Date: 1905-10-25
Source: ru:LS/v16

FROM THE OUTSIDE, ONE CAN SEE
a particularly significant development: the reluctance among employees of the Nikolaev Railway—those placed in the most favorable conditions—to engage in strike action. Now that the strike has taken place, it is no less than intriguing to take a look behind the scenes, where the threads of organization were woven together.
“As the reader knows, a close alliance emerged between the democratic bourgeoisie and the socialists, forged through the medium of trade unions—and further solidified by the Union of Unions. Among these unions, the engineers’ union played the central role in organizing the new strike.”
Thanks to the government’s incomprehensibly weak and vacillating [(?hinterhältige)] conduct toward engineers, physicians, and attorneys, these circles grew ever more distant from the moderate factions within the central union, gradually drawing closer to the leaders of the socialist workers. It became clear that even those who had previously championed order in the factories were now subjected to repeated attacks by terrorists—and that the government itself was utterly incapable of safeguarding their lives.
“The natural consequence of such conditions was that engineers had little choice but to step forward and lead the workers.”
Facts show that, for example, in Moscow, engineers initially followed the workers—but not without hesitation.
Ed. Proletariat! I have witnessed, in countless instances across the country, that engineers approached this decision with extreme reluctance.
They risked substantial financial losses in doing so—for once they declared themselves in solidarity with the workers, the latter would soon begin to press astonishingly high demands upon the wallets of even the highest‑paid engineers (? oh, is that so, Mr. Author? Ed. Proletariat).
Here we are presented with an ideal model of a socialist general strike—a strike in which striking workers receive material support from the entrepreneurial class itself, enabling them to confront the capitalists head‑on. This is an exceedingly instructive episode, and not only the Russian government could learn from this example. Such a phenomenon is possible only because, in the context of the workers’ movement, what we are dealing with is not an economic struggle, but a purely political one. The next logical step along this path might be for the entrepreneurs themselves—the owners of factories, the proprietors and directors of large industrial and transportation enterprises—to join the workers under the pressure of circumstance. A telegram dispatched to you from St. Petersburg just two weeks ago reveals…
Lenin’s Collected Works, Volume XVI.

LENIN’S COLLECTED WORKS
Such considerations had already begun to surface within merchant circles. If the government continues down this false path, then I believe that developments in this very direction are inevitable. To protect their own factories—whether owned outright or entrusted to their management—factory owners will be forced to place their trust [(sich anzuvertrauen)] in the hands of the workers. In doing so, the interests of foreign capital will be especially at stake. First and foremost, this will affect our (that is, the German) electrical enterprises, into which roughly 46 million rubles of capital have been invested. Indeed, to shut off electricity, water supply, and tram service—that has long been the cherished goal of revolutionary groups. And everyone knows how easily these complex operations can be brought to a halt for an extended period. Judging by the trajectory of the movement over the past week, it seems likely that a decision of this nature will be made very soon—perhaps within just a few short weeks. It appears that Count Witte has now come to realize this as well. Otherwise, his behavior—his open agitation against the ruling clique—remains inexplicable. In fact, it seems to me that Count Witte’s calculations have already come too late.
Alongside the rise of socialist organizations, a powerful wave of so‑called monarchist groups has also spread, particularly in rural areas. With the help of local provincial authorities, the clergy, and the ranks of small, uneducated capitalists—those whom the State Duma Act so generously favors—counter‑democratic campaigns against the socialists are being prepared throughout central Russia. And if appearances are to be trusted, we can expect the first blow in the near future—a blow that will mark the beginning of the counter‑revolution.
The existence of this organization—about which the newspapers tell us nothing—renders the government’s seemingly erratic behavior all the more puzzling. By deliberately driving matters to such a critical point, the government claims to be “forced” to suppress the uprising with fire and sword. This is precisely the same tactic it employed when St. Petersburg’s workers gathered to present a petition to the Tsar at the Winter Palace—only instead of arresting the leading figures and thereby precluding any possibility of protest, the government allowed unsuspecting workers to move freely, only to suddenly unleash gunfire upon several hundred of them. But the upcoming uprisings, it seems, are unlikely to proceed so smoothly—and we…

TO THE ARTICLE “THE ALL-RUSSIAN POLITICAL STRIKE”
we cannot yet imagine the horrors that await us in the coming weeks. We stand on the eve of mighty, earth‑shaking events.” (Italics added by the editor.4!
Sometimes, even the liberal bourgeoisie arrive at reasonable conclusions: it is better to place our trust in the workers, for tsarism has long since proven unworthy of that trust.
With such a bourgeois, we shall walk side by side; to the workers, we shall say: unite in the Socialist Party, for from today’s Russian conflagration will blaze forth tomorrow’s European struggle—and before long, the fight will no longer be merely for freedom, but for socialism itself.
ms
* TO THE ARTICLE “THE ALL-RUSSIAN POLITICAL STRIKE”
OCTOBER, BEFORE THE 31ST, 1905. STOCKHOLM.
The excerpts from foreign newspapers printed below were used by Lenin in his article “The All‑Russian Political Strike,” published in No. 23 of Proletariat on October 34 (48), 1905 (see Lenin’s Collected Works, Vol. VIII, pp. 334–333). The plan for this article is outlined in Lenin’s Collected Works, Vol. V, pp. 424–425.
a.
* EXCERPTS
FROM THE “FRANKFURTER ZEITUNG”
ON THE ALL‑RUSSIAN RAILWAY STRIKE.
Frankfurter Zeitung. Monday, October 23, 1905. Evening Edition.
A report on the all‑Russian railway strike.
A prime example of bourgeois‑democratic (one of Germany’s most liberal and democratic newspapers) obtuseness.
What, then, is the purpose of this strike? Surely, it can only harm economic interests.
On the participation of industrialists in student gatherings. These futile efforts will only lead to setbacks!
“Whether this undertaking—the all‑Russian railway congress’s political strike—will prove more successful than all previous attempts at such strikes remains to be seen. What is certain is that it will inflict immense damage upon economic interests. How, then, are political needs supposed to be advanced through such means?” Quoted from the speech of a worker at the Peterburg Student Congress held on October 18 at the University (from St. Petersburg…