We are approaching the end of the discussion, and I think that we should not reinforce it especially with a resolution, for one must be cautious with such things. After all, the matter was one of mutual clarification of the question. In response to Vlasov on the utilization of legal opportunities, I shall read a draft resolution:

"The Bolshevik Centre resolves: the Bolshevik fraction, in order actually to implement — and precisely to implement in the revolutionary social-democratic spirit and direction — the aims recognized now by all Bolsheviks of utilizing all 'legal opportunities,' all legal and semi-legal organizations of the working class in general and the utilization of the parliamentary tribune in particular, must absolutely set before itself clearly the aim and by all means endeavor to develop cadres of experienced workers, specialized in their work, firmly established in their particular legal post (trade unions; clubs; Duma commissions, etc., etc.) of Bolsheviks."

Vlasov indicated that this refers to leaders. This is incorrect. The point is that in our Bolshevik fraction there is a widespread opinion that such specialists are not necessary. We have few forces: they must be utilized and distributed among legal functions and entrusted with the execution of these functions in the name of the fraction. If we speak of creating party cells, then we must be able to do this. I have sketched a resolution on leaflet agitation:

"Having discussed the question of the tasks of Bolsheviks with regard to parliamentary activity, the Bolshevik Centre resolves: to direct the attention of all local organizations to the importance of leaflet agitation (apart from local and regional printed organs), disseminating information among the masses about the parliamentary work of social-democrats and directing this work. The themes of such leaflets could be indications of questions requiring coverage from the parliamentary tribune, a summary of the activity of social-democrats in the Duma and the grouping of parties, synopses of propagandistic speeches on these questions, an analysis of the political significance of especially important social-democratic speeches in the Duma, indications of incompleteness or inaccuracy in social-democratic parliamentary speeches, and finally, — excerpts from their speeches with practical conclusions, important for propaganda and agitation, etc., etc."

And also I have sketched in resolution form those points on the question of the attitude toward parliamentary activity which were discussed at the private meeting:

"II. The distinction between revolutionary social-democratic utilization of the Duma and reformist (or more broadly: opportunist) utilization of it may be characterized by the following — not pretending to completeness — indications.

From the point of view of external, so to speak, relations of the parliamentary social-democratic fraction, the distinction between revolutionary social-democratic utilization of the Duma and opportunist utilization consists in the following: it is necessary to struggle against the natural tendency (in any bourgeois society, and in Russia in the epoch of reaction especially) of deputies and the frequently bourgeois intelligentsia surrounding them to elevate parliamentary activity to something principal, fundamental, self-sufficient. In particular, it is necessary to direct all efforts to ensure that the fraction in practice conducts its work as one of the functions subordinated to the interests of the working movement as a whole, and also so that the fraction is constantly in contact with the party, does not become isolated from it, but conducts the party's views, the directives of party congresses and party central institutions.

From the point of view of the internal content of the fraction's activity, it is necessary to bear in mind the following: the aim of the activity of the parliamentary social-democratic fraction principally differs from the aim of the activity of all other political parties. The proletarian party strives not for deals, not for bargaining with those in power, not for the hopeless mending of the regime of feudal-bourgeois dictatorial counter-revolution, but for the development by all means of class consciousness, socialist clarity of thought, revolutionary decisiveness, and all-sided organization of the working masses. This principal aim must subordinate every step of the fraction's activity. Therefore, greater attention should be devoted to the defense of the tasks of the socialist revolution from the parliamentary tribune. It is necessary to direct efforts to ensure that from the parliamentary tribune there is heard more often a speech propagandizing the fundamental concepts and aims of socialism and precisely of scientific socialism. Then, in the situation of the continuing bourgeois-democratic revolution, it is extremely important that the parliamentary fraction systematically struggle against the flood of counter-revolutionary attacks on the 'liberation movement,' struggle against the broad current (as of direct reactionaries, so of liberals — Kadets in particular), directed toward the condemnation of revolution, toward its discrediting, of its aims, methods, etc. The social-democratic fraction in the Duma must hold high the banner of revolution, the banner of the advanced class — the leader of the bourgeois-democratic revolution in Russia.

Further, it is necessary to point out the extremely important task at the present moment of the parliamentary social-democratic fraction — energetic participation in all questions of labor legislation. The fraction must utilize the rich parliamentary experience of West-European social-democrats, taking special care to guard against opportunist distortion of this function of its activity. The fraction must not abbreviate its slogans and the demands of our party's minimum program, but must work out and introduce its own social-democratic legislative bills (as well as amendments to legislative bills of the government and other parties) with the aim of revealing to the masses the hypocrisy and falsity of social-reformism, with the aim of drawing the masses into independent mass economic and political struggle, which alone is capable of securing actual conquests for the workers or transforming half-hearted and hypocritical 'reforms' on the basis of the existing order into support points for the forward movement of the working class on the path toward the complete emancipation of the proletariat.

The social-democratic parliamentary fraction and the entire social-democratic party must adopt the same position with regard to reformism within social-democracy, as the latest product of opportunist vacillations.

Finally, the distinction between revolutionary social-democratic utilization of the Duma and opportunist utilization must consist in the fact that the social-democratic fraction and party are obliged to explain to the masses in all respects the class character of all bourgeois political parties, not limiting itself to attacks on the government and direct reactionaries, but exposing both the counter-revolutionary nature of liberalism and the vacillations of petty-bourgeois peasant democracy."

The draft resolution was written June 12–13 (25–26), 1909.

The speech is printed according to the text of the book, checked against the protocol record; the draft resolution — according to the manuscript.