V. I.

Lenin

Yesterday we showed that Trepov had no reason to fall out with the Cadets solely
because he is on principle opposed to compulsory alienation of land for the
benefit of the peasants, once the Cadets agree to the peasants being made to pay
a round sum for the alienated land “at a fair valuation”. Today, Slovo [1] says:

“Agrarian reform is the corner-stone of all the rumours about the formation
of a new Cabinet representing the Duma majority. According to the rumours that
have reached us from other sources, the basis on which an agreement may be reached on the question of forming a Duma Cabinet is—the floating of a new loan .

“The purpose of the loan is primarily to solve the urgent land
question. It has been estimated that to solve this problem without having to resort
to the undesirable principle of compulsory alienation, two thousand million
rubles will be needed. The other half of the loan is to be placed at the
absolute disposal of the Ministry of War and the Ministry of the Navy for the
purpose of increasing the fighting efficiency of the Army and Navy.”

Thus, everything is going smoothly: for two thousand million to compensate the
expropriated landlords and others plus two thousand million to be placed at the
absolute disposal of the Ministry of War and the Ministry of the Navy, Trepov is
willing to put the Cadets in power, and let his principles go hang. It is not a
high price he asks, is it, gentle men of the Cadet Party?

*     * *
Nasha Zhizn is very much disturbed at the idea of a new congress of our
Party. It is trying to make out that this new congress will be some sort of
disaster, a symptom of some incurable sickness of the Party. “What, another congress!”—it
cries in horror. Yes, another congress—as the inevitable way out of the
situation in the Party, when the Central Committee and its directives are out of
harmony with the opinion of the whole Party. The Party has now been reorganised
on democratic lines, and we would ask the democrats of Nasha Zhizn how
the organised opinion of a democratic party can be expressed if not through a
congress. In their newspaper these gentlemen quote the figures
published in Ekho [2] showing the number of organisations and Party members
that have expressed opposition to the Central Committee’s policy; and yet they
are horror-struck at the idea of a congress.

No, the idea of a new congress is not disastrous; it is a symptom of the Party’s
vitality, a symptom of the strength of public opinion in the Party. It is a sign
that the Party is finding a simple and easy way out of the situation that
circumstances have created. And we are sure that nobody in the Party, least of
all our responsible Cabinet—the Central Committee—will regard a
congress as a disaster. For the Party, the convocation of a congress is now a
necessity; for the Central Committee it is an obligation; for the Cadets and
their yes-men, perhaps, it may be unpleasant. But what can one do! We know that
whichever side is victorious at the congress, the congress will be very
unpleasant for the bourgeoisie.

*     * *
The following is printed in Golos Truda (No. 7):

“Editorial note . We have received a letter from Comrade
K. P—v [3]

concerning the article by Comrade N. Rakhmetov. We deem it necessary to state that we do not fully share some of Rakhmetov’s
views, and in particular, we totally disagree with his opinion about

’a political coalition’ with the Cadets.

“We allowed Comrade Rakhmetov the right freely to express his views. We
ourselves stand by the Amsterdam Resolution, [4] and we have
made this sufficiently clear and definite in leading articles on the most
diverse topics of current politics from the very first day the
Constitutional-Democratic Party appeared in the political arena.”

We do not know what Comrade K. P—v actually wrote to the editors of
Golos Truda ; but the perplexing thought that involuntarily rises in one’s mind is: Did the editors need this
letter to enable them to “understand” N. Rakhmetov’s article? If they did understand it without Comrade
K. P—v’s assistance and did not agree with N. Rakhmetov,
how is it that they publish leading articles on matters of
principle without indicating that they disagree with them?
Moreover, the length of the article—interesting indeed only because of its slashing style and its “extreme”
deductions and slogans—must have misled a fairly large number of readers who concluded that the author was in close
touch with leading circles in the Party. Nevertheless, our
feeling of perplexity is to some extent mingled with a feeling
of satisfaction. True, it has taken Golos Truda a week to dissociate itself from N. Rakhmetov; but better late than
never.

---
Notes:
[1]
Slovo ( The Word )—a bourgeois daily newspaper published in
St. Petersburg in 1904-09. From November 1905 until July 1906 it was the organ
of the Octobrists, but later in 1906 it became the organ of the constitutional
monarchist Party of “Peaceful Renovation”, which Lenin called the
“Party of Peaceful Plunder”.

[2]
Ekho ( The Echo )—a legal Bolshevik daily newspaper published in
St. Petersburg from June 22 (July 5) to July 7 (20), 1906 in place of
Vperyod , which had been suppressed by the government. Fourteen
issues appeared. The actual editor was Lenin and articles by him were
printed in each issue. Lenin took a direct part in the work of the section
entitled “Among Newspapers and Periodicals”.

Repressive measures were taken against almost every issue of Ekho . On
the eve of the dissolution of the First State Duma the newspaper was closed down.

[3]
K. P—v is K. A. Popov.

[4]
The “ Amsterdam Resolution ” on “international rules for socialist tactics” was passed by the
Congress of the Second International held in Amsterdam on August 14-20,
1904. The resolution for bade socialists to take part in bourgeois governments
and rejected collaboration of socialist parties with bourgeois parties.