Pages: 165-170

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CORRECTIONS IN THE MANUSCRIPT OF THE ARTICLE "TWO TACTICS" \
in "VPERED," 14 (1) FEBRUARY 1905.
[The rear and the vanguard of the revolution.]
[Insurrection and the self-activity of the proletariat.]
[The self-activity of the proletariat and the tail-endism of the opportunists.]
Two Tactics.
...But Russian social-democratic opportunism differed from Western European by distinctive features ^rooted in the distinctive traits of the history and current state of the Russian revolutionary movement]. It reflected with extreme clarity the point of view or, perhaps, the absence of any independent point of view of the intelligentsia wing of the party, carried away both by the fashionable catchwords of Bernsteinianism and by the direct results and Forms of the purely-labor movement. This infatuation led [in theory] to the wholesale betrayal of the legal Marxists, who migrated to liberalism, [in party social-democratic work in that] to the creation by the social democrats of the famous theory of "tactics-as-process," which secured for our opportunists the nickname of TAIL-ENDISTS... ^It was precisely the poor intellectuals of the erstwhile Economists camp who imposed on the workers the theory of stages, the theory of "economic struggle with the employers and with the government," the theory of tangible results, the theory of trade-unionist organization, and all these "theories" were justified by arguments about the self-activity of the proletariat.]
...Akselrod and Martynov, Martov and Liber (Bundist) defended at the congress the right of professors and high school students to enroll as party members without ENTERING ANY organizations, [in the name of the self-activity of the proletariat, a campaign of intellectual squabbling was waged, dragging (every bit of trash) as «gentlemen» into the central institutions of the party.]
IN THE NAME of the self-activity of the proletariat, the theory of "organization-as-process" was concocted, justifying the disorganization [of the party] and glorifying intellectual anarchism...
* Coll. Works, VIII, 108-114. Ed.

...--it had not yet reached Russia--its * second letter, where an absolutely stunning discovery was made, that at the present "historical moment the political scene is filled (!) with a dispute between the organized bourgeoisie and the bureaucracy" and that "the objective meaning of any ([that's even how!] listen, listen!) revolutionary movement in the lower classes is one (!) and boils down to supporting the slogans of that one of the two (!!) forces that is interested in breaking the given regime" (this [zemstvo] democratic intelligentsia was declared a "force");...
Here is WHAT was said [in the book "What Is To Be Done.] three YEARS AGO about the insurrection as a slogan, [allowing and requiring] determining our immediate practical [discussions and approach to the solution of] tasks:
"Let us imagine a popular uprising. At present, probably, everyone will agree that we must think about it and prepare for it. But how to prepare? Not to appoint Center [al] Committee agents in all places to prepare the uprising! Even if we had a Central Committee, it would achieve absolutely nothing by such an appointment under modern Russian conditions. On the contrary, the network of agents [(author's note, dedicated to one of Martynov's stupidities)], forming spontaneously in the work of setting up and distributing a general newspaper, should not "sit and wait" for the slogan for the uprising, but would do precisely that regular, business, which would guarantee it the greatest probability of success in the event of an uprising...
The concluding words emphasized by us give a clear answer to the question of how the revolutionary social democrats imagined the preparation of the uprising. But, no matter how clear this answer is, the old tail-endist tactics could not but [be reflected in the discussion of this answer] manifest itself on this point as well. Martynov recently released [an entire] pamphlet "Two Dictatorships," [setting forth the new-Iskra ideas and approved, of course, by a special note] specially recommended by the new Iskra (JSI? 84). [martynov] The author, from the depths of his Economists heart, is outraged that Lenin could speak ABOUT "preparing," appointing [(! this is an exclamation point of Comrade Martynov) Really, how? appointment^] and CONDUCTING an armed popular uprising," [and] the formidable Martynov strikes the enemy: "International social democracy, on the basis of historical experience [(and on the basis of a recently read book by Aulard!)] and scientif-
* Menshevik "Iskra". Ed.

CORRECTIONS IN THE MANUSCRIPT OF THE ARTICLE "TWO TACTICS" ic analysis of the dynamics of social forces" ((oh-oh-oh!^ always recognized that only palace coups and *pronunciamentos* can be appointed in advance [(murderously venomous italics!)] and carried out successfully according to a pre-prepared plan, and precisely because they are not popular revolutions, i.e. upheavals in social relations, but only reshuffles in the ruling clique...
Perhaps the reader will say, having read this tirade, that Martynov, obviously, "is not" a serious opponent and that taking [such things] him seriously [and it becomes] ridiculous. We would fully agree with such a reader. The trouble [only] is that these trifles figure also in Iskra editorials (No. 62). An even bigger trouble is that there are people in the party and a lot of them, who [take seriously such things, who with an important and thoughtful look spread these truly new discoveries, who bring incredible confusion thereby into the working environment! clutter their heads with these trifles. And one has to talk about frivolous things, just as we have to talk about Rosa Luxemburg's "theory" that discovered "organization-as-process." One has to explain to Martynov that one should not confuse an uprising with a popular revolution. [, as he does. An uprising is only one of the numerous acts of revolution.] ONE HAS TO EXPLAIN, that the profound references to the upheaval in social relations [to the practical question] in resolving the practical question of the methods of overthrowing the Russian autocracy are only worthy of Kifa Mokievich. [, that] THIS upheaval [occurs for decades, if not centuries, and took place] began IN RUSSIA ALREADY with the fall of serfdom, [that] and precisely the backwardness of our political superstructure from the completed upheaval in social relations makes the collapse of the superstructure inevitable, and a collapse at once is fully and completely possible, from one blow, for the "popular revolution" in Russia has already inflicted a hundred blows on tsarism, and whether the hundred and first or the hundred and tenth blow will finish it off is unknown. Only opportunist intellectuals, shifting [their backwardness and instability, indecision and] their pessimism onto the proletarians, can, at such a time when the ways of delivering one of the blows of the second hundred are being practically discussed, manifest their gymnasium knowledge about the "upheaval in social relations." Only the opportunists of the new Iskra can [fall into hysterics before] hysterically shout about the terrible "Jacobin" plan, in which the center of gravity lies, as we have seen, in comprehensive mass agitation with the aid of a [non-native] political newspaper!

A people's revolution cannot be appointed, that is true. One cannot but praise Martynov and the author of the editorial in No. 62 of *Iskra* for their familiarity with this truth ("and what preparation for an uprising can our party even speak of," a faithful associate OR PUPIL of Martynov asked there, fighting against "utopians") [both can be given a three plus ■ patted on the head]. But to appoint an uprising, if we have really prepared it and if a people's uprising is possible, by virtue of the completed upheavals in social relations, is a perfectly feasible thing, [in order] Let us try to explain this to the NEW-ISKRAITES [especially] in a VERY VISUAL [for Martynov [example] way, let us take]
An example
[from the area of "economic struggle with landlords and with the government" familiar to him]. Can the workers' movement be appointed? [honorable Comrade Martynov?] No, it cannot, because it is composed of thousands of individual acts generated by the upheaval in social relations. Can a strike be appointed? [profound Comrade Martynov?] It can, despite the fact—imagine, Comrade Martynov, despite the fact that [it is also generated] each strike is the result of an upheaval in social relations. When can a strike be appointed? When the organization or circle appointing it enjoys influence among the mass of given workers [(solidarity and willingness to fight among them is generated by an "upheaval in social relations," dear Comrade Martynov), when those appointing] are able to correctly assess the moment of growing discontent and irritation in the mass of workers. Do you understand now what the matter is, Comrade Martynov and comrade-"leader" of issue No. 62 of *Iskra*? If you understand, then please now compare [the relation of] the uprising with the people's revolution. "A people's revolution cannot be appointed in advance"; this is a truth first stated on page 10 of Martynov's brochure. [And this truth is so new and so smart that, firstly, a medal should radically be awarded for the ideological feat to the editors of the central organ who approved this brochure.] An uprising can be appointed [also only when] those appointing it enjoy influence among the mass and are able to correctly assess the moment.

Fortunately, the initiative of advanced workers turns out to be far ahead of the tail-ist philosophy of the new *Iskra*. While it [composes] tortures theories from itself proving that an uprising cannot be appointed by those who have prepared for it, organizing [comprehensive preparation] the advanced detachment of the revolutionary*

AMENDMENTS IN THE MANUSCRIPT OF THE ARTICLE "TWO TACTICS" class, events show that an uprising can be appointed and are forced to appoint people who have not prepared...

...We will let [Martynovs and] the NEW *Iskra* hold forth on the need for "an upheaval in social relations" on this matter and high-mindedly condemn the "utopianism" of the workers who exclaimed "we will establish our government"... It is important for us to note and emphasize this remarkable, bold practical approach to solving the task now facing us closely. [It is important to appreciate this manifestation of the revolutionary initiative of the proletariat.] The call of the St. Petersburg workers has not been realized and could not be realized as quickly as they wanted...

... [It is important to evaluate the answer to the question about modern practical tasks.] Social Democrats [derived this answer from] put forward the slogan of PREPARING for an uprising even three years ago on the basis of general [theoretical and tactical] considerations. The initiative of the proletariat came to this same [answer] slogan under the influence of the direct lessons of the civil war, [which is [,] of course,] initiative and initiative... And there are Social Democrats who [are so true to the spirit of Martynov's tail-ism that ^ they still slavishly kowtow before this] even at this moment contemplate with reverence precisely this second type of initiative, who think that one can get away from a direct answer to urgent questions by repeating the word "class" countless times... [if the new-Iskraites or new-Economists were not tail-ists, then they would have noticed what a reactionary significance the [speeches] newspaper articles have which put forward the initiative of "truly broad" legal societies and [hush up] move away, leave in the shadow the real initiative of workers seizing legal printing houses for printing calls for an uprising. Whoever carries one around as with a written bag with only one little word "initiative of the workers" - let them take this into account - and the Bundists - it would not hurt them to reflect on the comparison of these two kinds of initiative. Whoever has not yet lost the ability to learn lessons from the great events now taking place, can now see what a gigantic practical harm the sermon brings to the movement, belittling the significance of the revolutionary organization.]...

And [our sages from] the Ivanushkas of the new *Iskra* refer to the lush wheat harvest in order to belittle the significance of the strong organization of revolutionary reapers! [our sages] Like the Bundists, they carry around, as with a written bag, with only one little word "the initiative of the workers"! It would be criminal [and suicidal],—continues the same new-*Iskraite* leader,—"to attack the rear of the revolution." What this phrase actually means, Allah knows.... Now it is enough to point out that the real political meaning of this phrase [is] one, namely: [but the meaning of it is that] the author grovels before the rear of the revolution, contemptuously wrinkling HIS NOSE [before J about the "narrow" and "Jacobin" vanguard of the revolution.

importance at the present time. We will have to dwell in detail on this issue in the following article, recall the old formulation and solution of it, indicate a number of practical conclusions. Now!
The tactics of tail-ism and the tactics of revolutionary Social Democracy are becoming clearer by the new *Iskra*. We already pointed out in the 1st issue of *Vperyod* [, that] the inevitability of the fact [that] that the uprising must join one of the spontaneous, i.e., least conscious movements. We said in No. 4 of *Vperyod* that the tactics of the St. Petersburg comrades from the Committee in relation to Gapon were correct: a distrustful attitude towards the Zubatovite, [unconditional active] support for the spontaneous movement raised by yesterday's Zubatovite and the desire to develop it. We will end now [by repeating the same thought that pop hundreds of times] with a piece of advice that we will have to [repeat again] give to the new-*Iskraites*: [take a closer look at] do not belittle the tasks of the vanguard of the revolution, try to direct your organized initiative precisely here [i. e. the intelligentsia]. [Let it reason and hold forth less and] Talk less [talk] general phrases about the development of the initiative of the workers - the workers show an abyss of revolutionary initiative unnoticed by you! - [let them] look more at not corrupting undeveloped workers with their intellectual tail-ism!

The tangled question by *Iskra* of broad Zubatov societies is now of particular importance. We are therefore again forced to recall the old formulation and resolution of it. I
*Iskra*'s question about Zubatov's broad societies has enormous contradictions, the more the more zealous it is in Martynov's \o
...We have not forgotten at all, therefore, the importance of "securing the rear," if [speaking in military language1 using a military comparison...