V. I.

Lenin

Fromthe very beginning of the mass working-class movement in Russia, i.e.,
approximately for the past ten years, profound differences have existed among
Social-Democrats on questions of tactics. As we know, it was differences of this
kind that gave rise, in the late nineties, to the trend of Economism, which led
to the split into an opportunist ( Rabocheye Dyelo ) wing and into a
revolutionary ( old-Iskra ) wing of the Party. Russian Social-Democratic
opportunism, however, differed from that of Western Europe in certain peculiar
features. It strikingly reflected the point of view, or rather the absence of
any independent point of view, of the intellectualist wing of the Party, which
was carried away both by the current catchwords of Bernsteinism and by the forms
and immediate results of the pure-and-simple labour movement. This infatuation
led to wholesale treachery on the part of the legal Marxists, who went over to
liberalism, and to the creation by Social-Democrats of the famous
“tactics-as-process” theory, which firmly attached to our
opportunists the label of “tail-enders”. They trailed helplessly behind events,
plunged from one extreme to another, and in all cases reduced the scope of
activity of the revolutionary proletariat and its faith in its own strength,
all of which was usually done on the pretext of raising the
independent activity of the proletariat. Strange, but true. No one
talked so much about the independent activity of the workers, and no one did so much by his propaganda to
narrow, curtail, and diminish that activity as did the Rabocheye Dyelo -ists.

“Talkless about ’raising the activity of the working masses’," the
class-conscious, advanced workers said to their zealous but misguided
advisers. “We are far more active than you think, and we are quite able to support, by open street fighting, even
demands that do not promise any ’tangible results’ whatever. It is not for you
to ’raise’ our activity, because activity is precisely the thing you yourselves
lack. Bow less in subservience to spontaneity, and think more about raising your
own activity, gentlemen!” This is how the attitude of the revolutionary workers
towards the opportunist intellectuals had to be characterised. ( What Is To Be Done? ,

p. 55. [1]

)

Thetwo steps back which the new Iskra took towards Rabocheye Dyelo revived this attitude. Once again the columns of Iskra pour
forth the preachings of tail-ism under cover of the same nauseating vows:
Verily, 0 Lord, I do profess and believe in the independent activity of the proletariat. It was in the name of the independent activity of the proletariat that
Axelrod, Martynov, Martov, and Lieber (the Bundist) defended at the Congress the
right of professors and students to become members of the Party without joining
any Party organisation. It was in the name of the in dependent activity of the
proletariat that the “organisation as-process” theory was invented,
a theory that justified disorganisation and glorified the anarchism of the
intellectuals. It was in the name of the independent activity of the
proletariat that the no less famous “higher-type-of-demonstration”
theory was invented, in the form of an agreement between a workers’
delegation, which had been passed through the sieve of a three-stage system of
elections, and the Zemstvo men for a peaceful demonstration that was
to create no panic fear. It was in the name of the independent activity of the
proletariat that the idea of the armed uprising was perverted and vulgarised,
debased and confused.

Inview of its vast practical importance, we should like to draw the reader’s
attention to this question. The development of the working-class movement
played a cruel joke on the wise men of the new Iskra. They circulated a
letter in Russia, which, in the name of “the process of the systematic
development of the class-consciousness and independent activity of the
proletariat”, recommended, as a higher type of demonstration, “that
the workers’ petitions be posted to the homes of the municipal councillors and a considerable number of copies
scattered in the Zemstvo Assembly Hall”; they sent a second letter
to Russia, conveying the most sensational discovery that at the present
“historical moment the political stage is fully occupied [!] by the
conflict between the organised bourgeoisie and the bureaucracy” and
that “every [mark well!] revolutionary movement of the lower strata
has only one [!] objective meaning, to support the slogans of that one of
the two [!!] forces which is interested in breaking down the present
regime” (the democratic intelligentsia was declared to be “a
force”); hardly had the first letter been circulated and the second letter
reached Russia, hardly had the class-conscious workers had time to read
these marvellous missives and to have a good laugh at them, when the
events of the real struggle of the proletariat promptly swept all this
political rubbish of the new-Iskra publicists on to the waste
heap. The proletariat showed that there is a third force (actually,
of course, not third, but, in sequence, second and in fighting ability
first), which is not merely interested in breaking down the autocratic
regime, but is ready to start on the actual job of breaking it down. Since the Ninth of January, the working-class movement has been developing before our very eyes into the popular uprising.

Letus see how this transition to the uprising was evaluated by the
Social-Democrats, who had discussed it in advance as a question of tactics, and
how the workers themselves began to settle this question in practice.

Threeyears ago the following was said on insurrection as a slogan that defines
our immediate, practical tasks:
“Picture to yourselves a popular uprising. Probably every one will now
agree that we must think of this uprising and prepare for it. But how? Surely
the Central Committee can not appoint agents to all localities for the purpose
of preparing the uprising! Even if we had a Central Committee, it could achieve
absolutely nothing by such appointments under present-day Russian
conditions. But a network of agents that would form in the course of
establishing and distributing the common newspaper would not have to ’sit about
and wait’ for the call to insurrection, but could carry on such regular activity
as would guarantee the highest probability of success in the event of an
insurrection. Such activity would strengthen our connections with the broadest masses of the workers
and with all strata that are discontented with the autocracy, which is of such
importance for an uprising. Precisely such activity would serve to cultivate the
ability to estimate correctly the general political situation and,
consequently, the ability to select the proper moment for the
uprising. Precisely such activity would train all local organisations
to respond simultaneously to the same political questions, incidents, and events
that agitate the whole of Russia and to react to these ’incidents’ in the most
vigorous, uniform, and expedient manner possible; for the up rising is in
essence the most vigorous, most uniform, and most expedient ’answer’ of the
entire people to the government. And lastly, it is precisely such activity that
would train all revolutionary organisations throughout Russia to maintain the
most continuous, and at the same time the most secret, contacts with one
another, thus creating real Party unity; for without such contacts it
will be impossible collectively to discuss the plan for the uprising and to take
the necessary preparatory measures on the eve, measures that must be kept in the
strictest secrecy.

“Ina word, the ’plan for an all-Russian political news paper’, far from
representing the fruits of the labour of arm chair workers, infected with
dogmatism and bookishness (as it seemed to those who gave but little thought to
it), is the most practical plan for immediate and all-round preparation of the uprising, with, at the same time, no loss of sight for a moment of the pressing day-to-day work.” (What Is To Be Done? [2]

)

Theconcluding words, which we have underlined, give a clear answer to the
question how the revolutionary Social-Democrats envisaged the work of preparing
the uprising. But clear as this answer is, the old tail-ist tactics could not
fail to assert themselves on this point also. Quite recently Martynov published
a pamphlet entitled Two Dictatorships , which has been strongly
recommended by the new Iskra (No. 84). The author is stirred to the
depths of his Rabocheye Dyelo soul with indignation at the fact that
Lenin could bring himself to speak of “preparing, timing , and carrying out the general armed uprising of the people”. The stern Martynov
smites the enemy with the statement:
“On the basis of historical experience and a scientific analysis of the
dynamics of social forces, international Social Democracy has always recognised
that only palace revolutions and pronunciamentos can be timed in
advance and carried out successfully according to a previously prepared plan,
for the very reason that they are not popular revolutions, i.e., revolutions in
social relations, but only reshufflings among the ruling
cliques. Social-Democracy has always and everywhere recognised that a people’s
revolution cannot be timed in advance, that it is riot prepared
artificially, but that it comes about of itself.”

Perhaps,having read this tirade, the reader will say that obviously Martynov is
“anything but” a serious opponent and that it would be absurd to
take him seriously. We would quite agree with the reader. We would even say to
such a reader that no greater evil on earth could befall us than to have to
take all the theories and all the arguments of our new Iskra people
seriously. The only trouble is that this nonsense appears also in the editorials
of Iskra (No. 62). Worse still, there are people in the Party, by no
means few, who stuff their heads with this nonsense. And so we have to discuss
non-serious matters, just as we have to discuss the “theory” of Rosa
Luxemburg, who discovered the “organisation-as process”. We are
obliged to explain to Martynov that up rising must not be confused with people’s
revolution. We have to keep explaining that profound allusions to a revolution
in social relations when what is at issue is the practical question of the ways
of overthrowing Russian autocracy are worthy only of a Kifa
Mokiyevich. [6]

This revolution began in Russia with the abolition of serfdom, and it is the
backwardness of our political superstructure as compared with the accomplished
revolution in social relations that makes the collapse of the superstructure
inevitable; an immediate collapse as the result of a single blow is
quite possible, since “the people’s revolution” in Russia has
already dealt tsarism a hundred blows, and whether the hundred and first or the
hundred and tenth will finish it off is really a matter of conjecture. Only
opportunist intellectuals, who try to impute their own philistine ways to the
proletarians, can flaunt their high school knowledge of a “revolution in social
relations” at a time when practical ways are being discussed for
delivering one of the blows in the second hundred. Only the opportunists of the
new Iskra can raise hysterical clamours about a sinister
“Jacobin” plan, the keynote of which, as we have seen, is all-round
mass agitation by means of a political newspaper.

Apeople’s revolution, true, cannot be timed. We cannot but praise Martynov and
the writer of the leader in Iskra , No. 62, for knowing this truth
(“what thought of preparing the uprising can there possibly be in our
Party?” asked Martynov’s loyal associate, or disciple, in that article, warring
on the “utopians”). But if we have really prepared an uprising, and if a
popular uprising is realisable by virtue of the revolutions in social relations
that have already taken place , then it is quite possible to time the
uprising. We shall attempt to clarify the point for the new-Iskra
followers by a simple example. Can the working-class movement be timed? No, it
cannot; for that movement is made up of thousands of separate acts arising from a revolution in social
relations. Can a strike be timed? It can, despite the fact—just imagine,
Comrade Martynov—despite the fact that every strike is the result of a
revolution in social relations. When can a strike be timed? When the organisation or group calling it has influence among the masses of the workers
involved and is able correctly to gauge the moment when discontent and
resentment among them are mounting. Do you see the point now, Comrade Martynov
and Comrade “leader-ist” of Iskra , No. 62? If you do, then
please take the trouble to compare an uprising with a people’s
revolution. “A people’s revolution cannot be timed in advance.” An
uprising can be, if those preparing it have influence among the masses and can
correctly estimate the situation.

Fortunately,the initiative of the advanced workers happens to be far ahead of
the tail-ist philosophy of the new Iskra. While the latter is squeezing
itself dry for theories to prove that an uprising cannot be timed by those who
have prepared for it and have organised the vanguard of the revolutionary
class, events show that those who have not prepared may time, indeed, are
sometimes compelled to timer an uprising.

Hereis a leaflet sent to us by a St. Petersburg comrade.
It was set up, printed, and distributed in more than 10,000
copies by the workers themselves, who had seized a legal
printing-press in St. Petersburg on January 10.

“Workersof All Countries, Unite!

“Citizens! Yesterday you witnessed the brutality of the
autocratic government. You saw blood flowing in the streets. You saw hundreds of
fighters for the working-class cause lying dead; you saw death, you heard the
groans of wounded women and defenceless children. The blood and brains of
workers bespattered the roadways that workers’ hands had laid. Who directed the
troops, the rifles, and the bullets against the workers’ breasts?

“Thetsar, the grand dukes, the Ministers, the generals, and the scoundrels
at Court.

“Theyare the murderers! Death to them! To arms, comrades , seize
the arsenals, the munitions depots, and armourers’ shops. Break down the prison
walls, comrades, and release the fighters for freedom. Smash up the gendarme and
police stations and all government institutions. Let us overthrow the tsarist
government and establish our own. Long live the revolution! Long live
the Constituent Assembly of People’s Representatives!

“Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party .”

Thecall to insurrection issued by this handful of advanced enterprising
workers did not meet with success. Several unsuccessful calls to insurrection,
or several unsuccessful “timings” of insurrection would not
surprise or discourage us. We leave it to the new Iskra to hold forth
in this connection on the necessity of a “revolution in social
relations” and grandiloquently to condemn the “utopianism” of
the workers who exclaimed, “Let us establish our own government!” Only
hopeless pedants or muddle-heads would regard this watchword as the central
point of such an appeal. What is important for us to note and emphasise is the
remark ably bold and practical manner in which the problem now squarely
confronting us was posed.

Thecall of the St. Petersburg workers was not answered and could not have been
answered’ as quickly as they wished. This call will be repeated time and again,
and the attempts at an uprising may result in more failures. But the very fact that the workers themselves have raised this issue is of tremendous
significance. The gain which the working-class movement has made in bringing
home the practical urgency of this problem and in moving it closer to the
forefront of any popular unrest is a gain that nothing can take away from the
proletariat.

Asmuch as three years ago the Social-Democrats had on general grounds advanced
the slogan of preparing the uprising. The independent activity of the
proletariat arrived at the same slogan as a result of the direct lessons taught
by the civil war. There are two kinds of independent activity. There is the
independent activity of a proletariat possessed of revolutionary initiative, and
there is the independent activity of a proletariat that is undeveloped and is
held in Leading-strings; there is a consciously Social-Democratic independent
activity, and there is a Zubatovist independent activity. And there are
Social-Democrats who to this day contemplate with reverence the second kind of
independent activity, who believe that they can evade a direct reply to the
pressing questions of the day by repeating the word “class” over and
over again. We need but take No. 84 of Iskra. “Why,” asks its
“leader-ist”, bearing down on us with a triumphant air, “why
was it not the narrow organisation of professional revolutionaries, but the
Workers’ Assembly that set this avalanche in motion [January 9]? Because this Assembly was a really [mark this!] broad organisation. based on the independent activity of the working-class masses.” If the author of
this classical phrase were not an admirer of Martynov, he might have understood
that the Assembly rendered a service to the movement of the
revolutionary proletariat only when and to the extent that it passed
from Zubatovist independent activity to Social-Democratic in dependent activity (after which it immediately
ceased to exist as a legally functioning organisation).

Hadthe new-Iskrists, or the new-Rabocheye Dyelo -ists not been
tail-enders, they would have realised that it was the Ninth of January that
justified those who had said that “...in the long run the legalisation of the working-class movement will
be to our advantage, and not to that of the Zubatovs” ( What Is To Be Done? [3]

).

It was the Ninth of January that proved again and again the importance of the task formulated in that
pamphlet: “...we must prepare reapers, both to cut down the tares of
today [paralyse today’s corrupting influence of the Zubatov movement]
and to reap the wheat of tomorrow” (give a revolutionary lead
to the movement that has advanced a step with the aid of legalisation). The
Simple Simons of the new Iskra , however, use the bountiful wheat
harvest as a pretext for minimising the importance of a strong organisation
of revolutionary reapers.

Itwould be criminal, the new-Iskra leader-writer continues, “to
attack the revolution in the rear”. What this sentence means, God only
knows. As to its bearing on the general opportunist complexion of
Iskra , we shall probably deal with the point on another occasion. Here
it will suffice to indicate that this sentence can have but one true political
meaning, namely, that the author grovels in the dust before the rear of the
revolution and disdainfully turns up his nose at the “narrow” and
“Jacobin” van of the revolution.

Themore the new Iskra displays its Martynovist zeal, the clearer
becomes the contrast between the tactics of tailism and the tactics of
revolutionary Social-Democracy. We pointed out in the first issue of

Vperyod [4] that an up rising must connect itself with one of the
spontaneous movements. Consequently, we do not in the least forget the
importance of “guarding the rear”, to employ a military
term. In
Vperyod , No. 4, [5] we referred to the correct tactics of the
St. Petersburg Committee members, who from the outset directed all their efforts
towards supporting and developing the revolutionary elements in the spontaneous
movement, while at the same time maintaining an attitude of reserve and distrust
towards the shady, Zubatov rear of that movement. We shall conclude now with a
piece of advice, which no doubt we shall have to repeat more than once to the
new-Iskrists: Do not minimise the tasks of the revolution’s vanguard, do not
forget our obligation to support this van guard by our organised
independent activity. Use fewer platitudes about the development of the independent activity of the
workers—the workers display no end of independent revolutionary activity
which you do not notice!—but see to it rather that you do not demoralise
undeveloped workers by your own tail-ism.

---
Notes:
[1]
See present edition, Vol. 5, p. 417.— Ed .

[2]
See present edition, Vol. 5, p. 516.— Ed .

[3]
See present edition, Vol. 5, p. 455.— Ed .

[4]
See p. 28 of this volume.—Ed .

[5]
See p. 106 of this volume.— Ed .

[6]
Kifa Mokiyevich—a character in Gogol’s
Dead Souls depicted as a type of person who is absorbed in the solution
of idle and sense less problems.