[November 8, 1910. Paris]

LENIN’S COLLECTION — a matter of principle, I’m not sure about 1. We simply can’t be left without information—
and yet we’re the very ones who are then accused of slowing things down. Why shouldn’t like-minded comrades work together on the newspaper, now that there is an agreement at the highest level regarding the imperative to keep out the likes of Messrs. Potresov and the other riffraff from “Nasha Zarya”? After all, there is already consensus on this point. Let us submit our views today concerning the inclusion of a third contributor—after all, the condition was explicit: the third slot was to be reserved for us.
I am informing you so that there may be no misunderstandings. The third contributor holds a decisive third of the vote—how much is that, really? Are you opposed? I sincerely hope not. I very much, indeed very much, wish that this matter could be resolved without friction. It’s high time—high time, by God—to get down to work on the newspaper and on the little journal. As for the journal, we have but one modest request:
please find us a chief editor—and perhaps a couple of proposals or applications as well.
Is it really so hard to arrange? Well then, I look forward to hearing from you.
I hope that matters will now be settled with those who were dissatisfied. There is no reason whatsoever to quarrel over such things.
1 At one time, among a certain segment of the Bolsheviks closely associated with the publication of “Zvezda,” there arose the intention to make “Zvezda” the official organ of the entire Social-Democratic faction in the Duma. For example, Poletaev invited the Menshevik Gegeshkori to collaborate, and later Kuznetsov as well. It was on this basis that tensions began to arise within the editorial board—and in the Bolshevik circles close to the editorial office.
2 According to V. Bonch-Bruevich, the situation unfolded as follows: While abroad, Poletaev had reached an agreement with Lenin that “Zvezda” should have two editors personally known to Poletaev himself, as well as to the faction; the third position, however, was to be filled by a representative from abroad. The first two editors were V. Bonch-Bruevich and I. Pokrovsky, while the third, designated by Lenin, was Turutin—a lawyer and a committed Bolshevik. By bringing Turutin into the picture, Lenin hoped to ensure that “Zvezda” would take on a more distinctly Bolshevik orientation. However, I. Pokrovsky and others protested against the appointment of Turutin.
* This refers to the planned publication of a legal Bolshevik journal. The venture was soon brought to fruition: in Moscow, the journal “Mysl” began to appear, with its first issue released in December 1910 and its final, 8th issue, in April 1911; the journal was confiscated and subsequently shut down (Works, Vol. XV, p. 612, note 16).
34 267
To N. G. POLETAEV*.
[November 24, 1910. Paris.]
I have received your two letters and was quite astonished by them. What could be simpler, one might think, than to write to us plainly and clearly about what the matter actually is?
Printed from an excerpt of a letter preserved in the archives of the Department of Police. Ed.

LETTERS FROM THE ERA OF “ZVEZDA” AND “PRAVDA”

We still have been unable to make any real progress. It is not difficult to find someone who could write intelligently, clearly, and directly—at least once a week.
Your attempt to separate the liquidators from liquidationism has failed utterly.
We have never endorsed this distinction. It is only the sophists who insist upon it. I earnestly urge you not to trust the sophists—and not to make this distinction.
With everything else, one may come to terms; but with the liquidators, it is impossible—and if you do not wish to ruin the cause, then do not let them in.
With great difficulty, we managed to secure a thousand rubles from a local publisher, and we shall send them to you tomorrow. Should this publisher again approach you with inquiries, advice, conditions, and the like—do not respond at all, or answer as we have advised before*.
As for the little journal, we have received nothing from anyone.
So we repeat once more our most earnest plea: we have told you what needs to be done—do not hand it over, and do not let the liquidators in (for liquidationism without liquidators is neither possible nor conceivable.
And who, pray tell, has so maliciously misled you, convincing you that there is a distinction between liquidationism and the liquidators?)
Then strive to ensure that we receive weekly reports that are thorough, clear, direct, and detailed. Truly, these two requests are neither burdensome nor excessive; without them, we cannot move forward.
Yours,
1 It appears that we are speaking here of funds from the “custodial” Fund (see Works, Vol. XV, p. 306). From this Fund, it had been decided to allocate 3,000 rubles to the newspaper published by the Social-Democratic faction in the State Duma. The secretary of the Central Committee’s foreign bureau was “Igor”—B. I. Gorev (Goldman), a liquidator who did everything in his power to delay the disbursement of funds. It seems that we are talking about him.