OUTLINE FOR A LECTURE.
[First half of 1908. Geneva.]
M [ark] and ] z m :
(a) The [theory of] surplus value (M[ehr]w[ert]) * (b) Economic development
* Surplus value. Rsd


(c) Class struggle.
(d) Philosophical materialism.
(a) 1. The earlier socialists: “It’s unjust,” etc. — a mere symptom of feeling, not of understanding.
2. The “labor principle” (in Russia)
3. Commodity production
4. Capitalism. The theory of M[ehr,w[ert/
(b) 1. Economic development. Industry (1907)
2. Russian artisans
3. Land [ownership] and [land] use.
4. Railways, [rail]roads, and banking trusts.
5. Financial capital
6. Socialization of production. Socialist labor and individual appropriation.
(c) 1. The proletariat and its consolidation.
(Consolidation of the peasant class—pauperization—proletarianization)
2. Separate strikes. The “battle” against machines.
3. Trade unions and the labor movement
4. Political struggle:
England—Liberals
France—Radicals (Republicans)
Germany—Liberals (1860s) and Opportunists
5. Revolutionary goals of the working class: the expropriation of capital
6. Revolutionary struggle and the fight for reform
(d) Philosophical materialism
1. The theory of Marx = the whole world.
2. Two main worldviews and philosophical standpoints: Populism and materialism
3. Engels (Ludwig Feuerbach)
4. 1789 France—Hegel
and
Feuerbach in Germany (before 1848)
5. Dialectical materialism

ARTICLES, NOTES, OUTLINES
6. Russia: Chernyshevsky
The Narodniks—now opportunists (Bogdapov)
A [grarian \ v [opros]* (a) Commodity production in the countryside
(R) Small-scale production versus large-scale production (c) Wage labor
(d) Rent.

PEACEFUL DEMONSTRATION BY ENGLISH AND GERMAN WORKERS **1.
[September, after the 20th, 1908. Geneva.]
As is well known, the bourgeois press of England and Germany—and especially the street leaflets—have long been engaged in a chauvinistic campaign, inciting one nation against another. Competition between English and German capitalists in every market is becoming increasingly fierce. England’s former primacy and its exclusive dominance over the global market have already become a thing of the past. Germany ranks among the fastest‑growing capitalist nations, and its industrial products are finding ever‑greater outlets abroad. The struggle for colonies and the clash of commercial interests have become, in capitalist society, one of the principal causes of war. It is hardly surprising, then, that capitalists in both countries regard a war between England and Germany*** as inevitable—and that, here and there, military leaders openly welcome such a conflict. English chauvinists seek to weaken their dangerous rival by breaking Germany’s naval power, which, on this front, remains immeasurably weaker than England’s. German cadets and generals, led by Kaiser Wilhelm II, are eager to engage England in battle, hoping to use the momentum of military victories to drown out the growing discontent among the working masses and the intensifying class struggle within Germany.
In response to the mounting danger of war, English and German workers alike decided to speak out publicly. For years, the workers’ newspapers in both countries had been steadily combating chauvinism and militarism. But now, the working class needed a more forceful declaration of its will than could be conveyed through the printed word alone.
English workers resolved to send a delegation to Berlin, where, through a majestic demonstration, they would affirm the proletarian solidarity of both nations in their determination to wage war against war itself.
The demonstration took place in Berlin on Sunday, September 20 (7). This time, the English workers’ delegates were able to address the Berlin proletariat without obstruction. Two years earlier, when J. Jaurès, speaking on behalf of the French working class, had sought to address a gathering of social‑democratic masses in Berlin in order to protest against the chauvinist bourgeoisie, the German government had forbidden him from speaking before German workers. This time, however, the German government did not dare to expel the delegates of the English proletariat.
A massive workers’ assembly was convened in one of Berlin’s largest halls. Nearly 5,000 people filled the venue at once, while many thousands more were forced to remain in the garden and on the streets. Order was maintained by worker-elected representatives wearing red ribbons on their sleeves. Comrade Legien, a renowned leader of Germany’s trade unions—those commonly referred to as “free” unions, i.e., in practice social‑democratic unions—welcomed the English delegation on behalf of the entire politically and professionally organized working class of Germany. Fifty years ago—so he said—French and English workers had already demonstrated in favor of peace. At that time, however, the vanguard—the socialists—had not yet succeeded in organizing the broad masses. Today, the trade unions of England and Germany together represent 4 million members. On behalf of this mighty army, the English delegates and the Berlin assembly now declare that the question of war and peace rests in the hands of the working class.
In his reply, English worker delegate Maddison denounced the chauvinistic persecution carried out by the bourgeoisie and delivered the “Address of British Workers to the Workers of Germany,” signed by 3,000 workers. Among the signatories, he pointed out, were representatives of both currents within the English labor movement (that is, both social democrats and supporters of the “Independent Labour Party,” who had not yet adopted a consistently socialist standpoint). The Address stated that wars serve the interests of the propertied classes; it is the working masses who bear the brunt of war, while the propertied classes profit from the suffering of the people. Let the workers unite in their struggle against militarism, in their quest to secure peace!
After speeches by other English delegates and by Richard Fischer, a representative of German social democracy, the assembly concluded with the unanimous adoption of a resolution that condemned the “self‑seeking and short‑sighted policies of the dominant and exploitative classes” and expressed the willingness to act in accordance with the decision of the Stuttgart International Congress—that is, to fight against war by all available means and resources. The assembly dispersed in an orderly manner, singing the Workers’ March. There were no street demonstrations. The Berlin police and local military authorities had been disappointed in their expectations. German public order is characterized by the fact that even the smallest workers’ demonstration is never without a corresponding police and military presence. The Berlin garrison had been put on alert. Troops were deployed according to a strict plan across various parts of the city—primarily in locations where it would be difficult to discern where soldiers were stationed and concealed. Police patrols circled the streets and squares near the assembly hall, particularly along the route leading from the hall to the palace. The palace itself was encircled by a veritable ring of plainclothes police officers and hidden units of troops lurking in the courtyards. A complex system of police pickets had been established—police groups stood at street corners; police officers were assigned to all “important” sites; bicycle‑borne police acted as scouts, reporting every move of the “enemy” to the military authorities; bridges and crossings over the Spree were guarded threefold.
“Guarding the threatened monarchy,” Vorwärts wrote sarcastically about all these measures taken by the government of Kaiser Wilhelm II.
A rehearsal was underway—so we might add.
Kaiser Wilhelm II and the German bourgeoisie were rehearsing military action against a rising proletariat. Such rehearsals are undoubtedly—and in any case—beneficial both for the working masses and for the soldiers. Ça ira!

(“It’ll work out!” as the French workers’ song says.) Though repeated rehearsals may proceed slowly at first, they ultimately lead with great certainty toward a great historical turning point.
1 This article was written by Lenin for Proletary. In NS 36 of Proletary, dated October 16 (3), 1908, at the end of the final page, the editorial staff announced that several articles and correspondence pieces—including this very article—were being postponed until the next issue. Almost all of the material listed there was eventually published in the following issue, and in part in other nearby issues. Yet this particular article never appeared in print.
2 We are referring here to the events that preceded the founding of the First International:
the 1862 journey of a French workers’ delegation to London for the International Exposition, where they sought to establish ties with English workers; and the subsequent 1863 trip of a similar delegation to London for an international rally, intended to demonstrate the international proletariat’s sympathy and solidarity with the Polish Uprising.
3 For the resolution of the Stuttgart International Congress on militarism and international conflicts, see the documents and materials collected in Volume XII of Lenin’s Collected Works, p. 444.