V. I.

Lenin

Today,two newspapers that do not belong to the sensational boulevard press,
namely, Nasha Zhizn and Mysl , [2] publish the important news
that the Goremykin Cabinet has at last decided to resign. The new Cabinet is
expected to be made up as follows: Yermolov—Prime Minister;
Urusov—Minister of the Interior; Herzenstein—Finance; Timiryazev—Commerce; Stakhovich—Agriculture;
Kuzmin-Karavayev—Justice; Nabokov—Foreign Affairs. It is
believed that Heyden will “take” Education and that the Ministry of Railways will be
taken by the present Minister, or by Shukhtan, the Chief of the Nikolayevskaya
Railway.

Thus,we have the old bureaucrats in alliance with the Octobrists and
Right Cadets, mainly ex-officials, that is to say, former bureaucrats
(Urusov was formerly Deputy Minister of the Interior, Kuzmin-Karavayev
a general, and Nabokov a gentleman-in-waiting).

Boththe above-mentioned newspapers also report that lively negotiations have
been taking place recently between the “Centre Party” in the Council
of State [3] (i.e., the gang of bureaucrats who are a cross between the Black
Hundreds and the “law and order” people [4] )

and the Cadets.

Letus assume that all this is true. We must assume that it is true
until the opposite is proved; for the source of in formation is fairly reliable,
and the fact follows logically from all preceding events.

Well,whose views are proved to be right by this Cabinet, or these negotiations
between the Cadets and the pogrom-mongers? Our readers will recall that at the
meeting in the Panina Palace on May 9, [5] the Social-Narodnik, Mr. Myakotin,
answering a Social-Democrat, protested that it was not fair to accuse the Cadets
of desiring to make a deal with the pogrom-mongers. They will also
recall that our

Right-wing Social-Democrats, headed by Plekhanov, loudly declared that all talk
about treachery and making deals was groundless and premature.

Negotiationsmark the beginning of a deal, said the Social-Democrat in reply to
Mr. Myakotin. A deal marks the completion of negotiations. [1]

Well, the fact That negotiations have been going on is now confirmed. The deal is well on the way.

Butwhat has become of the promised complete amnesty, guarantee of liberties,
and the abolition of the Council of State? Were these questions
discussed during the negotiations between the Cadets and the pogrom-mongers?
The news papers are silent on this point. And we all know that the knights of
“people’s freedom” have never categorically stipulated that these measures should be guaranteed before a Cadet Cabinet is
formed. It is the minor things, which are done behind the backs of the people,
which provide portfolios and soft jobs, that have been put in the
forefront. What is vital for the people has been shifted into the
background. The Cadets will “fight” for an amnesty and for freedom
when they are in the Cabinet—this is the answer that will be used to
silence the simpletons who have been spreading among the people the slogan of
supporting a “responsible” Cabinet. But this Cabinet will be
responsible as before to the laws, which remain the old, pogrom laws, and also
to the Star Chamber, or camarilla, that appointed it. And by a
“fight” for an amnesty and for freedom, the Cadets have meant in the
past, and will continue to mean: negotiations between the Rodichevs and
Nabokovs, the Nabokovs and Urusovs, the Urusovs and Goremykins and the
Goremykins and Trepovs.

Butit’s an ill-wind that blows nobody any good. The Cabinet of pogrom-mongers,
Octobrists and Cadets will soon make things move; that is to say, it will drive
the Cadets towards political bankruptcy, it will help the people to cast off one
more harmful illusion, and accelerate the progress of political events towards a
revolutionary denouement.

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Notes:
[1]
See present edition, Vol. 10, p. 408.— Ed .

[2]
Nasha Zhizn ( Our Life )—a daily newspaper close to the Left wing
of the Cadet Party issued in St. Petersburg, with interruptions, from November
6 (19), 1904 to July 11(24), 1906.

Mysl ( Thought )—a legal daily newspaper of the
S.-R.’s issued in St. Petersburg in June-July 1906.

[3]
The Council of State —one of the supreme state bodies in pre-revolutionary Russia. It was set up in 1810 according to the plan
of M. M. Speransky as a legislative and advisory body, the members of which
were appointed and confirmed in office by the tsar. By the Law of February 20
(March 5), 1906 the Council of State was reorganised and given the right to
confirm or reject Bills after they had been debated in the State Duma. But the
right of altering basic legislation and promulgating a number of particularly
important laws rested with the tsar.

From1906 half the members of the Council of State consisted of elected
representatives of the nobility, clergy and big bourgeoisie, the other half
consisting of dignitaries appointed by the tsar. Consequently, the Council of
State was an extremely reactionary institution, which rejected even the
moderate legislation adopted by the State Duma.

[4]
“Law and order” people —representatives of the Party of “Law and Order”, a counter-revolutionary party of the
big industrialists, trading bourgeoisie, landlords and top section of the
bureaucracy. The Party was founded in the autumn of 1905 and took final shape
after the publication of the Manifesto of October 17. Using the watchword of
“law and order” as a disguise, the Party in fact came out strongly
in defence of the tsarist regime. It welcomed the dissolution of the First
State Duma; during the elections to the Second Duma it made a bloc with the
Black Hundreds of the “Union of True-Russian People”, proposing that
the Octobrists too should enter this bloc. In 1907 the Party broke up; part of its members went over to
the Octobrists and part joined the overt Black Hundreds.

[5]
A mass meeting organised in St. Petersburg by the socio-political club was held in Countess Panina’s Palace on May 9 (22), 1906,
in connection with the work of the Duma and its reply to the tsar’s address from
the throne.

Themeeting was attended by about 3,000 persons, half of whom were
workers. Lenin, under the name of Karpov, spoke in opposition to the
“Popular Socialist” Myakotin and the Menshevik F. Dan, who defended
a bloc with the Cadets. The resolution moved by Lenin (see present edition,
Vol. 10, p.409) was adopted by the meeting almost unanimously. A report of
Lenin’s speech was printed in the Bolshevik newspaper Volna and in the
Menshevik Nevskaya Gazeta (see present edition, Vol. 10,
pp. 407-408).