Comrade Vlasov—and, if he so desires, the Poles as well— Dear Friends!

Reflecting on the entirety of that agreement—(or rather, on that formulation of a common base and line of action shared by all of us)—which was finalized in the Bureau between the P.S.D.** and both factions of the Bolsheviks, I cannot help but point out the weakness, the shortcomings, of this very base.25

The essence of the agreement lies in (a) the clear and unambiguous definition of a principled line: one that is anti–Votchkist and anti–Forwardist—that is, in the rigorous, concrete reaffirmation and reiteration of the struggle against both liquidationism and “recallism,” a line that leaves no room for reinterpretation or evasive maneuvering—precisely the kind of tactics from which the Party has suffered so grievously; and (b) in a practical “reform”: namely, such a transformation of the personnel—more accurately, the factional or “current-based” composition—of all central bodies as would ensure the faithful implementation of this principled line.

So what emerges? Both the theoretical “line” and the practical activities are to be determined by the Central Committee. But what of its composition? In the case of a simple—and cheap, indeed, exceedingly cheap—“ultimatum” directed at known turncoats, windbags, rogues, and unprincipled traders (such as those from the Bund), and so forth, you “propose” to limit the Committee’s membership to eight. And yet, as is now abundantly clear, eight equals two quarters.

The bottom line: neutralization—that is, the complete impotence of the Central Committee!!

This, in fact, is precisely what the liquidators have been striving for.

With an eight-member Central Committee like this, you will never be able to carry out any reforms in the spirit we have agreed upon—indeed, in the spirit we have collectively embraced.

The result is absurd: we agree to hand over to the Party not only our money and the “Workers’ Gazette,” but also all our strength—on condition. What is that condition? The principled line and the reform. Who carries out both? The Central Committee. And who guarantees that these will be implemented within the Central Committee? The chance ultimatum issued by enemies of social democracy—such as the liquidators among the Bundist intelligentsia!!

* - respective – or, respectively. Ed.

** - P.S.D. – the Polish Social Democracy. Ed.

The agreement stipulates that the Central Committee shall do what it is utterly incapable of doing while composed of eight members.

Such is the outcome.

This outcome merely repeats the mistake of the Plenum of October 26: good intentions, gentle words, noble thoughts—and yet, the utter impotence to put them into practice. Fine rhetoric against the liquidators in word, while in deed, the liquidators hold sway.

It will be up to you, the practitioners, to carry out the “agreement”—for it was you who insisted on the clause concerning the eight-member committee. It is my duty, after careful consideration of the agreement, to warn you: once again, the liquidators will deceive you!

To “call oneself” a Plekhanovist is exceedingly easy—Adrianov, or perhaps his close associates, will no doubt brand themselves as devil and demon in order to secure some concession: names are just words, but concessions are matters of substance.

In reality, you will end up with an impotent body, captive in the hands of the liquidators—a body composed of eight members. This is the danger I feel compelled to warn you about most earnestly.

If, as practitioners, you undertake to establish a Central Committee—or, rather, an eight-member body—capable of condemning both the Votchkists and the Forwardists, and of carrying out the necessary reforms, then that is your affair. While wholeheartedly desiring accord and peace with you, I am duty-bound to assist you in realizing your plan.

But to assist does not mean to lull you with “charming red fables.” To assist means to point out the real dangers that must be avoided.

The First Plenum of January 10 had brought practical work at the central bodies to a standstill for an entire year, ensnaring them and handing them over to the liquidators. In the spring of 1910, Inok did not manage to break free from captivity. And in early 1911, you too will find it impossible to escape—if you do not take urgent measures to bring the agreement into effect.

A handshake and warm greetings!

N. Lenin

1911

---

Written later than February 11

Sent from Paris to Berlin

First published in 1931 in Lenin Collection XVIII

Printed from the manuscript