1. The most significant fact in the history of the workers' movement and the Russian Revolution during 1912 is the remarkable development of both economic and political strike struggle by the proletariat. The number of political strikers reached one million.

2. The character of the strike struggle in 1912 deserves particular attention. Workers in a number of cases put forward economic and political demands simultaneously; periods of economic strikes alternate with periods of political strikes and vice versa. The struggle with capitalists over the conquests of 1905 wrested away by the counter-revolution, and the growing rise in the cost of living, raise ever new layers of workers, placing political questions before them in the sharpest form. All these forms of combining and interlacing economic and political struggle serve as conditions and guarantees of the power of the movement, creating revolutionary mass strikes.

3. The outbreak of discontent and uprisings in the fleet and army that marked 1912 stands in undeniable connection with the revolutionary mass strikes of workers, pointing to the growth of ferment and unrest in broad circles of democracy and, in particular, among the peasantry, which supplies the main mass of troops.

4. All these facts, in connection with the general shift to the left in the country, which manifested itself in the elections to the Fourth Duma, despite the most shameless falsification of them by the reactionary tsarist government, conclusively demonstrated that Russia has again entered a period of open revolutionary struggle by the masses. The new revolution, whose beginning we are experiencing, is an inevitable consequence of the bankruptcy of the tsarism's policy of June Third. This policy proved unable to satisfy even the most compliant large bourgeoisie. And the position of the masses of the people has become even more devoid of rights, especially for the oppressed nationalities; the peasantry, meanwhile, has been driven once again to famines of millions and millions.

5. Under such conditions, revolutionary mass strikes are of exceptional importance also because they represent one of the most effective means of overcoming the apathy, despair and fragmentation of the agricultural proletariat and peasantry, of awakening its political self-activity, of drawing it into the widest possible concerted, simultaneous and broad revolutionary action.

6. Party organizations, in expanding and strengthening agitation for the immediate demands of the RSDLP—a democratic republic, an eight-hour working day and the confiscation of all landlord lands for the benefit of the peasantry—must place in the forefront of their activities comprehensive support for revolutionary mass strikes, as well as the development and organization of every form of revolutionary action by the masses. It is especially necessary to advance, as an urgent task, the organization of street revolutionary demonstrations both in their combination with political strikes and as independent manifestations.

7. The application by certain capitalists of lockouts (mass dismissals) against striking workers poses new tasks before the working class. It is necessary carefully to take account of the economic conditions of the strike in each region, in each branch of industry, in each individual case, seeking out new forms of struggle to counter lockouts (for example, the Italian strike) and replacing political strikes with revolutionary meetings and revolutionary street demonstrations.

8. Certain organs of legal press, quite independently of how they evaluate one or another strike, conduct general agitation against revolutionary mass strikes. Such agitation is conducted, apart from the liberal press, for example, by the group of liquidators in the newspaper *Luch*, contrary to the significant part of those workers who in one way or another support this newspaper. The task of all party Social-Democratic workers in view of this is: 1) decisive struggle with this group; 2) systematic and persistent explanation to all workers without distinction of tendency of all the harm caused by the aforesaid preaching; and 3) the consolidation of all proletarian forces for the further development of revolutionary agitation and revolutionary action by the masses.