dictate the following terms of peace to it: the transfer of all French colonies and one quarter of the territory in Europe to Germany, the payment of 10 billion francs, the conclusion of a trade agreement under which German goods would be imported into its territory duty-free for twenty-five years, the cessation of the conscription of citizens for military service in France for twenty-five years, the destruction of fortresses, the break with Russia and England and the conclusion of an alliance with Germany for twenty-five years, etc.
54 Rogdaev - N. Muzil, an anarchist.
55 This remark, apparently, was made by Lenin after Rogdaev's speech and concerns the social-patriotic position that Kropotkin took during the war.
56 Gorelik - an anarchist.
57 A. Troyanovsky - Social-Democrat Bolshevik, during the war a centrist, Kautskian.
58 Garry - A. Goldenberg, an anarchist.
59 Ruzov - not identified.
60 The resolution of the Zurich "Eintracht" mentioned here (the resolution was written by L. Trotsky), adopted at the general meeting of "Eintracht" on October 8-9, 1914, was then published in No. 240 of "Volksrecht" of October 15, 1914, under the general title: "Der Krieg und die Aufgabe der Internationale" ("The War and the Task of the International"). The resolution considers the struggle to end the war as the main urgent task. "The program of peace" - the resolution says - "of a true and unshakable peace of nations, which the working class opposes to capitalist searches for loot, is simple and clear: no violent annexations! No contributions! The right of national self-determination as the basis of all state regroupings. United States of Europe - without power and secret diplomacy, without feudal castes and standing armies."
61 M. Ratner - Menshevik.
62 See note 8, p. 25.
This refers to the well-known phrase of I. Auer: "Dear Edya, you are an ass: such things are done, but not talked about," said by him in a letter to Eduard Bernstein in connection with the debates on revisionism ("Bernsteinism") that unfolded at the Stuttgart Parteitag of the German Social Democrats (1898). This phrase was repeated by Auer in his speech at the Hanover Parteitag (1899). See "Protokoll über die Verhandlungen des Parteitages der sozialdemokratischen Partei Deutschlands. Abgehalten zu Hannover vom 9 bis 14 Oktober 1899". Berlin, S. 208.