V. I.

Lenin

The splendid article reprinted here from issue No. 7 of Rabocheye Znamya , the organ of the Central Industrial Region, is a reply to an
otzovist article published in issue No. 5 of the same newspaper. The otzovist
article was published for the purpose of discussion, with a note by the editors
of Rabocheye Znamya stating that they disagreed with the author. The
present article appeared in No. 7 without any comment, so we may take it that
the editors agree with the views expressed.

We in Proletary have long been strongly opposing otzovism, and have
definitely stated that otzovism—to the extent that it is evolving from a
mere mood into a trend , a system of politics—is departing from
revolutionary Marxism and breaking completely with the principles of
Bolshevism. After the appearance of this article in the Moscow organ of the
Bolsheviks, however, we must admit that we have not raised the question of
otzovism sharply enough hitherto, and that we have underestimated the danger
which threatened the principles of our Bolshevik wing on the part of those who
wish to wed this otzovism to Bolshevism. We record the fact that Comrade
Muscovite, the author of the article we reprint, has put the case as strongly,
as definitely and with as firm regard for principle as we have done in private
discussions with otzovists. Meeting living representatives of otzovism every day,
witnessing locally practical examples of otzovist propaganda, which day by day
threatens to depart still more from the path of revolutionary Social-Democracy,
our Moscow organ was quite justified in presenting the issue in the sharp and
uncompromising terms it did. Either revolutionary Marxism,
i. e.—in Russia—Bolshevism; or otzovism, i. e., the renunciation of Bolshevism; this is how the Moscow comrade put the
question. Thereby he fully supported the way we formulated the question in our
preliminary arguments with the otzovist comrades before the general Party
conference.

We are aware that some Bolshevik working men at present sympathise with
otzovism, but in the majority of cases their “otzovism” is nothing
more than a passing mood , fostered by the gross mistakes which our Duma
group committed; and the remarks of the author of the article and ourselves do
not, of course, apply to them. But inasmuch as otzovism is being erected into a
theory, reduced to a complete system of politics—by a small group
imagining itself to be the representative of “true” revolutionism—a relentless ideological war must be launched
against it. The author of the article here reproduced is quite right when he
defines the arguments of the otzovist in No. 5 of Rabocheye Znamya
(whose article we reprinted in Proletary , No. 39) and the otzovist
trend in general with its advocacy of a “labour congress”,
etc. as equivalent to Menshevism turned inside out . And he is even more
right when he says that the principles which certain otzovists urge in
support of their trend objectively—whether they are politically conscious
of it or not—threaten to lead them to anarcho-syndicalism or to just plain
anarchism.

Moscow’s way of stating the issue shows how politically
short-sighted—for all their good intentions—are those Bolsheviks
who refuse to regard otzovism as a danger on grounds of principle , who
view the matter merely as “disagreements on practical points”, and who see in otzovism a “sound core”, and not the
germ of ideological liquidationism on the left. The Moscow comrade’s
article should convince them that in screening the otzovists ideologically, or
even maintaining friendly neutrality towards otzovist ideas, they are bringing
grist to the otzovist mill, becoming their prisoners of war , damaging
the cause of Bolshevism.

Otzovism is not Bolshevism, but the worst political travesty of
Bolshevism its worst political enemy could in vent. There must be absolute clarity on this point. We think that all Bolsheviks, down to the smallest
circle, should be perfectly clear in their minds what otzovism stands for,
should study it thoroughly and ask themselves: is this not obvious renunciation—under the flag of “revolutionariness” and
“Leftism"—of the fine traditions of the old Bolshevism, as it came into
being in the period before the revolution and in the fire of the
revolution?

That is why we have initiated a discussion on these questions in
Proletary . We have published everything that was sent to
us, and reprinted all that Bolsheviks in Russia have written on the
subject. So far, we have not rejected a single contribution to the
discussion, and we shall continue to pursue the same course. Unfortunately,
the otzovist comrades and those who sympathise with them have, so far, sent
us little material, and, in general, have avoided making a frank and
complete statement of their theoretical credo in the press. They
prefer to talk “among themselves”. We invite all comrades, otzovists and
orthodox Bolsheviks alike, to state their views in the columns of
Proletary . If necessary we shall publish these contributions in
pamphlet form. Ideological clarity and consistency—this is what we need,
particularly in these difficult times.

We shall leave it to the gentlemen of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party
to play down their dissensions, and to congratulate themselves on their
“unanimity” at a moment when people are justly saying about them: “You
can find anything you like among them—from Popular-Socialist liberalism
to liberalism with a bomb."

We shall leave the Mensheviks to their ideological hob-nobbing with
Cherevanin and Co. Let them practise their double dealing (renouncing
Cherevanin in the German press, and embracing him in the Russian); let them
cohabit with the ideological liquidators of the fundamental principles of
revolutionary Marxism; let them play down their disagreements, and display
all their virtuosity in the paste-pot art as they did in Golos Sotsial-Demokrata (No. 10–11), where they “resolved” their
differences with Plekhanov by the simple device of papering them over. [1]

Our supporters should not be afraid of an internal ideological
struggle, once it is necessary. They will be all the stronger for it. It is
our duty to bring our disagreements out into the open, the more so
since, in point of fact, the whole Party is beginning to line up more and
more with our trend. We call on our Bolshevik comrades for
ideological clarity and for the sweeping away of all backstairs gossip, from whatever
source it may come. There are no end of people who would like to see the
ideological struggle on momentous cardinal issues side-tracked into petty
squabbles, like those conducted by the Mensheviks after the Second
Congress. Such people must not be tolerated in the ranks of the
Bolsheviks. The Bolshevik working men should strongly discourage such
attempts and insist on one thing, and one thing alone: ideological clarity, definite opinions, a line based on principle . Once this
complete ideological clarity is achieved, all Bolsheviks will be able on
matters of organisation to display the unanimity and solidarity that our
wing of the Party has always displayed hitherto.

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Notes:
[1]
This alludes to Plekhanov’s statement announcing his resignation
from the editorial board of the liquidators’ newspaper Golos Sotsial Demokrata . It was printed in No. 10-11 of this newspaper, which was
being prepared for release. After further talks with Plekhanov the
statement was withdrawn and the mention of it in the “con tents” was
pasted over. This did not put an end to the conflict, however. In May 1909
(issue No. 14), Golos Sotsial-Demokrata published a letter from
Plekhanov informing readers that he had officially resigned from the
editorial board.