## Revolutionary Upsurge, Strikes, and the Tasks of the Party

1. The most important fact in the history of the working-class movement and the Russian revolution in 1912 is the remarkable development of both the economic and the political strike struggle of the proletariat. The number of political strikers reached a million.

2. The character of the strike struggle in 1912 deserves special attention. In a number of cases, workers simultaneously put forward economic and political demands; a wave of economic strikes alternates with a wave of political ones and vice versa. The struggle against the capitalists for the gains of 1905 that were taken away by the counter-revolution, and the rising cost of living, are drawing in ever new sections of workers, posing political questions to them in an extremely acute form. All these forms of combination and interweaving of the economic and political struggle constitute the condition and guarantee of the movement’s might, creating the revolutionary mass strike.

3. The outbreak of discontent and revolts in the navy and army that marked the year 1912 is undoubtedly connected with the revolutionary mass strikes of the workers, indicating the growth of ferment and indignation among broad circles of the democracy and, in particular, among the peasantry, which provides the bulk of the troops.

4. All these facts, in connection with the general shift to the left in the country that manifested itself in the elections to the Fourth Duma despite their most shameless rigging by the Black-Hundred tsarist government, have conclusively shown that Russia has again entered a period of open revolutionary mass struggle. The new revolution, the beginning of which we are living through, is the inevitable result of the bankruptcy of the tsarism’s policy of the Third of June coup. This policy could not satisfy even the most obsequious big bourgeoisie. And the condition of the masses of the people became even more deprived of rights, especially for the oppressed nationalities, while the peasantry was again reduced to famine involving millions and millions.

5. Under such conditions, revolutionary mass strikes are of exceptional importance also because they are one of the most effective means of overcoming the apathy, despair, and disunity of the agricultural proletariat and the peasantry, of awakening their political initiative, and of drawing them into the most united, simultaneous, and widespread revolutionary actions possible.

6. The organizations of the party, while expanding and intensifying agitation for the immediate demands of the R.S.D.L.P. – a democratic republic, an eight-hour working day, and the confiscation of all landed estates for the benefit of the peasantry – must make one of the foremost tasks in their activity the all-round support of revolutionary mass strikes, as well as the development and organization of all forms of revolutionary actions by the masses. In particular, it is necessary to advance, as an immediate task, the organization of street revolutionary demonstrations, both in conjunction with political strikes and as independent actions.

7. The use by certain capitalists of lockouts (mass dismissals) against striking workers poses new tasks for the working class. It is necessary to carefully take into account the economic conditions of the strike in each district, in each branch of industry, in each individual case, seeking out new forms of struggle (for example, the Italian strike) to counter lockouts, and replacing political strikes with revolutionary meetings and revolutionary street demonstrations.

8. Certain organs of the legal press, entirely irrespective of how they assess any given strike, conduct general agitation against revolutionary mass strikes. Such agitation, apart from the liberal press, is conducted, for example, by the group of liquidationists in the newspaper *Luch*, contrary to the views of a significant portion of the workers who, in one way or another, support that newspaper. The task of all party Social-Democratic workers in view of this is: 1) a resolute struggle against this group; 2) systematic and persistent explanation to all workers, without distinction of tendency, of the full harm of the said preaching; and 3) the rallying of all proletarian forces for the further development of revolutionary agitation and revolutionary actions of the masses.

The Building of the Illegal Organization

1. Summing up the worker movement and the work of the party for 1912, the conference finds that: the new wave of revolutionary actions by the masses which has begun has fully confirmed the previous decisions of the R.S.D.L.P. (and in particular those of the January 1912 Conference) on the question of party building. The course of the strike struggle during 1912, the Social-Democratic electoral campaign for the Fourth Duma, the course of the insurance campaign, etc., have shown with certainty that the only correct type of organizational building in the current epoch is: an illegal party, as a sum of party cells, surrounded by a network of legal and semi-legal workers' societies.

2. Adaptation of the organisational forms of illegal construction to local conditions is absolutely obligatory. Diversity of forms of covering for illegal cells, the greatest possible flexibility in adapting forms of work to local and everyday conditions, is the guarantee of the viability of the illegal organisation.

3. The principal immediate task in the sphere of organisational construction at the present moment is: the creation at all factories and works of purely Party illegal factory committees, consisting of the most active worker elements. The tremendous upsurge of the working-class movement creates conditions under which the re-creation of Party factory committees and the strengthening of existing ones becomes possible in the vast majority of localities.

4. The meeting points out that the necessity has now fully matured of creating from the scattered local groups one leading organisation in every centre.

As the type of city-wide organisation, in Petersburg, for example, the leading city committee has come to the fore, created by combining the principle of election from the district cells with the principle of co-optation.

This type of organisation makes it possible to establish the closest and most direct contact between the leading body and the primary cells, and at the same time permits the creation of a narrow in composition, mobile and most thoroughly conspired executive body, having the right to speak at any moment in the name of the whole organisation. The meeting recommends this type, with changes arising from local and everyday conditions, for other centres of the working-class movement as well.

5. For the purpose of establishing close ties between the local organisations and the PPS, as well as for the purpose of guiding and uniting the Party work, the meeting considers it urgently necessary to organise regional centres in the main districts of the working-class movement.

6. As one of the most important practical tasks in the matter of establishing constant live contact between the Central Committee and the local Social-Democratic groups, and also in the matter of creating flexible forms of guiding local work in large centres of the working-class movement, – the system of agents is being advanced. The agents must be recruited from worker-leaders of local work. Only advanced workers, by their own efforts, can strengthen and consolidate the central apparatus of the Party in the localities, as in the whole of Russia.

7. The meeting expresses the wish that the Central Committee should organise as frequently as possible meetings with local party workers operating in different branches of Social-Democratic work.

8. The conference recalls repeated Party decisions to the effect that a workers’ party cannot exist except on regular membership dues and workers’ collections. Without such collections, especially under present conditions, the existence of even the most modest central (local and all-Russia) Party institution is absolutely impossible.

9. (Not for publication.)

On the Social-Democratic Duma Group

1. The conference notes that, despite unprecedented persecution and rigging of the elections by the government, despite a clearly formed Black-Hundred and liberal bloc against the S.-D. in many places, the R.S.D.L.P. won enormous victories in the elections to the Fourth Duma. Almost everywhere the number of votes for the S.-D. increased — in the second urban curia, which Social-Democracy is increasingly wresting from the hands of the liberals. And in the workers’ curia, which is of primary importance for our Party, the R.S.D.L.P. retained undivided dominance, and by electing all the curial Bolshevik deputies the working class particularly emphatically underscored its unyielding loyalty to the old R.S.D.L.P. and its revolutionary behests.

2. The conference welcomes the energetic activity of the S.-D. deputies in the Fourth Duma, expressed in a number of Duma speeches, in the tabling of interpellations, and in the reading of a declaration which, on the whole, correctly formulated the basic principles of Social-Democracy.

3. Recognizing as the only correct practice the tradition established in our Party according to which the S.-D. Duma group is a body subordinate to the Party as a whole in the person of its central institutions, the conference believes that in the interests of the political education of the working class and the proper organization of the Party’s Duma work, it is necessary to pay close attention to every step of the S.-D. group and in this way to exercise Party control over the group.

4. The conference cannot but see a direct violation of Party duty on the part of the S.-D. group in the resolution concerning Jagiello. This resolution supports the splitting step of the Bund, which entered into an agreement with a non-Social-Democratic party (P.P.S.) against the Polish Social-Democrats and put forward the non-Social-Democrat Jagiello against all the Social-Democratic electors, who constituted the majority in the college of workers’ electors. The group thus deepened the split among the workers in Poland and made the cause of unity throughout the Party more difficult.

5.  The defence of comrade Chkhenkeli on behalf of the faction of cultural-national autonomy under the guise of “creating the necessary institutions for the free development of each nationality” represents a direct violation of the party programme.{127}  A formulation essentially completely identical was rejected by a special vote of the Second Congress of the party, which adopted its programme.{128}  A concession to nationalist sentiments, even in such a disguised form, is inadmissible for a proletarian party.

6.  The voting of the Soc.-Dem. faction for the progressist (and in fact Octobrist) transition formula on the ministerial declaration, and the failure to put forward an independent Soc.-Dem. formula, is an omission that must be noted by the party in view of the malicious comments of the liberal press.{129}

7.  8 and 9.  (Not for publication.){130}

On Illegal Literature

Having discussed the question of the necessity of the all-round development of illegal publishing and having worked out a number of concrete directives on this question, the conference insistently calls on all local party organisations, all workers’ cells and individual workers for greater independence and initiative in the matter of transport and contacts with the bureau of the Central Committee{131} for the dissemination of illegal literature.

On the Insurance Campaign

Stating that the working class and its party, despite all persecution, have displayed great energy in defending proletarian interests in connection with the introduction of the insurance law,{132} the conference considers:

1.  The most resolute and united struggle is necessary against the attempts of the government and the capitalists to compel the workers to elect their representatives to the sick benefit funds in the dark—without allowing workers’ meetings.

2.  The workers must everywhere strive to secure meetings by direct action for the preliminary nomination of the candidates for representatives they desire.

3.  The workers must organise revolutionary meetings to protest against the acts of violence and humiliation that accompany the introduction of the insurance laws.

4.  In any case, it is necessary to draw up in advance a workers’ list of candidates for representatives from among the most influential Social-Democratic workers and to put this list through in a united manner even in places where it is impossible to organise any meetings.

5. The meeting considers the boycott of elections of representatives inexpedient and harmful. The main efforts of the capitalists at the present time are aimed at preventing the workers from taking control of certain factory proletarian cells, which the workers' sickness funds should become. The boycott, by disuniting the workers at the present moment, would only play into the hands of the aforementioned striving of the capitalists.

6. The struggle for correct elections of delegates to the sickness funds must not cease for a single minute. By all means, with all forces, using every favorable moment, not allowing the employers for a single minute to consider the normal course of production as guaranteed, expanding and developing the workers' struggle – one cannot at the same time refuse to put forward a Social-Democratic list, in spite of all obstacles. Elections do not preclude the further development of the struggle. On the contrary, by getting steadfast Social-Democratic workers elected as delegates, we shall facilitate the further struggle for correct elections, in which the delegates will help the workers in every way.

7. Wherever elections are held without meetings, it is necessary to agitate for the re-election of representatives on the basis of genuine freedom of elections with the holding of meetings – by all means available to the workers.

8. The Social-Democratic Duma fraction must immediately submit a new interpellation regarding the refusal to allow workers to hold meetings for the elections.

9. All agitation in connection with the introduction of insurance must be conducted in close connection with a clarification of the whole state of affairs in tsarist Russia, explaining our socialist principles and revolutionary demands.

On the Attitude to Liquidationism and on Unity

1. Four years of struggle by the party against liquidationism have fully proved the correctness of the definition given by the December All-Party Conference of the R.S.D.L.P. in 1908 in the words:

"Attempts by a certain section of the party intelligentsia to liquidate the existing organization of the R.S.D.L.P. and replace it with a shapeless association within the framework of legality at all costs, even if the latter were bought at the price of an open renunciation of the program, tactics and traditions of the party."{133}

Consequently, the liquidators are condemned not at all for putting forward the necessity of legal work, but for renouncing the illegal party and for destroying it.

The establishment of the first daily Marxist workers' newspaper in Russia and the election, by the workers' curia, of all curial deputies as Bolsheviks have finally proved that the party has been able to master legal activity, pushing aside the liquidators.

2. By leaving the illegal party and grouping themselves separately from local organizations, the liquidators carried out a split, which they consolidated by creating so-called initiative groups in a number of places, especially in Petersburg. The January 1912 conference of the R.S.D.L.P., which resolved that the liquidator group of writers of “Nasha Zarya” and “Delo Zhizni,” which was the core of the initiative groups, had “completely placed itself outside the party”[32] – merely confirmed the split committed by the liquidators.

3. The August conference of 1912, which called itself the “conference of organizations of the R.S.D.L.P.,” turned out in reality to be a liquidator conference, since its main and guiding part was the literary group of liquidators that had broken away from the party and was divorced from the Russian working masses.

4. The devotion to the illegal party of the overwhelming majority of advanced workers compelled the August conference to make apparent concessions to party spirit and as if to recognize the illegal party. In reality, all the resolutions of this conference are thoroughly imbued with liquidationism, and immediately after the conference, “Nasha Zarya” and “Luch,” which declared that it adhered to the August decisions, intensified their liquidator preaching

a) for an open party,

b) against the underground,

c) against the party program (defense of cultural-national autonomy, revision of the agrarian laws of the Third Duma, relegation of the slogan of a republic to the background, etc.),

d) against revolutionary mass strikes,

e) for reformist, exclusively legalist tactics.

Therefore, resolute struggle against the group of liquidators of “Nasha Zarya” and “Luch” and explanation to the working masses of the profound harm of their preaching continues to be one of the tasks of the party.

5. The campaign for “unity” raised by the liquidators in the legal press bypasses and obscures the main question of joining the illegal party and working within it, thereby misleading the workers, for this question cannot even be raised in the legal press. In reality, the liquidators continue to behave in a splitting manner, which was particularly clearly shown by the elections in Petersburg: when the electors were divided into two equal parts, it was the liquidators who rejected the proposal for a drawing of lots, which alone could have eliminated the disunity of the workers before the bourgeois parties.

6. On condition of recognition of the illegal organization of the R.S.D.L.P. and joining it, the unity of Social-Democratic workers of all trends and shades represents an unconditional necessity and is imperatively dictated by all the interests of the working-class movement.

Unification precisely on such principles has already been carried out in the Narva district organization in Petersburg and in a number of provincial organizations.

7. The conference most energetically supports such unification and recommends everywhere immediately to begin the same unification from below, starting with factory committees, district groups, etc., with verification by comrade workers in practice whether recognition of the illegal organization and readiness to support the revolutionary struggle of the masses and revolutionary tactics are being implemented. Only to the extent of this actual creation of unity from below will the final consolidation of the party be completed and the full strengthening of unity on an all-Russian scale be achieved.

On "National" Social-Democratic Organizations

1. The experience of 1912 fully confirmed the correctness of the decision of the January conference (1912) of the R.S.D.L.P. on this question[33]. The support by the Bund of the candidacy of the non-Social-Democrat Jagello against the Polish Social-Democrats, and the violation of the party program in favor of nationalism by the August (1912) conference of the liquidators, the Bund and the Latvian Social-Democrats with particular clarity revealed the complete bankruptcy of federalist principles in the building of the Social-Democratic party and the profound harm of the separateness of "national" Social-Democratic organizations for the proletarian cause.

2. The conference therefore insistently calls upon the workers of all nationalities of Russia to offer the most resolute resistance to the militant nationalism of reaction, to struggle against all and every manifestation of nationalist spirit among the toiling masses, and to the very closest rallying and merging of the Social-Democratic workers locally into united organizations of the R.S.D.L.P. conducting work in each of the languages of the local proletariat and implementing in practice unity from below, as has long been done in the Caucasus.

3. The Conference expresses deep regret over the split in the ranks of the Polish Social-Democracy, which is greatly weakening the struggle of the Social-Democratic workers of Poland. The Conference is compelled to state that the Chief Directorate of the Polish Social-Democracy, not representing at the present time the majority of the Polish Social-Democratic organizations of the Polish proletariat, is resorting to inadmissible means in the struggle against this majority (for example, the completely unsubstantiated suspicion of provocation cast upon the entire Warsaw organization). The Conference calls upon all Party organizations that are in contact with Polish Social-Democratic workers to assist in creating genuine unity of the Polish Social-Democracy.

4. The Conference notes in particular the extreme opportunism and liquidationism in the decisions of the last (9th) Conference of the Bund, which eliminated the slogan of a republic, relegated illegal work to the background, and revealed a forgetfulness of the revolutionary tasks of the proletariat. The Bund’s resistance to the unification of all Social-Democratic workers locally (in Warsaw, Lodz, Vilna, etc.) – a unification on which the R.S.D.L.P., through its congresses and conferences, has repeatedly insisted since 1906 – deserves similar condemnation.

5. The Conference welcomes the revolutionary Social-Democratic workers of the Latvian organization, who are conducting persistent propaganda in an anti-liquidationist spirit, and expresses regret that the Central Committee of the Latvian Social-Democracy is inclined to support the anti-Party steps of the liquidators.

6. The Conference expresses its firm conviction that the revolutionary upsurge that has begun, the mass economic and political strikes, street demonstrations, and other forms of open revolutionary struggle of the masses will assist the full consolidation and merging locally of Social-Democratic workers without any distinction of nationality, thereby intensifying the onslaught against Tsarism, which oppresses all the peoples of Russia, and against the bourgeoisie of all the nations of Russia, which is closing its ranks.

On the Reorganization and Work of the Editorial Board of the Newspaper Pravda

1. The editorial board is not sufficiently consistent in Party spirit. The editorial board is strongly recommended to observe and implement all Party decisions more strictly. Legality of conduct is obligatory.

The Central Committee is taking measures to reorganize the editorial board.

2. The editorial board responds weakly to the Party life of the Social-Democratic workers in Petersburg. A summary of Party resolutions or mention of them is absolutely necessary in legal form.

3. The editorial board should devote more attention to explaining the incorrectness and harmfulness of liquidationism in general and of the preaching of Luch in particular.

4. The editorial board must pay more attention to agitation for subscriptions and collections among the workers.

5. The Bolshevik section of the deputies must join the broad editorial board of the newspaper and organize systematic, persistent participation in both the literary and the economic aspects of the work.

6. The editorial board must be especially cautious in its attitude towards its Vperyodist contributors, so as not to hinder the rapprochement that has begun and not to allow an erroneous principled line.

7. Every effort must be made to reduce publication expenses and to create a narrow leading group (handling all the work), which must include at least one representative of the six{134}.

A similar leading group (economic commission) with the obligatory participation of one of the six is necessary for managing the economic side of the work.

8. Articles that the Central Committee considers obligatory for publication must be published immediately (under a conventional signature).

9. While strictly safeguarding the legality of the newspaper, it is necessary to draw into active participation in both the literary management of the newspaper and its distribution also workers’ societies, unions, committees, groups and individual persons in St. Petersburg and the provinces.

10. To support the initiative of the group of St. Petersburg Social-Democrats in launching an all-trade organ of an anti-liquidationist trend, having carefully verified the state of affairs on the spot.

11. To take measures to bring closer together the literary and economic aspects of the newspaper and the journal{135}.

12. It is necessary to set energetically to work on establishing in Moscow a daily workers’ newspaper as a branch of the St. Petersburg one. To this end, the Moscow group should be organizationally linked with the troika of deputies of the Moscow Region.