V. I.

Lenin

Petty-Bourgeois and Proletarian Socialism [1]

Of the various socialist doctrines, Marxism is now predominant in
Europe, the struggle for the achievement of a socialist order being almost
entirely waged as a struggle of the working class under the guidance of the
Social-Democratic parties. This complete predominance of proletarian socialism
grounded in the teachings of Marxism was not achieved all at once, but only
after a long struggle against all sorts of outworn doctrines, petty-bourgeois
socialism, anarchism, and so on. Some thirty years ago, Marxism was not
predominant even in Germany, where the prevailing views of the time were in fact
transitional, mixed and eclectic, lying between petty-bourgeois and proletarian
socialism. The most widespread doctrines among advanced workers in the Romance
countries, in France, Spain and Belgium, were Proudhonism, Blanquism and
anarchism, which obviously expressed the viewpoint of the petty bourgeois, not
of the proletarian.

What has been the cause of this rapid and complete victory of Marxism during
the last decades? The correctness of the Marxist views has been confirmed to an
ever greater extent by all the development of contemporary societies, both
politically and economically, and by the whole experience of the revolutionary
movement and of the struggle of the oppressed classes. The decline of the petty
bourgeoisie inevitably led, sooner or later, to the extinction of all kinds of
petty-bourgeois prejudices, while the growth of capitalism and the
intensification of the class struggle within capitalist society were the best
agitation for the ideas of proletarian socialism.

Russia’s backwardness naturally accounts for the firm footing that various
obsolete socialist doctrines gained in our country. The entire history of
Russian revolutionary thought during the last quarter of a century is the
history of the struggle waged by Marxism against petty-bourgeois Narodnik
socialism. While the rapid growth and remarkable successes of the Russian
working-class movement have already brought victory to Marxism in Russia too,
the development of an indubitably revolutionary peasant
movement—especially after the famous peasant revolts in the Ukraine in
1902—has on the other hand caused a certain revival of senile
Narodism. The Narodnik theories of old, embellished with modish European
opportunism (revisionism, Bernsteinism, and criticism of Marx), make up all the
original ideological stock-in-trade of the so-called
Socialist-Revolutionaries.
That is why the peasant question is focal in the Marxists’
controversies with both the pure Narodniks and the Socialist-Revolutionaries.

To a certain extent Narodism was an integral and consistent doctrine. It denied
the domination of capitalism in Russia; it denied the factory workers’ role as
the front-line fighters of the entire proletariat; it denied the importance of a
political revolution and bourgeois political liberty; it preached an immediate
socialist revolution, stemming from the peasant commune with its petty forms of
husbandry. All that now survives of this integral theory is mere shreds, but to
understand the controversies of the present day intelligently, and to prevent
these controversies from degenerating into mere squabbles, one should always
remember the general and basic Narodnik roots of the errors of our
Socialist-Revolutionaries.

The Narodniks considered the muzhik the man of the future in Russia, this view
springing inevitably from their faith in the socialist character of the peasant
commune, from their lack of faith in the future of capitalism. The Marxists
considered the worker the man of the future in Russia, and the development of
Russian capitalism in both agriculture and industry is providing more and more
confirmation of their views. The working-class movement in Russia has won
recognition for itself, but as for the peasant movement, the gulf separating
Narodism and Marxism is to this day revealed in their different interpretations of this
movement. To the Narodniks the peasant movement provides a refutation of
Marxism. It is a movement that stands for a direct socialist revolution; it
does not recognise bourgeois political liberty; it stems from small-scale,
not large-scale, production. In a word, to the Narodnik, it is the peasant
movement that is the genuine, truly socialist and immediately socialist
movement. The Narodnik faith in the peasant commune and the Narodnik brand
of anarchism fully explain why such conclusions are inevitable.

To the Marxist, the peasant movement is a democratic, not a socialist,
movement. In Russia, just as was the case in other countries, it is a necessary
concomitant of the democratic revolution, which is bourgeois in its social and
economic content. It is not in the least directed against the foundations of the
bourgeois order, against commodity production, or against capital. On the contrary, it is directed against
the old, serf, pre-capitalist relationships in the rural districts, and against
landlordism, which is the mainstay of all the survivals of
serf-ownership. Consequently, full victory of this peasant movement will not
abolish capitalism; on the contrary, it will create a broader foundation for
its development, and will hasten and intensify purely capitalist
development. Full victory of the peasant uprising can only create a stronghold
for a democratic bourgeois republic, within which a proletarian struggle
against the bourgeoisie will for the first time develop in its purest form.

These, then, are the two contrasting views which must be clearly understood by
anyone who wishes to examine the gulf in principles that lies between the
Socialist-Revolutionaries and the Social-Democrats. According to one view, the
peasant movement is socialist, while according to the other it is a
democratic-bourgeois movement. Hence one can see what ignorance our
Socialist-Revolutionaries reveal when they repeat for the hundredth time (see,
for example, Revolutsionnaya Rossiya , No. 75) that orthodox Marxists
have ignored the peasant question. There is only one way of combating such crass
ignorance, and that is by repeating the ABC, by setting forth the old
consistently Narodnik views, and by pointing out for the hundredth or the thousandth time that the real distinction between us does not lie in a desire or
the non-desire to reckon with the peasant question, in recognition or
non-recognition of it, but in our different appraisals of the
present-day peasant movement and of the present-day peasant question in
Russia. He who says that the Marxists ignore the peasant question in Russia is,
in the first place, an absolute ignoramus since all the principal writings of
Russian Marxists, beginning with Plekhanov’s Our Differences (which
appeared over twenty years ago), have in the main been devoted to explaining the
erroneousness of the Narodnik views on the Russian peasant question. Secondly,
he who says that the Marxists ignore the peasant question thereby proves his
desire to avoid giving a complete appraisal of the actual difference in
principles, giving the answer to the question whether or not the present-day
peasant movement is democratic-bourgeois, whether or not it is objectively
directed against the survivals of serfdom.

The Socialist-Revolutionaries have never given, nor will they ever be able to
give, a clear and precise answer to this question, for they are floundering
hopelessly between the old Narodnik view and the present-day Marxist view on the
peasant question in Russia. The Marxists say that the Socialist-Revolutionaries
represent the standpoint of the petty bourgeoisie (are ideologists of the petty
bourgeoisie) for the very reason that they cannot rid themselves of
petty-bourgeois illusions and of the Narodnik imaginings in appraising the peasant
movement.

That is why we have to go over the ABC once again. What is the present-day
peasant movement in Russia striving for? For land and liberty. What significance
will the complete victory of this movement have? After winning liberty, it will
abolish the rule of the landlords and bureaucrats in the administration of the
state. After securing the land, it will give the landlords’ estates to the
peasants. Will the fullest liberty and expropriation of the landlords do away
with commodity production? No, it will not. Will the fullest liberty and
expropriation of the landlords abolish individual farming by peasant households
on communal, or “socialised”, land? No, it will not. Will the
fullest liberty and expropriation of the landlords bridge the deep gulf that separates the rich peasant, with his numerous horses and cows, from the
farm-hand, the day-labourer, i.e., the gulf that separates the peasant
bourgeoisie from the rural proletariat? No, it will not. On the contrary,
the more completely the highest social-estate (the landlords) is
routed and annihilated, the more profound will the class
distinction between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat be. What will be the
objective significance of the complete victory of the peasant uprising? This
victory will do away with all survivals of serfdom, but it will by no means
destroy the bourgeois economic system, or destroy capitalism or the division
of society into classes—into rich and poor, the bourgeoisie and the
proletariat. Why is the present-day peasant movement a democratic-bourgeois
movement? Because, after destroying the power of the bureaucracy and the
landlords, it will set up a democratic system of society, without, however,
altering the bourgeois foundation of that democratic society, without
abolishing the rule of capital. How should the class-conscious worker, the
socialist, regard the present-day peasant movement? He must support this
movement, help the peasants in the most energetic fashion, help them throw
off completely both the rule of the bureaucracy and that of the
landlords. At the same time, however, lie should explain to the peasants
that it is not enough to overthrow the rule of the bureaucracy and the
landlords. When they overthrow that rule, they must at the same time prepare
for the abolition of the rule of capital, the rule of the bourgeoisie, and
for that purpose a doctrine that is fully socialist, i.e., Marxist, should
be immediately disseminated, the rural proletarians should be united, welded together,and organised for the struggle against the peasant bourgeoisie and
the entire Russian bourgeoisie. Can a class-conscious worker forget the
democratic struggle for the sake of the socialist struggle, or forget the
latter for the sake of the former? No, a class-conscious worker calls
himself a Social-Democrat for the reason that he understands the relation
between the two struggles. He knows that there is no other road to socialism
save the road through democracy, through political liberty. He therefore
strives to achieve democratism completely and consistently in order to
attain the ultimate goal—socialism. Why are the conditions for the democratic struggle not the same as those for the socialist struggle? Because
the workers will certainly have different allies in each of those two
struggles. The democratic struggle is waged by the workers together with a
section of the bourgeoisie, especially the petty bourgeoisie. On the other hand,
the socialist struggle is waged by the workers against the whole of the
bourgeoisie. The struggle against the bureaucrat and the landlord can and must
be waged together with all the peasants, even the well-to-do and the middle
peasants. On the other hand, it is only together with the rural proletariat that
the struggle against the bourgeoisie, and therefore against the well-to-do
peasants too, can be properly waged.

If we keep in mind all these elementary Marxist truths, which the
Socialist-Revolutionaries always prefer to avoid going into, we shall have no
difficulty in appraising the latter’s “latest” objections to
Marxism, such as the following:

“Why was it necessary,” Revolutsionnaya Rossiya (No. 75) exclaims,
“first to support the peasant in general against the landlord, and then
(i.e., at the same time) to support the proletariat against the peasant in
general, instead of at once supporting the proletariat against the landlord;
and what Marxism has to do with this, heaven alone knows.”

This is the standpoint of the most primitive, childishly naïve anarchism. For
many centuries and even for thousands of years, mankind has dreamt of doing
away “at once” with all and every kind of exploitation. These dreams
remained mere dreams until millions of the exploited all over the world began
to unite for a consistent, staunch and comprehensive struggle to change
capitalist society in the direction the evolution of that society is naturally
taking. Socialist dreams turned into the socialist struggle of the millions only
when Marx’s scientific socialism had linked up the urge for change with the
struggle of a definite class. Outside the class struggle, socialism is either a
hollow phrase or a naïve dream. In Russia, however, two different struggles of
two different social forces are taking place before our very eyes. The
proletariat is fighting against the bourgeoisie wherever capitalist relations of
production exist (and they exist—be it known to our
Socialist-Revolutionaries— even in the peasant commune, i.e., on the land
which from their standpoint is one hundred per cent “socialised”). As a stratum of
small landowners, of petty bourgeois, the peasantry, is fighting against
all survivals of serfdom, against the bureaucrats and the landlords. Only
those who are completely ignorant of political economy and of the history
of revolutions throughout the world can fail to see that these are two
distinct and different social wars. To shut one’s eyes to the diversity of
these wars by demanding “at once”, is like hiding one’s head
under one’s wing and refusing to make any analysis of reality.

The Socialist-Revolutionaries, who have lost the integrity of the old Narodnik
views, have even forgotten many of the teachings of the Narodniks themselves. As
the selfsame Revolutsionnaya Rossiya writes in the same article:
“By helping the peasantry to expropriate the landlords, Mr. Lenin is
unconsciously assisting in building up petty-bourgeois economy on the ruins of
the more or less developed forms of capitalist agriculture. Is not this a ’step
backward’ from the standpoint of orthodox Marxism?”

For shame, gentlemen! Why, you have forgotten your own Mr. V. V.! Consult his
Destiny of Capitalism , the Sketches by Mr. Nikolai
—on, [2] and other sources of your wisdom. You will then recollect that
landlord farming in Russia combines within itself features both of
capitalism and of serf-ownership. You will then find out that there is
a system of economy based on labour rent, which is a direct survival
of the corvée system. If, moreover, you take the trouble to
consult such an orthodox Marxist book as the third volume of Marx’s
Capital , you will find that nowhere could the corv6e system develop, and nowhere did it develop, and turn into capitalist
farming except through the medium of petty-bourgeois peasant
farming. In your efforts to scatter Marxism to the winds, you resort
to methods too primitive, methods too long ago exposed; you ascribe to
Marxism a grotesquely oversimplified conception of large-scale
capitalist farming directly succeeding to large-scale farming based on the
corvée system. You argue that since the yield on the landlords’ estates is higher than on the peasant farms the
expropriation of the landlords is a step backward. This argument is
worthy of a fourth-form schoolboy. Just consider, gentlemen: was it
not a “step backward” to separate the low-yielding peasant lands from the high-yielding landlords’ estates when serfdom
was abolished?

Present-day landlord economy in Russia combines features of both capitalism and
serf-ownership. Objectively, the peasants’ struggle against the landlords today
is a struggle against survivals of serfdom. However, to attempt to enumerate all
individual cases, to weigh each individual case, and to determine with the
precision of an apothecary’s scales exactly where serf-ownership ends and pure
capitalism begins, is to ascribe one’s own pedantry to the Marxists. We cannot
calculate what portion of the price of provisions bought from a petty
shopkeeper represents labour-value and what part of it represents swindling,
etc. Does that mean, gentlemen, that we must discard the theory of labour-value?

Contemporary landlord economy combines features of both capitalism and
serfdom. But only pedants can conclude from this that it is our duty to weigh,
count and copy out every minute feature in every particular instance, and
pigeon-hole it in this or that social category. Only utopians can hence conclude
that “there is no need” for us to draw a distinction between the two
different social wars. Indeed, the only actual conclusion that does follow is
that both in our programme and in our tactics we must combine the purely
proletarian struggle against capitalism with the general

’democratic (and general peasant) struggle against serfdom.

The more marked the capitalist features in present-day landlord semi-feudal
economy, the more imperative is it to get right down to organising the rural
proletariat separately, for this will help

’purely

capitalist, or purely proletarian, antagonisms to assert themselves the sooner, whenever confiscation
takes place. The more marked the capitalist features in landlord economy, the
sooner will democratic confiscation give an impetus to the real struggle for
socialism—and, consequently, the more dangerous is false idealisation
of the democratic revolution through use of the catchword of
“socialisation”. Such is the conclusion to be drawn from the fact
that landlord economy is a mixture of capitalism and serf-ownership relations.

Thus, we must combine the purely proletarian struggle with the general peasant
struggle, but not confuse the two.

We must support the general democratic and general peasant struggle, but not
become submerged in this non-class struggle; we must never idealise it
with false catchwords such as “socialisation”, or ever forget
the necessity of organising both the urban and the rural
proletariat in an entirely independent class party of
Social-Democracy. While giving the utmost support to the most determined
democratism, that party will not allow itself to be diverted from the
revolutionary path by reactionary dreams and experiments in
“equalisation” under the system of commodity production. The
peasants’ struggle against the landlords is now a revolutionary struggle;
the confiscation of the landlords’ estates at the present stage of economic
and political evolution is revolutionary in every respect, and we back this
revolutionary-democratic measure. However, to call this measure
“socialisation”, and to deceive oneself and the people concerning the possibility of “equality” in land tenure under
the system of commodity production, is a reactionary petty-bourgeois utopia,
which we leave to the socialist-reactionaries.

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Notes:
[1]
The article “Petty-Bourgeois and Proletarian
Socialism” was reprinted in No. 9 of the Bolshevik newspaper Novaya Zhizn of
November 10 (23), 1905.

[2]
V. V. —pseudonym of V. Vorontsov,
author of the book The Destiny of Capitalism in Russia; Nikolai — on —pseudonym of
N. Danielson, author of the book Sketches on Our Post-Reform Social Economy . Both men were ideologists of liberal
Narodism of the 1880s and 1890s.