HOW VORWÄRTS EXPOSES THE “ISKRA” PLAN

In the August 26, 1905 issue of Vorwärts, an article titled “The Russian Proletariat and the Duma” was published. The passage quoted by Lenin is a faithful translation of the first part of the article. In the second part, beginning with the words “Abweichende Taktik,” Vorwärts turns to the tactics of the Bolsheviks, citing from No. 12 of Pravda the article by Lenin, “Boycott of the Bulygin Duma and the Uprising.”

HOW VORWÄRTS EXPOSES THE “ISKRA” PLAN.
(August 26, 1905)
“According to the Iskra plan, workers’ organizations are to take the initiative in establishing popular agitation committees, which are to be elected by all segments of the population dissatisfied with the tsarist ‘reform.’ By exerting pressure through these committees—and through the masses behind them, who cannot actively participate in elections—efforts should be made to influence voters in such a way that only resolute advocates of democratic, free representation are elected to the Duma. At the same time, these committees seek to create, outside the bounds of ‘legal’ representation, an illegitimate (illegal) body that, at a decisive moment, will be ready (bereit ist) to step forward before the nation as a temporary organ of the people’s will. Whether or not matters actually reach this stage—or whether it comes to pass or not—Martov believes that movement along this path will nonetheless give rise to an organization of revolutionary self‑government, one that will break the shackles of tsarist legality and lay the foundations for the future triumph of the revolution.”

“Abweichende Taktik” denotes a different tactic—namely, in Pravda [“Leninist Line”]: armed uprising, a provisional revolutionary government, the Six‑Point Program.
*) Above the final word “which,” Vladimir Ilyich wrote: “oe(?)”—that is, “which.” Ed.

THE NEW PLAN OF THE NEW ISKRA, OR THE MODERN GIRONDINS.
A Revolution of Phrases, or the New Plan of the New Iskra.
I NB: Clarity in Agitation.
1. Do [workers’] organizations establish “people’s agitation committees”? ?
2. “People’s agitation committees” are to be elected by all elements of the population dissatisfied with the reform.
What is the matter? By [workers]? Are they “elected” to prison? Are they elected—by a majority vote—by those who, inevitably, are not liberated through our own weakness, nor thanks to the strength of the liberators, but rather due to the power of the tsarist government?
3. These committees exert pressure on the voters.
How? Obviously through leaflets, demonstrations, and the like—and so forth. That is good. But would the “people’s agitation committees” do this work better than the committees of the Russian Social-Democratic Workers’ Party?
Why exert pressure?
4) — to elect “more resolute democrats.”
Take, for example, in Moscow—instead of the candidates slated by Golitsyn, Muromtsev, Shchepkin, and Guchkov—would Martov and Plekhanov be chosen?? Milyukov?? Struve?? Even more resolute? Gardinin?? He is more resolute.
5; The committees “create an illegal representation”... Thus, the committees (“people’s agitation committees”) do not themselves constitute “an illegal representation”; rather, they “create” it! How?
Why would “illegal representation” be broader than the existing illegal organizations?
6) Further, a) Workers’ organizations bring into being people’s agitation committees.

THE NEW ISKRA PLAN FOR THE DUMA CAMPAIGN

(5) People’s agitation committees create an illegal representation,
b) The illegal representation, at a certain moment, steps forward as a temporary organ of the people’s will...
What does this mean? A “temporary government”? A “government emerging from a victorious uprising”? Not as an organ of the uprising itself?!
7) … in one way or another… the movement will give rise to an organization of revolutionary self‑government… one that will shatter the “shackles of tsarist legality.”
Shatter what? Through agitation? Or through uprising? With weapons—or without weapons? Without a revolutionary army?
8) “The foundation of the future triumph of the revolution”… When it “shatters,” it lays the foundation for the future triumph! But isn’t the very act of shattering itself a triumph? Isn’t “revolutionary self‑government” itself a triumph? Why is this triumph—after the organization of revolutionary self‑government—still something in the future? What, exactly, will this triumph consist of?

THE NEW ISKRA PLAN FOR THE DUMA CAMPAIGN.
1. The immediate political significance of the question.
2. The silence of Iskra (?) and Wiener Arbeiter-Zeitung. Translation of Article 3.
3. Consensus—necessity of the broadest and most energetic agitation.
*
Divergence—between the “plan” for the agitation campaign; its “ideal goal”;
the attitude toward boycotts; the attitude toward liberal “Dumas.”
To the Tsar, or to the people?

The Boycott. An internal question
1) a—system of bourgeois democracy. Liberation—No. 75
(3—rights (CC) G1). Radicals = a
State—Theo “1848 and 1789”
Dumy ria so- _Vinogradov 5)
2) a—limited publicity for the position. Narrowness of Iskra’s circles of trust.6).
R—quite simple to fight against them, given the importance of the struggle against bourgeois traitors.
3) a—active, radical struggle: expose the reactionary, pre-revolutionary bourgeoisie, instill in the workers a sense of the futility of their faith.
R—between revolution and self‑rule
4) a—realization of the revolutionary moment—better in the Duma. Democracy. They become confused and begin to flounder. Without a clear slogan.
6. The “Plan” of Iskra.
(1) Workers’ organizations establish “people’s agitation committees.”
(2) Election—into prison—(??) “people’s agitation committees” by all those who are dissatisfied.
(3) The activity of people’s agitation committees: exert pressure so that the resolute are elected))(!)
Golitsyn, Muromtsev, Shchepkin, Guchkov!
The left-wing bourgeois democrats do not go. The revolutionaries cannot.