LETTER TO MEMBERS OF THE JUNE CONFERENCE OF CEKISTS
To the members of the conference of cekists.
July 27, 1911. [Paris].
Esteemed comrades! The conference unanimously resolved that the Technical Commission created by it operates as an institution accountable to and controlled by the members of the conference *.
Now, in view of the illegal step of the majority of the Technical Commission2 (refusal to grant the Organizational Commission the funds allocated to it for the full disposal of the O.C.), we consider the intervention of the members of the conference urgently necessary and propose the following resolution for voting:
"The members of the conference of cekists recognize as illegal the decision of the Technical Commission to withhold from itself the 10,000 francs allocated to the Organizational Commission, and, believing that neither the substance of the matter nor formal considerations justify such a decision by the Technical Commission, resolve: to propose to the Technical Commission to immediately issue the allocated 40,000 francs for the full disposal of the Organizational Commission."
Members of the conference:
Lenin*
Grigory.
1 The resolution of the conference of CC members on June 10-17, 1911, on the creation of the Technical Commission stated: "To create for the fulfillment of the indicated tasks - until the convocation of the nearest plenum - a temporary technical commission - of 3 persons, subordinate in its activities to the group of cekists who participated in this conference with a decisive vote." On the functions of the Technical Commission and the position taken by its majority, see below, p. 102, notes 2, 3, and 4.
2 The majority in the Technical Commission consisted of the conciliator M. Vladimirov and the Pole V. Leder against the Bolshevik M. Vladimirsky.
* The letter was written by Zinoviev and signed by Lenin and Zinoviev. Ed.
Lenin Collection XXV

9 8
LENIN COLLECTION
1910$
NOTES ON A LEAFLET OF BOLSHEVIKS-CONCILIATORS * *.
[Second half of August 1911. Longjumeau.]
TO ALL MEMBERS
of the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party
One may disagree with how official Bolshevism and the majority of the editorial board of the Central Organ understood the task of combating liquidationism, whether it carried out this struggle in practice as required by the resolutions of the plenum, but what is beyond any doubt for anyone who has at least once read the resolutions of the plenum is that it recognized the necessity of the struggle, that it once and for all distanced itself from liquidationism *\
. . . never has factional politics taken on such an acute character, inadmissible in any party, as precisely after the plenum...
With particular bitterness, we must state that the Official representatives of the Bolsheviks not only did not lag behind all these groups, but, perhaps, even surpassed them in factional aspirations. The task of party building in the struggle against liquidationism was narrowly understood by the leaders of Bolshevism. Instead of uniting all party elements in the struggle against liquidationism, instead of waging this struggle in the name of the party, they waged it in the name of the faction. And in this factional struggle, they did not so much isolate the liquidators from the party as themselves from other currents ("Vpered," "Pravda,") standing on the ground of the illegal Social-Democratic party. Instead of drawing closer to our
 
 
 ------------
closest allies, the Menshevik party members, in the broad party arena, the leaders of the Bolsheviks threw out the slogan "alliance of two strong factions," behind which was hidden an acute factional struggle, but behind which one could not see the struggle for the organizational unity of the party.
The factional policy of the Bolsheviks-Leninists caused all the greater harm because they had a majority in the main party institutions, thanks to which their factional policy gave justification
■—
 
 
——------------------------------- to other currents in their own
organizational separateness and armed them against the official party institutions...
* In the upper part of the leaflet, above the title, there is an imprint of a stamp:
"VI. Oulianoff." All notes, underlinings in the text, and markings in
the margins are made by Lenin in pencil. Ed.
** We cannot pass over in silence the fact that "Pravda" did not take into account
the full danger of liquidationism, that it did not respond with a decisive struggle to the open blows inflicted by it on
the party, obviously leaving the "overcoming" of it only to the objective course of things.

THE STRUGGLE AGAINST THE BLOCK OF "CONCILIATORS" AND POLES
9 9
. . . Thus, our party faces the same tasks as 1*/9
years ago and now demand their resolution with particular insistence.
The events of the last year, the revival of the strike struggle, the strike
and demonstrations on the occasion of Tolstoy's death, the student movement, the
political revival among the workers, finally, the approaching elections to
the IV Duma - all this sharply raises the question of the restoration of the illegal
R. S.-D. R. P. and on the organizational unification of the party, as the main
condition of Social-Democratic leadership of the developing movement.
The transfer of the factional struggle to Russia, the split in the localities will for a long time
deprive the party of political significance.
It will weaken many times over the illegal party organizations that have grown up with great difficulty
and a mass of victims... The tasks that insistently demand
resolution, but have not been resolved, have created a crisis in the party, the party-
formal resolution of which has become finally impossible...
However, the resolution of this crisis in essence is not only dictated,
but also facilitated by what has happened in Russia since the plenum.
All the work of the plenum took place in the form of an agreement of foreign
elites.
True, its decisions were in the spirit dictated by all Russian
reality and the needs of Russian work, but the elites who concluded
the agreement were not closely connected with this work and, in any
case, were not in any organizational dependence on it.
The reason for this lay . . . mainly in the fact that the Russian
work itself was at that time in complete disarray . . .
Now it is not so: news is coming from all sides about the work that has begun again:
the revival in the classes has revived the work as well. Illegal s.-d. groups and organizations are emerging everywhere. And this re-creation of party work
is taking place with a fully conscious consideration of what has happened in recent
times. Otzovism no longer finds open supporters and defenders
in our party, and in full awareness of the danger of liquidationism
local workers distance themselves from it not only in party, but
also in professional work. At the same time, it is universally recognized that on
the basis of this illegal organization all party currents are united.
In such conditions, the only way out of the situation for all
who want the unity of the party is the convocation of an all-Russian conference . . . the process of organizing this conference will be able to unite
the existing illegal organizations in the localities and thereby give impetus to
active work in the localities. Only a meeting of Russian workers can
connect Russia with abroad and thereby enable the latter
to provide Russia with the assistance, the support, and the leadership that
are placed on it by virtue of the circumstances. That is why we
welcome the decisions of the meeting of CC members and that is why we decided to
take part in the organization for the convocation of the conference.

LENIN COLLECTION
We are told that by this we are violating party forms and causing a split. We do not think so. But if it were so, we would not be afraid of it. We value the formal unity of the party, but we value its real unity even more, and we will only realize our mistake if we are shown a formal way out of the situation.
But in the absence of the CC in Russia, in the unwillingness of the Foreign Bureau of the CC, contrary to the charter, to convene a plenum, in the existing situation when the CC is being gambled on, when the arrest or successful escape from exile of any one of its members can completely change the matter - in such conditions we do not see this formal way out. That is why we, non-factional Bolsheviks (- conciliators - as we are rather unsuccessfully called here), ... having become convinced that party forms have begun to be filled with factional content . . . - that is why we took part in the convocation of an all-Russian conference. . . That is why we joined the organizational and technical commissions.
We joined these commissions and began to work in them when we did not yet know how other party currents would react to them. But we will continue to work in them now, after these currents have refused to join
in
them for one reason or another. . .
We
joined these institutions* in order to create in them the conditions necessary for
representatives of all other currents wishing to strengthen and organize the illegal R. S.-D. R. P. to take part in them. . . .
We are told that by joining the foreign organizational and technical
commissions, we are thereby leaving the ground of Russian work
and are being drawn into the same foreign squabbles. This is not true! Any collegium
consisting of representatives of various currents that do not have in
Russia properly functioning organizations, in the absence or
weakness of local organizations, any such collegium, even Russian,
would consist at first of persons appointed from abroad and being
in close relations with it. In this respect, there is no need to delude oneself.
If the need for a conference has not matured in the localities in Russia
I
if the conference will be regarded only as a wider arena
I
for the factional struggle that has been waged so far only abroad, - then no collegium, even Russian, will save the matter from collapse.
But
if it is not so, if local organizations have a need
in
unification, .. .
if they feel the need to strengthen the illegal R. S.-D. R. P. in opposition to the aspirations to create a legal party . .., - then a foreign collegium is not terrible either................we
hope that, if not now, then in the near future, if not in foreign,
then in the corresponding Russian collegiums for the convocation of the conference, we

THE STRUGGLE. AGAINST THE BLOCK OF "CONCILIATORS" II POLES
101!
will meet and work together with representatives of all other currents
wishing to strengthen and organize the illegal Russian
Social-Democratic Labour Party.
Group of Bolsheviks-party members.
1 The conciliators' leaflet "To All Members of the RSDLP" was published in Paris
around mid-August n. st. Lenin read it and made notes no earlier than the
second half of August, being at that time in Longjumeau near Paris. These
notes were used by Lenin in the article "On a New Faction of Conciliators or
Virtuous Ones," in which he subjected the views of the
Bolsheviks-conciliators to devastating criticism as a cover for liquidationism. The article
was written in September and was printed in
21 "Social-Democrat" of October 31, 1911 (see Works, XV, 228).
zsh z
LETTER TO V. L. LEDER m.
To the member of the editorial board of the Central Organ 3. Leder **.
October 19, 1911. [Paris.]
Member of the Technical Commission\ Comrade Kamsky *** informed us that the Technical Commission by a majority of votes adopted two
obviously illegal decisions:
1) to delay the typesetting of the Central Organ until the publication of some kind of "Bulletin" 3, the publication of which is not provided for not only by the plenum, but even by the conference of cekists;
2) to usurp the rights of the editorial board of the Central Organ and its elected secretary and to transfer the manuscripts of the Central Organ to the printing house only through
Leve 4.
In view of these illegal decisions, we propose to adopt the following decisions on behalf of the editorial board of the Central Organ:
a) The editorial board of the Central Organ resolves: a) to immediately submit the issue
of the Central Organ for typesetting to a private printing house5; b) not to transfer a single manuscript
of the Central Organ to Leve; c) to take all measures to expose
the illegal actions of the majority of the Technical Commission; d) to
collect money to pay for the typesetting of the issue» ***\
* Printed from the draft of a letter written by G. Zinoviev. Ed.
** The initial "3" denotes V. Leder's nickname - "Zdislav." Ed.
*** M. F. Vladimirsky. Ed.
**** The last point (dj of the draft decision of the editorial board of the Central Organ in the manuscript is crossed out in pencil. Ed.

LENIN COLLECTION
I ask you to immediately inform me how you vote on this issue 6.
For myself and Comrade Lenin
Grigory.
1 After the June (1911) meeting of CC members who were abroad, Martov and Dan left the editorial board of "Social-Democrat," and
Lenin, Zinoviev, and Leder remained in it (the latter - from the Polish Social-Democratic
party).
* The Foreign Technical Commission was created by the June (1911)
meeting of CC members to perform a number of technical functions in connection
with party publishing, transport, etc., in view of the sabotage on the part
of the Foreign Bureau of the CC (FBCC), which was responsible for these functions.
The Technical Commission, according to the resolution of the meeting,
was subordinate to the group of cekists who participated in the June meeting.
Soon after the emergence of the Technical Commission, friction was discovered in its composition between the conciliatory-opportunistic majority
of it (Vladimirov and Leder) and the Bolshevik minority (Vladimirsky).
The majority of the commission in every possible way hindered the all-party measures of the Central Organ and the Bolsheviks that were related to it in one way or another.
On this basis, a series of conflicts arose one after another in the Technical Commission. One of the most recent in this series was the conflict that is discussed in this letter.
• The Technical Commission published its "Information Bulletin,"
which was essentially a factional publication (in it, the majority
of the commission pursued its anti-Bolshevik line). A total of two issues were released.
Here we are talking about the publication of the last (JVs 2) issue
of the "Bulletin" of October 28, 1911. In the editorial article of this issue,
the majority of the Technical Commission called on all party members "to break
the resistance that the Bolshevik-Leninists are offering to the cause of rallying the party."
4 "Leve" (M. Vladimirov) was the secretary of the Technical Commission.
5 We are talking about "NS 24 of the "Social-Democrat" of October 31, 1911, which
was published in a private printing house.
β In December, Leder left the editorial board, which is noted
in Da 25 of the "Social-Democrat" of December 21, 1911.

V H . MEETING OF FOREIGN BOLSHEVIK
GROUPS
2 7 —5 0 DECEMBER 1911 1

THESES OF THE REPORT ON THE STATE OF AFFAIRS IN THE PARTY.
[December, before 27, 1911 a. Paris.]
Thes[es] on the st[ate] of aff[airs] in the p[arty].
1. Start[ing] point: objective] cond[itions] of c[ounte]rr[e]v[olu]t[ionary] ep[och].
2. Plenum and "conc[iliator]ship." Liq[uidationism] and otzovism].
3. Year after the plen[um] "block of 2 str[ong] Fr[actions]" 3.
4. Behav[ior] of liq[uidators] and otz[ovists] after the ple-
n[um].
5. "Agr[eemen]t" and its 2 co[mponent] parts: polit[ical] and
"monet[ary]" 4.
6. XII. 10—VI. 11 5. "Forc[ible] bringing into the CC."
7. "Meet[ing] of cek[ists] in Par[is]." Exit: Russian
k[on]f[eren]z[ia].
Block of 3 Fr[actions]. "Prom[ise])> and fulfillment 6.
8. Two periods of 6[o]l[sh] [inst]va
against the beks from I. 10:
conc[iliato]rs -|- liquidators] (1910); pr[imirents] and pol[es]
(7*1911)’.
9. R.O.K. * v[ersu]s ** for[eign] group. "Ruins" - whether
b[o]l[shevist]-pol[ish] block?
10. "Isolation" of for[eign] -J- or - ?
11. Fr[act]ion for the construction] of p[art]y.
* Russian organizational commission for the convocation of an all-party
conference. Ed.
** against. Ed.

1 ) M[ikhail] -f- Yu[riy] -j- R[oman]
2) Conv[ocation] abroad] of the plenum] XII— VI
3) K[on]f[eren]tion Russian]
1 On the meeting of foreign Bolshevik groups, which took place
December 27-30, 1911 in Paris, see Lenin's Works, XV, 634, note 171.
2 Lenin's report on the state of affairs in the party at the meeting was made
in the afternoon session of December 27, 1911. The theses of the report,
no doubt, were written by Lenin in the days immediately preceding the meeting.
No special record of Lenin's report - neither secretarial nor author's -
except for the record of these theses in the minutes of the meeting
(archive of the IML, document JV» 1220).
3 "Block of two strong factions," i.e., the block of Bolsheviks-"Leninists"
and Mensheviks-party members ("Plekhanovites").
4 We are talking about the agreement of the Bolshevik faction with the January
plenum of the CC in 1910 on the issue of the liquidation of factions (factional organs
and factional centers). The agreement consisted, on the one hand, of a declaration
by the Bolsheviks on the dissolution of their faction, on the termination of the factional
organ "Proletary" and on the conditional transfer of factional funds
to third-party "holders" and, on the other hand, of the resolutions
of the plenum on factional centers and on the conditions for the return of the Bolsheviks'
"holder" sums, in case the Mensheviks and
other factions failed to fulfill the conditions of unification, i.e., the struggle against liquidationism
and otzovism.
5 The period marked by the extreme dates: "December 1910 - June 1911,"
is the period - starting with the application of Lenin and other representatives of the Bolsheviks
on December 5, 1910 to the Foreign Bureau of the CC on the convocation of a plenum of the CC
to resolve the issue of the return of the Bolsheviks' "holder" sums, in
view of the failure of the Mensheviks, Vperedovtsy, etc. to fulfill the agreement and decisions
of the January plenum of the CC, and ending with the meeting of CC members abroad
on June 10-17, 1911.
6 The June meeting of cekists in 1911 represented a "block
of three factions": Bolsheviks, conciliators, and Poles. The "promise" given
by this "block" in the form of decisions of the meeting on the convocation of a plenum of the CC, on
the convocation of an all-party conference, on the creation and work of bodies for
the convocation of the conference and for the current central work abroad,
was subsequently fulfilled by the Bolsheviks (jointly with the Mensheviks-
party members) with resistance from the "conciliators" and Poles,
who on the very next day after the meeting launched a struggle in the Foreign Organizational
Commission and in the Technical Commission against the fulfillment
of the decisions of the June meeting.
7 The first of the periods of "majority against the Bolsheviks" (1910) -
is the period after the January plenum of the CC, when the practitioners-cekists in Russia,
consisting of Bolsheviks-"conciliators," unsuccessfully tried
to attract Mensheviks-liquidators (Isuv, Bronstein, Erkhmolaev, Zhordania, Ramishvili, and others)
to the Russian Bureau of the CC for practical work, and thereby greatly hindered the work, playing into the hands of the liquidators.

MEETING OF FOREIGN BOLSHEVIK GROUPS
This period ended with the failure in Russia of four cekists-conciliators"
(Dubrovinsky, Goldenberg, Nogin, and Leitenzen). The second period
(from the middle of 1911, after the June meeting) - is the period of unification
of the "conciliators" with the Poles in foreign centers (in the Foreign
Organizational Commission and in the Technical Commission) against the Bolsheviks-"Leninists."
117E
DRAFT RESOLUTION ON THE REPORT ON THE STATE OF AFFAIRS
IN THE PARTY \
Organization of party Social-Democratic forces abroad and the tasks of the Bolsheviks.
[December, before 27, 1911 *. Paris.]
The state of Social-Democratic organizations abroad at the present time
is extremely abnormal.
Starting from 1908, when Social-Democratic publishing began to move
more and more abroad, and until the plenum, there existed abroad in all the most important centers a complete organizational split
due to the complete separation of Menshevik groups from the party.
The plenum (January 1910) made an attempt to create unity
on the basis of the anti-liquidationist and
anti-otzovist line unanimously approved by it, and an especially energetic
appeal was made to establish complete unity abroad.
In fact, however, due to the failure of the liquidators and otzovists to fulfill the conditions of the plenum, no unification of foreign groups followed anywhere after the plenum. On the contrary, there was even
greater disintegration, for the Vperedovtsy actually separated from
the Bolsheviks, the Plekhanovites from the Mensheviks. Parallel, - "first" and "second" or M[ensh]ev[ist]sk[ie] and B[ol]sh[evist]sk[ie], - groups continued to exist by tradition, in fact by no means uniting any solid and capable
elements of conducting joint Social-Democratic work.
At the present time, there actually exist abroad "factionally separated" - connected with each other purely formally, and often not connected at all - Bolshevik, "conciliatory," Vperedovist, "Golosovist," and "Plekhanovist"
* On the reverse side of the manuscript of the document there is an inscription by Lenin: "Give this paper to Gleb ya1. Ed.

groups, completely independent of each other, pursuing different ideological lines and having separate connections with certain Social-Democratic elements in Russia.
The formation of the ROC in Russia by the forces of the Bolsheviks and party Mensheviks and the energetic start of this ROC collegium
to the convocation of an all-party conference of the RSDLP creates a decisive turning point in the history of the party and indicates the only
possible and life-emerging way out of the state of disorganization and disintegration.
In fact, the work that was really Social-Democratic was carried out after the plenum - especially harmoniously during 1910 - only by the Bolsheviks and party Mensheviks. The Golosovites represent absolutely nothing except [from] the foreign branch of the Russian liquidationist group iD[ela] Zh[izni]" and <aN[ashei]
3[ari]", which has placed itself outside the party, and the foreign group
"Vpered," continuing to cover up otzovism and conduct religious propaganda through its leader Lunach[arsky], is conducting completely non-Social-Democratic work.
Now the ROC, created by the Beks and party Mensheviks and supported by almost all local Social-Democratic organizations in Russia, is in fact the only and fully authorized center of Social-Democratic party work.
Uniting into a single foreign Social-Democratic organization of Beks, the meeting places responsibility for the continuing split abroad on those groups that do not wish to support the Russian center, the ROC, or continue the "game of agreement" of those who have broken away from Russia, thereby supporting non-Social-Democratic elements that have broken away from Russian work.
The Bolshevik organization abroad will continue to make every effort to attract, without distinction of currents, all Social-Democrats who are ready to support the ROC and conduct a party, i.e., anti-liquidationist and anti-otzovist (as well as anti-divine) line, [so that they] * join it and merge into a single party organization.
The struggle against the liquidationist and otzovist currents, -
In this place in the manuscript, the words "so that they" seem to be missing. Here this omission has been restored. Ed.

MEETING OF FOREIGN BOLSHEVIK GROUPS

the struggle against the disintegration of unprincipled foreign groups - assistance in rallying all real Social-Democratic party members and party members of the Mensheviks in particular - assistance to the ROC, - such is the practical task of the [Bolshevik...] foreign party organization. The organs that party members should support, we consider simultaneously the Central Organ and the Workers' Gazette, for the removal (of foreign) party members of the Mensheviks cannot be justified by anything and there is no change in the line corresponding to party decisions in the indicated organs.
1 "Gleb" (Mantsev), a member of the bureau of the Paris circle of the "Workers' Gazette," which was the "organizational bureau for the convocation of a meeting of foreign Bolsheviks," was one of the secretaries of the meeting at the December meeting.
2 The draft of this resolution was written by Lenin, most likely, at the same time as the theses of his report. This can be judged from the manuscript of these two documents.

PROPOSAL ON THE CHARTER OF A FOREIGN ORGANIZATION1.
[December 29, 1911. Paris.]
Electing the Committee of the foreign organization to manage the affairs of the foreign organization, the meeting transfers to it the draft charter with all the remarks, instructing the Committee to poll the groups and approve the charter definitively by means of such a poll.
Lenin.
1 This proposal was made by Lenin at the afternoon session
of the meeting on December 29, 1911, when the question was being decided: whether to discuss
the charter of the foreign organization in detail at the meeting itself or
to transfer its final elaboration to the future Committee of the foreign
organization. Lenin's proposal was adopted by 8 votes against 1.

RECORDS OF LENIN'S SPEECHES AT THE MEETING *.
Session of December 27 (morning).
Comrade Lenin opens the meeting with a welcoming speech and proposes to elect a presidium.
* These records are printed from the manuscript of the minutes of the meeting,
which were compiled by the secretaries of the meeting. Ed.

Session of December 27 (afternoon).
Comrade Lenin's report "On the State of Affairs in the Party."
After the report, to the question and remark of S. N. Ravich ("Olga"): "To what extent have external conditions changed since the last plenum, besides psychological? The factional economy is beyond the party's means" - Lenin
replied:
With the liquidators, who have not fulfilled any of the conditions of the plenum, there is now a split. After the plenum, they came out definitely. "Our Dawn" was published. Plekhanov at the meeting of the International Bureau showed a letter to him from Yu. Larin: "how can you reproach us for simply destroying the party. We are destroying in order to build a new one."
Session of December 28 (morning).
On the motion: without opening debate on Lenin's report,
to hear the reports of N. A. Semashko ("Alexandrova") (On the state of affairs abroad before the June meeting of cekists) and M.F. Vladimirsky ("Kamsky") (on the same after the June meeting of cekists) and then open
general debate on all three reports - Lenin proposed to open a general discussion on all issues after hearing three reports *.
After hearing the reports of Semashko and Vladimirsky, to the chairman's question about the holder's money, Lenin answers according to the data of 25 № of the Central Organ 2.
Session of December 28 (afternoon).
To the proposal of "Yuri" (Bazadyan) 8 before the discussion to shed more light on the current political moment, Lenin replies:
Comrade Yuri proposes to change the order of the day, - the general discussion is before us, and it will clarify the matter.
After the closure of the debate on the three reports - Lenin's concluding remarks. Three questions: 1) Faction or party organization? 2) why not.. . * We are a faction building a party.
Session of December 29 (morning).
At the beginning of the debate on the report of the resolution commission (on the resolution on
the reports of Lenin, Semashko, and Vladimirsky), after the speech of "Sergei,"
Lenin proposes to open a general discussion on the resolution

Speaking further in the general debate on the resolution, Lenin finds Sergei's speech opportunistic and liquidationist 5. Kamsky is not right in presenting the course of affairs in the commission6: I
called for caution so as not to frighten party elements
with the word faction. Sergei proposes to wait for the Plekhanovites, and the Plekhanovites are waiting for the liquidators.
Antonov's proposal7 - Trotskyism. There are no revolutionary Social Democrats other than the Bolsheviks. "Left wing" - flirting with Tyshka and Leder. What Sergei proposes is a violation of our entire line. Russia will not deal with foreign affairs. Pleonasm: that the Bolsheviks in the localities must stand out. Abroad, we represent the entire party. They will come to us only after our final victory in Russia.
During the speech of "Yuri," regarding his statement that "the party represents a process," it is noted in the minutes:
(Lenin. Zwischenruf*: Economism!)
Lenin's second speech in the general debate on the resolution:
Whether the conference will be all-party, - to pose the question like this - is to help our enemies. The conference can only recognize our line or the liquidationist line. We did not call the Plekhanovites only because they spoke out against the ROC.
Session of December 29 (afternoon).
After G. Zinoviev's concluding remarks on the report on the resolution,
Lenin's proposal was received:
To vote on the resolutions and all the amendments 8.
Upon "Sergei" making an amendment, in the form of a separate [additional
point, and in response to his motivation that his amendment eliminates the "tragic situation" in which "Grigory"
Zinoviev)> is located, the following remark by Lenin followed:
The previous speaker is in a tragic situation.
In his opinion, we do not have two parties, but a faction in a single party. It is impossible to build a faction now because there are no factionalists in Russia. We stand on the ground of two parties and, wanting to resolve a particularity, we fall into contradiction with the fundamental.
After the commission's resolution was adopted as a basis, Lenin proposes to vote on Sergei's amendment9.
* exclamation during a speech; remark. Ed,

LEPPISKY COLLECTION
On the amendment made by "Antonov," - to add to the resolution part to "Central Organ, Workers' Gazette" t - "December resolutions" Lenin objected
To order. Antonov confuses the statutory point with the declarative
part. The presidium must refuse to vote10.
After "Antonov's" report on the charter and when the question arose
about the further procedure for working on it, Lenin made a proposal:
It is more rational to finish the meeting today. To hand over the charter to the K.Z.O. p 11.
In the ensuing debate on the participation of a representative
of the KZO in the editorial board of the "Workers' Gazette," to the remark of one of the speakers that
this is a new amendment, Lenin stated:
To order. The interpretation is incorrect.
On the same issue, to "Antonov's" remark that "the Workers' Gazette" is a private publication of three persons, Lenin objected:
It is ridiculous to talk about the private nature of the Workers' Gazette. But the introduction of new members into the literary collegium will hinder the matter.
1 This proposal was adopted by 7 votes against 3.
2 The data on the "holder's" money mentioned here are - the statement
published in As 25 of the Central Organ ("Social-Democrat") of December 21, 1911 by
Lenin, Kamenev, Zinoviev "Results of the arbitration court of "holders"" (see
Works, XV, 306).
* "Yuri" ("Georgy") - this is Begzadyan, a delegate to the meeting from the 2nd
Zurich group for assistance to the RSDLP.
4 Lenin's proposal was adopted.
8 "Sergei" - a delegate to the meeting from the Paris circle of the "Workers'
Gazette." The nickname has not been disclosed. "Sergei" in his speech on the draft
resolution, after Zinoviev's report from the resolution commission, found
the practical conclusions of the resolution "tactless," protested against the separation
of the Bolshevik organization, against ignoring the Plekhanovites, considering
that the creation of a foreign organization would lead to great
friction, that the matter is being decided without the owner, without Russia, that it is impossible to put the ROC at the forefront, and stated, finally, that the resolution introduces complete disorganization.
8 It has not been clarified what exactly M. Vladimirsky ("Kamsky") said
about the course of affairs in the commission for the elaboration of the resolution. His speech is recorded in the minutes very briefly and incompletely.
7 "Antonov" ("Britman," also known as "Sviyagin") - this is A. Popov, a member
of the bureau of the Paris circle of the "Workers' Gazette" and a member of the bureau for the convocation of the meeting. In the debate on the resolution, he stated that the Bolshevik organization
* The existing minutes of the meeting end with this afternoon
session of December 29. The minutes of the last session on December 30 have not
been preserved. Ed.

MEETING OF FOREIGN BOLSHEVIK GROUPS

organization - "neither a faction nor a party," and therefore proposed to call it "the union of revolutionary Social Democrats" or "the left wing of the party."
8 Lenin's proposal was adopted.
9 Sergei's amendment has not been clarified.
10 The amendment of A. Popov ("Antonov") recorded in the text of the minutes
very briefly and unclearly, amounted, apparently, to the fact that at the end
of the last point (p. 9) of the resolution (see Works, XV, 655), where it was said
about attracting to the local departments of the foreign organization of the RSDLP "all
party members who agree to support the Russian Organizational Commission, the Central Organ, and the "Workers' Gazette" ", - to add the words: "December resolutions," i.e., the decisions of the all-party December conference of 1908.
11 This proposal was also made by Lenin in writing
(see above, p. 107) and was adopted.

V III. ARTICLES, NOTES, PLANS
1907—19II