# The European War and European Socialism. Plan of a Pamphlet
# Source: Lenin Miscellany XIV, p. 21
# Date: 1914-09

“THE EUROPEAN WAR AND EUROPEAN SOCIALISM”

34. Direction]
(1) not to vote] credits.
This works:
voting credits = tra- treachery.
(2) against chauvinists of one's trumpet in the war. 57
country.
(3) do not limit] [oneself] to legal] organization].
(4) do not forget Basel m[ani- fes]to about the threat of civil war]

35. May be even half a century of enslavement before so-
cialist] revolution, but what will our era leave, what will we contribute? Contempt for opportunist]s and traitors or
the preparation] of civil war??
M(artov) in Golos No. 21 is not yet possible the slogan of the Commune:
isolation] from wide popular masses! ? **58
1811
* PLAN OF A PAMPHLET.
Themes:
A)) Imperialist] character of the contemporary war.
The concept of imperialism.
B)) "Fatherland" and proletariat.
Communist Manifesto and the significance of its thesis.
Historical] (and political]) view of the fatherland.
Sophisms ( "Tolstoyanism" \
C) Germans (S.D.) and the war.
D) French] socialists] and war.
E) Russian socialists] and war.
F) English socialists] and war.
G) Italian socialists] and war.
H) Swiss] and Scandinavian] socialists] and war
I) Chauvinism bestial and chauvinism salon. "Volun-
teering."
K) Peace against war — versus civil war against
national war?

*
The last phrase and the numbers in parentheses are written in chemical pencil, then circled in ink. Ed.
** The entire phrase is written on the back of the last page in red pencil. Ed.

2 2

L) Organization legal] and illegal]... subordination
to Prussian] generals...
M) Significance of voting credits ("the trumpeter and his signal")...
N) Liberal] bourgeoisie and opportunistic] socialism versus war.
O) International 2nd and opportunism.
P) Opportunism versus the center in the International....
Q) Frank und "Opfertod"....
R) Two Internationals now and the 3rd International.
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Elements of another International:

minority of Germans
|
Serbian] S.D.
|
Wegscheid B[ür]g[er Zeitung]; Halle answer to Fischer
Swedish S.D. 59
Italian] Zibordi et al.60
Keir Hardie
En passant?* private meeting of the left] of the International
in Copenhagen]
1. France: Guesde. Ch. Rapport.
2. Belgium]: de Bruck[ère].
3. Germany: Rosa Luxemburg, Wurm.
4. Poland: Karski.
5. Spain]: Iglesias.
6. Austria]: Ad. Braun...
7. Russia: Plekhanoff], Lenin, Rjasanoff et al.
Summarised? **
1. (( A. Ch[arac.]ter of the war.
B. "Fatherl[and and proletariat".
Communist Manifesto.
History of the nation.
(I) Chauvinism.
Sophisms.
2.
* — By the way. Ed.
** — Summarized. Ed.

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((THE EUROPEAN WAR AND EUROPEAN SOCIALISM"
2 3 j
3. Two Internationals
|
(S.-H. M. and O.P.S.)*
4. Peace [against war] or civil war [against
national] (K. J .y
Themes:
A) Character of war (objective-historical) (1 — 5)/*
B) Doctrine of socialism about "fatherland" (6 — 12).
C) Practical] behavior of socialists] in the present] war
(13 — 21).
D) Collapse of the International (22 — 27).
E) Tasks and slogans of revolutionary S.D.*(28— 35).
* NOTES FOR THE PLAN OF A PAMPHLET.
20 — 15 million] people involved] in the war in all countries
100 billion marks (50 billion rubles)
The cost of the war: "Golos" L? 3: 70 billion Francs per
year (without Japan).
Germany 45 million frs. per day 16 billion 1 per year 61
|
Kautsky considers resolutely all and every possible consequences of the war, — except revolutionary
movements of the proletariat. Every movement is taken into account, but it is silently
assumed that the proletariat moves not otherwise than within the framework permitted by the Prussian junkers!!!

The meeting of the ISB took place in Brussels on July 29, 1914, i.e., immediately before the very beginning of the war. The Bureau adopted a resolution on convoking in Paris an international
congress on August 9 on the question of "War and the Proletariat", and also appealed to the proletariat of all countries to "intensify the demonstration against the war, in favor of peace and in favor of arbitration of the Austro-Serbian conflict." This congress did not take place in connection with the development of military operations. At the meeting of the bureau, V. Adler stated that he did not believe in the possibility of a European war. Lenin also speaks about this statement by Adler in the article "Dead Chauvinism and Living Socialism" (Works, Vol. XVIII, p. 79).
* Latin letters — see the points of the plan listed above. Ed.
Lenin marked the points of the synopsis in parentheses. Ed.

2 4

2 Lenin is referring to an article by the former Italian minister L. Luzzatti in one of the Italian newspapers. "In this article, the Italian politician rejoices that the great victor in the war turned out to be... the fatherland, the concept of the fatherland, and repeats: we must remember Cicero's words that 'the greatest disaster is civil war'" (quoted from a record of Lenin's lecture in Lausanne; see Works, vol. XVIII, p. 52).
3 Lenin is referring here to the following quote from the "Communist Manifesto": "The working men have no country. We cannot take from them what they have not got. Since the proletariat must first of all acquire political supremacy, must rise to be the leading class of the nation, must constitute itself *the* nation, it is so far, itself, national, though not in the bourgeois sense of the word."
4 1790-1814 - the era of national wars, which began with the wars of the period of the Great French Revolution.
1859 - Austro-Italian-French war.
1866 - Austro-Italian war and Austro-Prussian war.
1870-1871 - Franco-Prussian War.
6 Lenin emphasizes here the fact that in the era of imperialism, national wars are also possible, as, for example, in the case of a war between India or China and Japan. In this last case ("conscious proletarians [of India or China]... could not take any other path than the national one, since their countries have not yet formed into national states" (quoted from a record by the correspondent of "Golos"; see Works, vol. XVIII, p. 51).

Lenin is referring to the famous book by J. Jaurès: "L'organisation socialiste en France. L'Armée nouvelle." Paris. 1911 ("The Socialist Organization in France. The New Army"). Its Russian translation (by K. M. Adardan) was published by the Petrograd Department of the Main Directorate of Military Educational Institutions, 1919. In Chapter X of this book ("Social and Moral Motives. The Army, the Fatherland, and the Proletariat"), Jaurès writes: "I have never attached serious importance to the paradox directed against the idea of the fatherland. The fatherland does not represent an obsolete idea: the latter has only changed and deepened. I have always been of the conviction that the proletariat will never sympathize with the doctrine of renouncing nationality... A proletariat that has refused to defend national independence, and with it its free development, will never be able to defeat capitalism, and if, in addition to the oppression of the latter, it also falls under the rule of a conqueror, then it loses all desire to even raise its head... The truth lies in the following: wherever there is a fatherland, i.e., a historical group aware of its continuity and cohesion, any encroachment against the freedom and independence of this fatherland will be an encroachment against civilization and a return to barbarism" (pp. 236-237 of the Russian translation).
7 Lenin is referring to G. Wendel's article "Jaurès" in No. 19 of "Neue Zeit" of August 21, 1914. See excerpts from this article in the materials for the pamphlet on p. 45. The Institute's archive contains the specified issue of "Neue Zeit" with Lenin's notes in this article.