DRAFT [FOUR] RESOLUTIONS OF THE CONGRESS.
1. Resolution on the Disorganizing Conduct of the Mensheviks
The Congress recognizes the necessity of precisely establishing the indisputably proven facts regarding the conduct of the Mensheviks or New-Iskrists after the Second Party Congress. Without even attempting to contest the legality of the decisions and elections of that Congress, they shamelessly tore up the Congress’s decisions. Immediately after the Congress, they boycotted the central institutions it had created and formed, secretly from the Party, a separate organization within it. This organization pursued the aim of forcibly introducing six candidates rejected by the Congress into the editorial board of the Central Organ and into the Central Committee of the Party. In the struggle for this aim, which contradicts the will and interests of the Party, the Mensheviks everywhere disorganized the positive work of the Party, introducing a covert split everywhere, demoralizing comradely relations among Social-Democrats, turning the Central Organ of the Party into an organ of gossip and squabbles, permitting themselves [unheard-of] vulgar and abusive outbursts against the Party committees that had elected the central institutions and demanded accountability from them, reducing the Party Council to a tool of circle [struggle] vengeance, and not stopping short of outright forgery of the Party’s voice, which demanded a Third Congress.
The Congress most resolutely condemns this disorganizing conduct and warns all conscious Social-Democrats against the notorious theory of organization-as-process, which justified disorganization and degraded the theory of revolutionary Marxism to an unprecedented degree. *)
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or
*) The manuscript breaks off here. — Ed.

DRAFT OF FOUR RESOLUTIONS OF THE CONGRESS
The Congress recognizes that the supporters of the Party majority, in drafting resolutions against the disorganizers and demanding a Third Congress, exhausted all means of honest comradely struggle against fellow members of the Party. Now that the centers created by the Party have definitively evaded responsibility before the Party, the Congress is compelled to recognize them as standing outside the Party.
The Congress [emphatically] states that for supporters of Party principle there is no other way out than to work separately and independently of the disorganizers. The Congress therefore resolves that supporters of the minority or New-Iskrists may not be accepted into any of the organizations of our Party.
The Congress instructs the Central Committee of the Party to issue a brief pamphlet explaining this resolution, for the information of the entire Russian and international Social-Democracy.
2. Resolution on Plekhanov’s Conduct During the Party Crisis.
The Congress recognizes as correct the position Plekhanov took on programmatic, tactical, and organizational questions at the Second Party Congress and at the Congress of the League Abroad.
The Congress recognizes that after the Congress of the League, Plekhanov, in the interests of Party peace and the elimination of the split already perpetrated by the Mensheviks, proposed a policy of concessions to people whom he had correctly characterized before the entire Party (No. 52 of Iskra, November 7, 1903) as revisionists and anarchistic individualists.
The Congress expresses deep regret that Plekhanov did not maintain this position, that he began to seek, by the most shameless means and against the will of the Party, the satisfaction of all the Mensheviks’ demands, that he stooped, in the interests of justifying the Mensheviks, to defending the principled position he had recognized as incorrect and to inventing unprecedented disagreements with the majority of the Party.
The Congress resolutely condemns this policy of duplicity toward fellow Party members, for such a policy, whatever humane motives toward individual personalities may have prompted it, cannot but exert a demoralizing influence on the Party.
3. Resolution on the Principled Position of the New-Iskrists.
The Congress recognizes as unconditionally necessary the struggle against the principled position of the Mensheviks or New-Iskrists, who have deviated from revolutionary Social-Democracy toward opportunism.

Already at the Second Party Congress, this was revealed both in individual arguments and in the entire composition of the minority, consisting of opponents of the old Iskra and the least principled and stable shades.
After the Second Congress, this turn of the Mensheviks toward Rabocheye-Dyelo opportunism became so clear that they themselves acknowledged the gulf between the old and the new Iskra. And indeed, on a whole series of questions, the new Iskra advanced slogans and theories that are unconditionally incorrect and obscure the class consciousness of the proletariat.
This includes the theory of organization-as-process, which degrades Marxism to the justification of disorganization and intellectualist anarchism.
This includes a return to incorrect views on the relationship of the Party to the class, which degrade the tasks of the Party as the vanguard, leader, and organizer of the class. Equally incorrect and reactionary were the disagreements advanced by the new Iskra with the old Iskra on the question of relations with the liberals and the plans for the Zemstvo campaign, —
on the preparation of the uprising and the notorious utopianism of ideas about its designation and conduct, — on the tasks of arming the masses and providing technical and organizational leadership to them during the revolution, — on the impossibility and undesirability of a revolutionary democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and petty bourgeoisie in the epoch of overthrowing the autocracy, etc.
All these views drag the Party backward not only in theoretical but also directly in practical respects, being especially harmful and ruinous for the Party of the revolutionary proletariat in the revolutionary moment Russia is experiencing. The Congress therefore instructs all Party members to explain the incorrectness of such views in their propaganda and agitation.
4. Resolution on Relations Between Workers and Intellectuals in the Social-Democratic Party.
The Congress resolutely condemns the policy of sowing (planting) *)
distrust and enmity between workers and intellectuals in the Social-Democratic organizations, which the New-Iskrists are pursuing.
The Congress reminds conscious workers how they experienced similar methods of struggle several years ago on the part of the Rabocheye-Dyelo wing of the Party and rejected these methods. The empty phrases about workers’ independent activity and the elective principle, bandied about
*) The word “sowing” is written above the word “planting.” — Ed.

DRAFT OF FOUR RESOLUTIONS OF THE CONGRESS
by the New-Iskrists, are not accompanied by any real improvement in the work of our organizations and demagogically promise the unfeasible. Under free political conditions, our Party can and [must] be built entirely on the principle of the elective principle. Under the autocracy, this is unrealizable for the entire mass of thousands of workers entering the Party.
The Congress once again repeats reminds of the task of the conscious supporters of the Social-Democratic workers’ party: to strengthen by all means the ties of this Party with the mass of the working class, constantly raising ever broader strata of proletarians and semi-proletarians to full Social-Democratic consciousness, developing their revolutionary and Social-Democratic independent activity, and seeing to it that the working mass itself singles out the greatest possible number of workers capable of fully directing the movement and all the organizations of the Party.
The Congress repeats, on behalf of the Party, the advice of revolutionary Social-Democrats: to create as many workers’ organizations as possible that are part of our Party; to strive to ensure that workers’ organizations that do not wish or are unable to join the Party at least adhere to the Party; to work toward having as many [a number of] conscious Social-Democratic workers [participate] enter as members into the Party committees [so that].
*) Point 1 was developed by Lenin in the draft of a special “Resolution on the Disorganizing Conduct of the Mensheviks or New-Iskrists” (see pp. 200–201). Instead of the resolutions envisaged by points 1, 2, and 3 of Lenin’s general plan, the Congress adopted one general resolution on the breakaway section of the Party.
2) Point 2 was developed by Lenin in the draft of a special “Resolution on Plekhanov’s Conduct During the Party Crisis” (see p. 201). The Congress did not adopt a special resolution on Plekhanov.
This refers to Plekhanov’s article “What Not to Do” in No. 52 of Iskra.
) The characterization of the Mensheviks as “revisionists and anarchist individualists” is taken from Plekhanov’s “What Not to Do.”
5)
Point 5 was developed by Lenin in the draft of a special “Resolution on the Disorganizing Conduct of the Mensheviks or New-Iskrists.”
c) See p. 87: “Opportunism = petty betrayal, betrayal = grand opportunism” (Parvus).
7) Words of Comrade Trotsky from his pamphlet: Our Political Tasks, published in Geneva by the editorial board of Iskra in 1904, shortly after the split. (Pp. 25–26.)
8) This part of the document is a list of the main tactical questions dividing the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks at that moment.

°) Point 4 was developed by Lenin in the draft of a special “Resolution on Relations Between Workers and Intellectuals in the Social-Democratic Party” (see pp. 202–203). The corresponding resolution was adopted by the Congress.
10)
The figure 7 signifies the intertwining of themes 5 and 7, i.e., the question of the uprising with the question of a combat agreement for the uprising. The general plan lacks points 6 and 8, on which, according to Lenin’s note in his “list of resolutions” (p. 194), special secret resolutions were to be adopted.
11) On the repeal of Starover’s resolution, see Minutes, p. 526.
12) Point 10 serves as the plan for the “Resolution on the Zemstvo Plan of the New Iskra.”
The Congress did not adopt a separate resolution on the Iskra’s plan for the Zemstvo campaign.
13) A word is omitted. Perhaps “talks,” “proposals,” etc.
14) This refers to the first letter of Iskra on the plan for the Zemstvo campaign. (Works, Vol. VII, pp. 410–416.)
16) Point 11 was developed in the Congress resolution on the attitude toward the peasant movement. (Minutes, pp. 522–523.)
1c) Point 12 served as the plan for the “Resolution on the Attitude Toward the Peasant Movement” (see this Collection, pp. 267–268).
17) Point 13 served as the plan for the “Resolution on Work in the Army.” The Congress did not adopt a separate resolution on work in the army.
18) Je nachdem — depending on the circumstances.
19) Point 14 served as the plan for the “Resolution on Propaganda and Agitation.” (Minutes, p. 527.)