We constantly make the mistake of judging the slogans, the tactics, of a given party or group, its general trend, by the intentions or motives which that group itself puts forward. Such an assessment is utterly worthless. Hell is paved with good intentions – that was said long ago.

It is not a matter of intentions, motives, or words, but of the objective, independent-of-them situation which determines the fate and significance of the slogans, the tactics, or the general trend, of a given party or group.

Let us approach the analysis of the most important questions of the present-day workers’ movement from this standpoint. The strike of July 1–3 in Petersburg embraced over 62,000 workers even according to the estimates of the bourgeois newspapers Rech and Russkoye Slovo, which always give minimised figures in such cases.

We are, therefore, confronted with the fact of action by a mass of over sixty thousand. The immediate reason, as is well known, was a protest against the persecution of the workers’ press, its daily confiscations, etc., etc. We also know, from reports even of such newspapers as Novoye Vremya, Rech, Sovremenka,{104} Russkoye Slovo, that in their speeches, etc., the workers emphasised the all-people’s significance of their protest.

How did the various classes of Russian society regard this event? What position did they occupy?

We know that Rossiya,{105} Zemshchina and similar newspapers came out with the usual sharply condemnatory statements, often with the coarsest abuse, threats, etc. This is nothing new. It is understandable. It is inevitable.

What is more “new” is the amazing indifference of the bourgeoisie, reflected in the indifference of the liberal newspapers, with this indifference being replaced more and more often by a negative attitude, whereas less important, less significant in terms of the number of participants, workers’ movements (some 17–18 years ago) evoked the obvious sympathy of liberal-bourgeois society. Here we have an undoubted, decisive turn of liberalism to the right, away from democracy, against democracy.

Concerning the events of July 1–3 in Petersburg, one of the most widely circulated, if not the most widely circulated, newspapers in Russia (the liberal Russkoye Slovo) wrote:

“It is interesting to note the attitude of the Social-Democratic newspapers published in Petersburg to this strike. The Social-Democratic Pravda devotes considerable space to yesterday’s (written on July 3) strike, while the organ of the group of the so-called liquidators, the newspaper Luch, confines itself to a small item about the strike, having devoted an editorial to political strikes (Luch, July 2), in which the newspaper protests against such actions by the workers.” (Russkoye Slovo, July 3, 1913)

Such are the facts. The hostility of the reactionaries. The indifference and negation of the liberals and liquidators. Unity in deeds between liberalism and liquidationism. Unity of mass workers’ action, possible only against the liquidators.

The proletariat cannot fulfill its democratic duty, serve its service as the vanguard, serve, enlighten and rally the masses of the people, otherwise than in a resolute struggle against the liquidators, who in practice are wholly dependent on liberalism.

The liberals, too, often play the radical on the Duma tribune not worse than various near-Marxist or vacillating elements, but this does not prevent the liberals from fighting (with the help of the liquidators) the extra-Duma democratism of the masses.

Rabochaya Pravda No. 3, July 16, 1913.