V. I. Lenin

In this issue of our newspaper comrades workers will find a
detailed account of the recent sitting of the International Socialist
Bureau in London, and also its resolution on the question of unity of the
Social-Democratic forces in Russia.

Class-conscious workers throughout Russia must discuss this resolution
with the utmost attention.

A class-conscious worker feels and realises himself to be not only a
member of the Russian Marxist family—he is aware that he is also
a member of the international family of Marxists. He also has
duties to the workers’ International. He must take account of the opinions
and wishes of the latter. He must not lose touch with the international
workers’ army for a single moment.

Russian Marxist workers will welcome the fact that the workers’
International has shown a desire to make a serious study of the principled
discussions which have such a prominent part to play in our Russian
working-class movement. The accursed conditions of Russian social and
political life have led to a state where our comrades know much less about
our movement than about the movement in any other country. This lack of
knowledge about the real state of affairs in Russia is such that just
recently German Social-Democratic spokesmen proposed the convocation of all
circles of Russian Social-Democrats abroad (12 “trends” abroad) to work
out a new programme for the
Party. {1}

But, after all, everyone knows that the Russian proletariat worked out such
a programme back in 1903....

This period is, fortunately, about to end. By its great and heroic
struggle,the Russian proletariat has made itself a talking point throughout
the civilised world. The working class of Russia has by rights taken up its
place in the workers’ International, and it is safe to say that with every
passing year its role in the international arena will be ever bigger and
more important.

The decision of the International Bureau gives Russian workers their
first chance to acquaint our West-European comrades with the basic
substance of our discussions. The Bureau has put the question like this: 1)
it has offered its good offices to bring about unity; 2) it believes the
actual differences must be brought out; 3) therefore it has authorised its
Executive Committee to contact and arrange an exchange of opinion with all
Social-Democrats accepting the Social-Democratic programme and also those
whose programme is close to the Social-Democratic.

Russian Marxists find all this quite acceptable.

It is indeed extremely desirable to bring out the differences. And even not only those between the Marxists and the
liquidators, but also those between the Marxists and the Narodniks, and the
Zionist Socialists (whom we regard as being not much worse than the Bund
and the P.P.S.), etc. It would be a considerable success if the
International Bureau managed to secure clear-cut and precise formulations
and to establish the actual basis of the political differences.

But to clear up the differences does not at all mean to eliminate
them. The differences stem from the absolutely divergent views of the
present epoch in Russia. They constitute two tactics, two
systems of policy—the proletarian and the liberal: Nothing will eliminate
this divergence.

But even there it is extremely desirable to have a precise and definite
elucidation of the terms for unity put forward by each of the
sides.

Marxist workers are faced with this important task:
they must have a thorough discussion of the International Bureau’s proposal
and give it every possible attention, outlining their own terms of unity.

These terms are clear. They flow from the whole course of the
working-class movement. The liquidators must in fact recognise the
Marxist whole, they must recognise that the main slogans for agitation
among the masses are the three old and basic demands; they must withdraw
their amendments to the programme (cultural-national autonomy); they must
refrain from shouting about the “strike itch”; condemn the Bundists’
separatist strivings and demand local mergers; condemn the malicious
personal attacks which poison the ideological struggle, etc. In the sphere
of Duma activity, the Seven must unconditionally recognise their
subordination to the Marxist whole and retract their anti-Party decisions
(Jagiello, abolition of the programme, etc.). Even Comrade Plekhanov, who
disagrees with us on many points, says in his letter to the International
Bureau that “our Duma group is divided in consequence of certain
regrettable decisions adopted by our comrades liquidators, who find
themselves in a majority of seven to six”.

It has not yet been cleared up whom it would be useful for the
International Bureau to contact for arranging the general exchange of
opinion. It is clear that there are two possible ways: either invitations
should go out to representatives of the two principal trends: Marxists and
liquidators, or to “all Social-Democrats”, and all who regard themselves
as being close to the Social-Democrats, in which case it would mean the
party of deputy Jagiello (P.P.S.) and various Jewish socialist groups, and
those of the Narodniks who consider their stand close to the
Social-Democratic programme.

Every class-conscious worker should take an interest in the question
raised by the International Bureau. We urge all workers to raise this
question at their meetings, circles, talks, rallies, etc., to discuss it,
to adopt their resolutions and to publish their opinion in our newspaper.

It is wrong to think that this business is remote and has nothing to do
with us. If the question is raised at the inter national congress in
Vienna {2} (something Marxists would very gladly welcome), the
International must know the opinion of the Russian workers, of the
proletarian organisations operating in Russia, and not only of the isolated
circles abroad.

Comrades! Discuss this important question, adopt your decisions and communicate them to your newspaper, Proletarskaya Pravda . The class-conscious workers of all countries will listen to what you say.