V. I. Lenin

Source: ru:PSS/v47; en:MT;es:MT
Translated: machine translation (DeepSeek) from the Russian; AI-translated.

TO THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE R.S.D.L.P.

No. 1

July 28, 1905

Dear Friends,

We must decide the following two important questions as quickly as possible:

1) About Plekhanov. We commissioned a special agent (Lyadov) to tell you how the matter stands. I will repeat briefly. Plekhanov acted with incredible insolence by writing to the International Socialist Bureau that both factions had already recognised him (!) and by abusing and slandering the Third Congress in every way. I have a copy of his letter, sent to me from the Bureau. It will be forwarded to you. With great difficulty I secured direct relations with the I.S.B. and refuted Plekhanov. Plekhanov then declined representation. You know that I was by no means an unconditional opponent of appointing Plekhanov, but now it would be quite unthinkable. It would so disavow me that my position would become impossible. It would utterly lower us in the eyes of the I.S.B. Do not forget that almost all foreign Social-Democrats are on the side of the “Iskra-ists” and consider us as nothing, treating us with contempt. You will spoil the whole business if you take a rash step. Therefore I earnestly request Werner and Schmidt to confirm my steps as soon as possible, even if only provisionally. That is the first point. And the second: to offer Plekhanov a scientific organ on behalf of the C.C. of the R.S.D.L.P., but on condition that Plekhanov recognises the Third Congress and that its decisions are binding on him. If he rejects it, then the blame will fall on him, and we will have proved our conciliatoriness. If he accepts, then we will take a further step towards him. So: I most strongly advise you to rescind the decision on representation, and to edit the proposal for a scientific organ with this condition. 2) About the offer of mediation by the I.S.B. The full text will be sent to you, although Lyadov has already taken it for you. The I.S.B. proposes a conference for reconciliation between us and the Minority, with the chairmanship of members of the I.S.B. The foreign Social-Democrats (Bebel and others) are vigorously agitating for the I.S.B. to bring pressure to bear on us. Such letters have even come from the English (the Social-Democratic Federation; I have a copy of the letter—in the usual conciliatory spirit, that it is a crime to quarrel at such a time, etc.).

I wrote to the I.S.B. that I am not competent to decide this question myself; a decision of the whole C.C. is needed, to which I am writing immediately. Then I asked whether they had in mind only mediation or arbitration binding on both sides—it is important for me, I said, to write about this to the C.C. I have not yet received an answer from them.

My opinion is this. We must certainly agree to the conference. Fix the time around September 1. Send to it without fail one or two members of the C.C. from Russia (do not forget that our Congress is fixed for September 1 and that it is extremely necessary in every respect). Accept the mediation with gratitude. Reject binding arbitration on the basis of the decision of the Third Congress, which binds us absolutely and which states that the conditions for complete fusion with the Minority must be submitted for approval to the Fourth Congress. We were instructed by the Third Congress to prepare and work out these conditions, but not to give them final approval. Fulfilling the instruction of the Third Congress, we accept mediation, will try to work out a most detailed modus of agreement now and of gradual fusion. If successful, we will carry out the agreement immediately, and propose the plan of fusion to the Fourth Congress, which must then be convened at the same time and place as the obligatory congress of all the Minority organisations. It is extremely important to bear in mind that the Mensheviks have no centre whose decisions are binding on them. Iskra is not subordinate to the Organising Committee. We must not play the fool by coming to terms with people who have no right and are unable to speak for the whole Minority.

It is therefore necessary to point out at once that the delegates from the Minority at the meeting with the I.S.B. must be from both the Organising Committee and Iskra, and must also promise to consult within a short period all the Minority organisations, giving us a list of them. However, if from the Russian standpoint it is more important for you that the Russian Mensheviks should predominate, then you will consider whether special delegates from Iskra are necessary. You can judge that better. But do not forget that without the consent of Iskra all agreements will be a fiction.

Another question: is it necessary to communicate the secret decision of the Third Congress to the I.S.B.? Have we the right to do so? I am undecided. Of course, communicating it to our socialist comrades in Europe is not a “publication”, and they can be asked not to publish it. But is it expedient? Decide for yourselves. It is easy to give a satisfactory explanation even without communicating the resolution of the Third Congress which binds us.

I will print the Open Letter of the Organising Committee in No. 11 of Proletary (No. 10 is already out); I did not print it earlier because I was waiting for an explanation from you, which arrived only yesterday. We earnestly request that on every document you write whether it is to be printed and whether immediately.

So, answer as soon as possible, at least in the name of Werner and Schmidt: 1) Will you write the reply to the I.S.B. yourselves or entrust it to me? 2) Do you approve my reply or not? 3) If not, I would earnestly ask you to hasten with your reply so that we may come to a full understanding: any misunderstanding in such a matter, or lack of clarity, or lack of information, is fraught with great dangers.

P.S. Please forward my letters to Dubois; I do not have his address.