# No. 5 of the Newspaper "Vperyod" of February 7 (January 25), 1905

## FRUITS OF VICTORY.

The fruit of the tsar's victory over the unarmed people was, as was to be expected, a terrible embitterment of the most ignorant working people against the tsar and a loss of faith in him. This mood is expressed as follows in the letters of G. Gapon:

To the workers: . . .

In addition to these proclamations, we will cite only the opinions of local Social Democrats, communicated to us in letters of January 10. One writes, among other things: see bb to vv (pp. 4-5)

Another local S. D. writes: (pp. 6-9) ***.

## ST. PETERSBURG AFTER JANUARY 9.

[Today, — wrote a correspondent of a foreign newspaper, — Petersburg can be compared to the Neva: calm, like an icy calm, on the outside and enormous excitement beneath this deceptive appearance.. Crowds of sympathizers, especially students, besiege the hospitals. Persistent rumors circulate that the tsar fled from Tsarskoye to Gatchina.]

On Monday, January 10, Petersburg had the appearance of a city just conquered by an enemy. Patrols of Cossacks constantly ride through the streets. Here and there excited groups of workers are visible. In the evening, many streets are plunged into darkness. There is no electricity or gas. Aristocratic houses are guarded by groups of janitors. [Sometimes] Burning newspaper kiosks cast a strange light on clusters of people.

On Nevsky [on Monday] there were clashes between the people and the troops. They fired into the crowd again. [Details are still unknown. Near] Near the Anichkov Palace, three volleys were fired. The police closed gun shops and removed weapons to basements, evidently taking all measures to prevent the workers from arming themselves. Officials of government institutions felt especially alarmed, fearing arson and explosions, and fled in panic from Petersburg.

On Vasilyevsky Island, the barricades taken by the troops on Sunday were rebuilt on Monday and taken again by the soldiers.

There are no newspapers. Educational institutions are closed. Workers at a mass of private meetings discuss the events and measures of resistance. Crowds of sympathizers, especially students, besiege the hospitals.

[The government is zealous in searching for instigators. On the night from Monday to Tuesday, arrests begin. Members of the (Saturday) deputation are taken: Gessen, Arsenyev, Kareyev, Peshekhonov, Myakotin, Semevsky, Kedrin, Ivanchin-Pisarev, Shnitnikov(?). Gorky left for Riga and an arrest warrant was sent there. On Tuesday, Trepov, one of the most hated servants of tsarism throughout Russia, was appointed Governor-General of Petersburg with dictatorial powers.]

It is reported that the Kolpino workers, numbering 20-30 thousand, moved on Tuesday morning with a petition to Tsarskoye Selo. The Tsarskoye Selo garrison sent out a regiment of infantry and a field battery to meet them. Five versts from Kolpino a clash occurred, the troops fired and finally repulsed and dispersed the workers at 4 p.m. Many killed and wounded. The workers twice attacked the Tsarskoye Selo railway, but were repulsed. [It is reported that] Over a distance of about 7 versts, the rails were torn up, and trains did not run in the morning.

The government buries at night, secretly, the victims of bloody Vladimir's Sunday. Relatives and acquaintances of the dead are deliberately deceived to make demonstrations at the funeral impossible. Whole wagons of corpses are sent to the Preobrazhenskoye cemetery. In some places, the crowd still tries, despite all police precautions, to arrange a demonstration in honor of the fallen fighters for freedom.

The embitterment of the population against the troops is enormous. Foreign newspapers report, on the word of eyewitnesses, that on Tuesday, January 11, on Bolshoy Prospekt, Cossacks stopped a horse-drawn tram full of workers. One of the workers shouted to the Cossacks: "Executioners!" The Cossacks stopped the tram, forced everyone sitting in it to get out and beat them with the flats of their sabers. One of those subjected to the beating was wounded in the process. Residents of neighboring houses opened windows and shouted to the Cossacks: "Murderers, bandits!" On Friday, telegrams reported that during this incident, a woman was also driven out of the tram by the Cossacks. In fright, she dropped her child, who was crushed by the Cossack horses. (The Times). Such victories of our troops over the workers are truly Pyrrhic victories.

[The government proclamation to the workers (of Trepov and Kokovtsev) made no impression on them.]

## PEALS OF THE FIRST THUNDER. MOSCOW

The thunder of the Petersburg events echoed throughout all of Russia..........

The number of Moscow strikers was estimated at first at 10,000 people, after two days already at 30,000 people. On January 18, news appeared of the end of the strike, with the number of strikers given as 43,000 workers in 125 establishments out of a total of 170,000 workers in 830 Moscow factories. It goes without saying that these official figures are clearly understated (there are far more workers in all commercial and industrial establishments of Moscow than 170,000), and we cite them only to give an approximate idea of the scale of the movement. It was reported that on Pyatnitskaya Street, troops fired on workers, but this rumor has not yet been verified. Here is what is written from Moscow on January 14 in a private letter*:

[Then] On Tuesday, January 11, workers went on strike in Vilna. Telegrams from foreign newspapers reported a series of clashes between strikers and the police. Over 30 killed and wounded; among them many policemen and soldiers. Many arrested. In Gomel, artisans, clerks, pharmacy apprentices, bank employees, and servants went on strike. On January 18, the police raided one meeting of strikers. The police fired. One girl was killed. Four wounded.

Then the strike movement began to move to the south and the Volga region. From Bryansk it was reported on January 15 that workers at a glass factory had gone on strike. A strike is expected throughout the Maltsev district and at the rail plant. In Kiev, a strike began on January 17 at the large machine-building plant of Grether, in the workshops of the South Russian plant and the Graf plant. Part of the bakers also went on strike. Concerning Yekaterinoslav, telegrams reported: Printing shops stopped. No newspapers. Workers at the Alexandrovsky, Bryansk, Dnieper, and Yuzovsky plants went on strike. [In Tiflis a strike began.] In Saratov**

... A strike began in Tiflis. It spread already (January 20) to Batum.

In Narva, workers at a spinning factory (Flax-Fabrik) went on strike. The joining of workers from the Zinovievsky (?) machine-building plant and the cloth factory is expected.

## RIGA.

We have detailed information about the Riga strike thanks to correspondence in German newspapers. Here is what was written about the history of the strike: Already several weeks ago, even before the Petersburg rebellion, workers at the local government shipyard, which apparently for "political" reasons still retains the old firm "Lange and Son", declared that they would strike if their wages were not raised. They were joined by workers from several other factories. The workers' hatred was especially directed...

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is directed against the foremen who are in charge of hiring workers here. Everyone knows that the foremen take bribes of 10-15 rubles from workers for a job at the factory. This bribe is then deducted weekly from their wages. It is clear that it is in the foremen's interest to dismiss workers frequently. The workers have more than once beaten up foremen at night. The factory inspectors calmed the workers by promising stricter supervision of the foremen. Several days ago, emissaries arrived from St. Petersburg and Moscow, who tried to provoke a strike at the Baltic Wagon Factory (several thousand workers). On Wednesday morning, workers were already walking through the streets in large crowds, in perfect order, completely without drunkenness (a rarity in Russia!— notes the German correspondent) and forced one factory after another to stop work. Thus, within 21 hours, they achieved that all factories in Riga and its suburbs stopped work. But, unlike previous strikes, the movement now often has a political character. It is a mass demonstration. [Yesterday there was a clash of about 50 thousand workers with troops, leading to the well-known bloody events on the Dvina.] At the city theater, during the performance, delegates from the Polytechnic Institute appeared and forced the performance to stop. The theater was immediately closed. Workers with red banners walk through the city. Revolutionary speeches are being made.

Here is a letter from an eyewitness to a bourgeois-democratic newspaper:
[When the strike movement spread from St. Petersburg to the Baltic region and Poland, the proximity of these areas to the border made it possible to describe events not only by short and, of course, biased telegrams, but also by reports from correspondents. We borrow some of these correspondent descriptions.]

Riga. 21 (14) Jan[uary] \ At the moment I am writing these lines, from the theater boulevard, together with the roar of the snowstorm, come the cries [(das grausige Johlen)] of an excited crowd. From a distance it is difficult to make out the nature of the sounds. But, like me, thousands of citizens of Riga hear them and involuntarily connect them with the news from St. Petersburg and Moscow, which has already spread throughout the world. Since yesterday, no less than 50,000 workers, i.e., all the local workers, have gone on strike on the initiative of the St. Petersburg organizers. The students not only joined them but even took on a leading role. One Latvian proclamation of the
Fr[an]kf[urter] Z[ei]t[un]g. I II [19]05, 1 Mror]g[en]bl[att],

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S.-D. union sets forth, like many others that have been circulating here in recent days, the causes and pretexts of the strike [not very coherently (in buntem Gewirr (?)) [From the editors. We ask the reader not to forget that we are dealing with a correspondent of a bourgeois German newspaper, which is at war with the German S.-D. His comments are entirely imbued with the bourgeois point of view. It is especially instructive for Russian workers at the present time to become acquainted with the assessment given to their struggle by European liberal bourgeois, who look on relatively from the outside.]]. Throughout the proclamation [in general] one can clearly see the passionate desire for deliverance from tsarism, which oppresses everyone like a heavy stone. [In particular, however, the impression from the proclamation is something like a kaleidoscope.] First of all, solidarity is declared with the St. Petersburg vanguard fighters, who sought a path to the tsar, heading towards him with a priest at their head carrying a cross, and who were shot down en masse for this. Then demands are set forth for a shorter working day, higher wages, better treatment, a constitution, and an end to the war in Manchuria. [Mixed in with all this are curses against capitalism and the wage system under the current day and piecework rates.] The proclamation ends with cheers for the revolution. "Workers! Forward, forward, forward!" [(The liberal bourgeois tries to be ironic. The combination of political and economic demands seems "incoherent" to him. For us, this combination is one of the greatest guarantees of the movement's strength. Ed.)]

This manifesto is written, it is true, hotly, passionately, concisely, and weightily [(glühend und feurig, gedrungen und wichtig)], but it lacks here a broad basis and a firm point [(feste Spitze)]. The local workers are for the most part not interested in the strike (? what about 50,000? Ed.) and would like to continue working, and on the other hand the political tendency is insufficiently emphasized and here there is neither an emperor nor ministers to present demands to (? has the author not read too much of the New Iskra about confronting workers and the [bourgeoisie] authorities face to face? Ed.). An hour ago, the governor's proclamations were posted at all crossroads, forbidding any gatherings in view of the workers' criminal intentions and threatening the use of military force against the slightest resistance. Despite this prohibition, crowds of workers, with cheers for the revolution, demonstrate on the streets, and near the cathedral five shots were already fired from the crowd at the troops stationed there. Fortunately, no one was wounded. The shooters escaped.

... It grew dark. The snowstorm continues. The windows are covered with

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ice. The howling wind fills the whole house. In the next room lies the shot husband of my Russian landlady [(der erschossene Quartierherr meiner russischen Wirtin)]. His friends brought him here a quarter of an hour ago. On the lower floor, three more seriously wounded students have been brought in. The noise and cries on the boulevard, which I heard earlier, were cries of horror and fury during the terrible battle that took place on the banks of the Dvina and claimed an unexpectedly large number of victims. I cannot sit still at my desk.

I am on the Dvina together with many of the public, in whom curiosity and sympathy for the fighters overcame the feeling of fear for themselves. In front of the house, whose lower windows, doors, and walls are riddled with bullets, about 17 [Kähne] boats of dead and wounded still lie. A Red Cross sleigh [(? Leichenschlitten)] arrived. Both the living and the dead were picked up and taken to the hospital. Near me stands a [strong-boned] hunchbacked woman [(starkknochiges Höckerweib?)]. Her legs refuse to serve her, and she falls. Soldiers and the public silently look at the traces of blood on the snow. About thirty paces from us, on the steep embankment falling into the Dvina, stand several men and women who run down onto the ice, talking heatedly about something and gesticulating.

I ask what is the matter. They answer: a crowd of a thousand, consisting of workers, foreigners, onlookers, and revolutionaries, wanted, led by students, to surround the troops; a gendarme was killed by a shot from the crowd; the troops responded with a volley, in response to which more shots followed from the crowd. Then the crowd of little-interested or cowardly participants scattered in all directions. The mass rushed onto the Dvina; many were pushed [there] onto the ice from the embankment by soldiers. The ice near the [stone] coastal stones was thin and gave way. A huge mass of people disappeared under the ice and was carried away by the swift river!

"Disperse! Do not gather, or we will shoot!" — I hear a shout. My neighbors to the right and left run away. I jump into one of the house doors, into which several people are running. From the cathedral come the sounds of a bell: The tocsin! But the public did not rush to the scene of the fire due to the late hour and bad weather.

The next day was quiet. The arrival of the Cossacks, after the massacre that had occurred, made no impression. Near the German
In No. 5 of "Vperyod" a footnote was added to the words "shots from the crowd": "This fact is not confirmed by our correspondents." Ed.

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theater, a large crowd of people of all classes gathered when the students of the Polytechnic Institute organized a mourning demonstration in honor of the [victims] comrades who had fallen the day before.

A large detachment of infantry arrived. The commander of the detachment decisively demanded the removal of the banner. A large black banner was hung from the window with the inscription: "You died for the fatherland! Glory to your memory! Revenge on your murderers!" The students rejected the demand and, on the contrary, began waving the banner from the windows of the second floor. It was still light. The entire Polytechnic Institute was surrounded by troops, and an order was given to seize the banner. The soldiers were already heading towards the porch. The students drew revolvers and knives.

The director of the Polytechnic Institute, however, managed to intervene at the last moment and persuaded the students to agree to remove the banner after the end of the [funeral service (Trauerfeier)] commemoration. The officers and soldiers had to stand and listen as the orators, in passionate speeches, before an audience standing bareheaded, amidst cheers and a waving banner, with the solemn singing of "Eternal Memory!", glorified the deed of the deceased and swore to avenge them. [The funeral service] The commemoration lasted a long time. The banner was then removed.

Now everything is quiet. Only small groups of workers pass through the streets singing...

Another liberal newspaper reported on January 16th:
[Voss[ische] Z[ei]t[un]g. 31 I 05].
[Riga. 29 (16) Jan[uary]]. Saturday payday passed quietly. Work will resume at all factories on Monday. Fears of new bloodshed over the funeral of a student did not materialize. On the streets, the troops kept their distance from the funeral procession, and the cemetery was surrounded by Cossacks, ready for military action. Therefore, the body had to be buried without speeches and demonstrations. In front of the coffin walked a student with a large wreath, tirelessly showing its [gilded] red ribbon on all sides, on which was written in gold letters: "Glory [(Ehre)] to your memory! Death to your murderers!" A mass of proclamations in Russian and Latvian were distributed, either passed from hand to hand or thrown into the crowd in small tied packets of a dozen pieces.

Another correspondent writes [also] to the same newspaper on January 29 (16): Despite all their brutality, the troops and police proved powerless here [(völlig versagt)]. There were even cases

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thing that on some streets crowds of workers surrounded police officers and forced them to carry a red banner ahead of them. Thus, even in a serious drama, there were satirical episodes.

The number of dead collected on the streets is estimated at 56 people; of the wounded, another 17 died in hospitals. A tremendous impression was made by a spectacle unprecedented in Riga: heavy carts, which usually transported sacks of grain or iron goods, carried uncovered corpses through the streets.

Finally, here is another letter delivered to us from a participant in the events.

In Libau, Windau, and Mitau, general strikes also broke out. From Mitau, reports came on January 14:

[Mitau, January 27 (14). Amtliche Nachrichten.]
Agents arriving from Riga sparked a strike. The crowd of workers, ever growing, stopped factory after factory. Troops were called out. Workers demonstrate with songs and banners, scattering proclamations. Patrols ride through the city.

[Mitau, January 28 (15). The strike continues.] Crowds of workers walk through the streets.
Clashes with troops have not yet occurred.
[(Voss[ische] Z[ei]t[un]g).]

[Mitau, January 30 (17).] The strike continues. The garrison is weakened by the dispatch of a company to Windau. Disturbances have occurred. One police officer was wounded. Troops have not yet resorted to the use of weapons. A battalion of infantry and a battery of artillery were sent from Vilna to Libau. Libau, January 28 (15). Yesterday evening, a crowd of demonstrators destroyed telegraph poles. This morning they were re-erected. There were attacks on bakeries, but troops, reinforced from Kovno, dispersed the crowd.

Windau, January 31 (18). The strike was started by elevator workers, who presented a series of demands. Then railway workers joined in. All establishments and banks are closed. The strikers behave calmly, gather in the market square, and discuss their demands there. The elevator workers resumed work after being promised certain concessions.

*
Next come two short notes, written in M. Olminsky's hand under the headings "Riga" and "Reval" and crossed out by Lenin: lines: "In Libau, Windau, and Mitau, the same as in Reval. In Libau, besides, the telephone was damaged and telephone poles broken." Instead of the crossed-out lines, Lenin's text follows, given below. Ed.

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20763
WARSAW*.

[On the movement in Poland, we have somewhat more detailed information, for in addition to the telegrams from foreign newspapers (which constituted our main source for the reproduced brief data on strikes in Russia), some correspondence in the German press is added. We borrow information from the Berliner Vossische Zeitung.]

[Warsaw, January 7.] On Wednesday and Thursday, a mass of proclamations from the Social Democracy of Russian Poland and Lithuania regarding the Petersburg events was distributed here. The proclamation calls for a general strike and for a united action of Polish workers demanding the immediate convocation of a constituent assembly. On Friday and Saturday, a special appeal for a general strike was also issued, with demands: an 8-hour working day, the establishment of public works for the unemployed, the convocation of a constituent assembly to end the war and proclaim a republic, as well as a special appeal to the intelligentsia inviting them to support the workers.

On Tuesday, an appeal from the Central Committee of the Polish Socialist Party was also distributed, which states, among other things: "Comrades! What we have awaited with impatience has finally arrived. To the attacks on the decaying tsarism, the most important attack of the Russian proletariat has been added."

Here are detailed accounts of the strike from one correspondent.

Warsaw, January 21 (14). 10 a.m. Workers at the largest iron foundry in Poland, Melnop, Rau, and Loewenstein in Praga (Warsaw)** have just stopped work. Order has not yet been disturbed. Patrols walk around the factories. The gasworks and waterworks are occupied by troops. The population is stocking up on kerosene, coal, and food supplies.

5 p.m. As expected, the strike has become general. All factories, printing houses, etc., have stopped. Around noon, bakeries were literally besieged by the population. Now there is not a piece of bread to be found in the city. Workers stormed the Mittle steam bakery in the suburb of Wola. Newspapers will probably not come out today. I went to the suburb of Wola. On Chłodna Street, I met a cabman carrying two workers' corpses. About a quarter of an hour ago, a bloody clash occurred at the corner of Chłodna and Wronia Streets. Cossacks rushed at the gathered workers with whips. Workers brought stones from a new building under construction on Chłodna Street and showered the soldiers with stones. Then followed an attack with cold steel, and then a volley of shots. Many wounded and dead. On the way back, I saw workers gathering again. Another detachment of cavalry and infantry passed from Wronia Street. Street lamps are lit, but workers on Chłodna Street are extinguishing and destroying them. Strong troop detachments ride through the city. Infantry and Cossacks stand ready in all police stations. The situation is extremely serious. — 6:20. I heard that bloody skirmishes recurred on Chłodna Street. The Warsaw–Łódź telephone is cut. The strike in Praga is complete. [Cabmen are forced by the crowd to remove their uniforms (?).]

[Warsaw, January 28 (15)] January 15, 5 p.m. The night passed relatively quietly. This morning, most shops opened, but then closed again. At this moment, all shops, confectioneries, etc., are closed. Even pharmacies had to close. Trams are not running. There were several skirmishes, but reportedly without bloodshed. At 12 o'clock, students of the university and polytechnic, about 2000 in number, marched silently along Nowy Świat and Krakowskie Przedmieście streets; on Theatre Square, they were dispersed. A meeting is scheduled for 6:30 at the Prosectorium to express sympathy with the workers. The streets are unusually lively. Street lamps burn dimly. The gasworks management asks for economical use of gas because the soldiers replacing the workers work poorly. Bread is insufficient. Soldiers are selling their rations here and there on the streets. For a loaf that cost 16 kopecks, they pay 50–60 kopecks. A state liquor store on Leszno Street was looted and set on fire. It is still burning. — 7:50 p.m. Theatres are open. The squares around them are empty. There are no cabmen. Coffeehouses are closed. Newspapers have not come out. Letters have not been delivered.

January 29 (16). 10 a.m. I could only send yesterday's letter together with this one, because the lamps on Marszałkowska Street are broken, the road to the station is unsafe. At night, troops bivouacked on Theatre Square. In the morning, several gun shops were looted. Many liquor stores were destroyed.

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Characteristically, the crowd pours out the vodka; there is no drunkenness. The entire garrison is mobilized. The situation is serious.

12 p.m. Last night, there were reportedly several bloody clashes. At this moment, I hear volleys and cannon shots from the direction of the suburb of Wola. They speak of hundreds of victims. The strike is growing. The city has been declared under martial law. January 30 (17). The number of yesterday's victims is unknown. They speak of 160 wounded and killed. All industrial and commercial establishments are closed.

No further correspondence has been received so far. Foreign newspapers note that postal communications with Warsaw are almost severed. This is partly explained by the strike, but mainly by government measures, which have now redoubled the work of the "black cabinets" that inspect letters both to and from Russia.

A police report on the events appeared in the Warsaw Diary, which, of course, falsely presents the facts and tries to emphasize the looting of shops (by police provocateurs?).

[Warsaw, January 28 (15)] On January 15, the British consul in Warsaw and the vice-consul were attacked by troops on the street. The British ambassador intervened, and the Russian government ordered an investigation.

[Additions on the Warsaw strike]

When workers went around the factories on Friday, the owners asked: what are your grievances? The workers replied: "we are striking not because we have grievances against you, but for political reasons. We want to show that we are dissatisfied with the general order." Factory owners who did not want to close their factories were told that this would lead to the worst consequences. The threat worked, and all factories were closed very quickly.

Russian students held a meeting to express sympathy with the Petersburg fighters. Polish comrades did not take part in it. The meeting was surrounded by troops, and the students were given a choice: disperse or be arrested. Many chose the latter. Students who distributed food supplies to the strikers were also arrested.

A German Social-Democratic newspaper received a letter from Warsaw: There was no general battle anywhere, but the executioners literally hunt workers and the public in general during the day, firing from time to time.

14 2  
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time on passers-by without any warning. This continued [all] Saturday evening and all day Sunday. Thus, on the streets of Bracka, Belka, Chmielna between 10 and 12 a.m. on Sunday, several people were shot dead. On Młynarska Street, two women were shot dead. On Karmelicka Street, they fired into a peacefully standing crowd of workers. Six were killed. On the streets, passers-by were stopped and searched. Those found with proclamations or revolvers were beaten half to death. The workers did not allow themselves to be provoked into a general massacre and demonstrated with songs and banners in separate crowds of 500–1000 people in different parts of the city. The number of killed and wounded is estimated at up to [700] 1800*  
•20703  
THE GENERAL STRIKE IN ŁÓDŹ.  

Łódź, 29 (16) Jan[uary]. Yesterday a general strike was proclaimed. Work has been halted in all factories, workshops, and printing houses. Trams are not running. There are no newspapers. The strikers are not allowing Warsaw newspapers to be sold on the streets. They forced cafés, restaurants, and hotels to close. Windows and shop windows are being boarded up. The streets are unusually lively. Masses of strikers, troops, Cossacks, artillery, passers-by behind them. Yesterday two regiments arrived from Sosnowiec; today three hundred Cossacks and dragoons from Włocławek. Governor Artsimovich, reputed to be a liberal, ordered not to interfere with the strikers as long as order is not disturbed. But in announcements he threatens with military force. Banks, gasworks, and police buildings are guarded by troops. Troops are stationed on the main streets. Three hundred students from the local commercial school joined a group of strikers yesterday and distributed proclamations by the hundreds on the streets. Large gatherings took place in various parts of the city.  

On Magistracka Square this afternoon, a crowd of many thousands gathered. Cries of hurrah in honor of the revolution rang out. Speakers appeared who passionately called the strikers to fight against tsarism. The police present did not touch them. This passive attitude of the police is a bad omen. Yesterday, police already tried to incite the crowd against the Jews, spreading rumors about Jews killing a priest, but the strikers beat those policemen. One of the workers' leaders declared before a crowd of thousands:  

HELSINGFORS  
m  
"Do not let yourselves be caught on the hook of the deceivers [(Büttel?)*]. The Jews are your brothers. They are our comrades in suffering and in convictions, let us extend our hand to them for a common struggle against autocracy!" Cries rang out: Down with autocracy! Long live the revolution! In the evening, on streets remote from the center, there were minor skirmishes with troops, which however passed without bloody casualties.  

From 17 Jan[uary] it was reported that out of 150,000 local workers, 100,000 had gone on strike. From the 18th: [ Łódź. Schles[ische] Z[ei]t[un]g in Breslau reports from 31 (18) Jan[uary]:] the city is unrecognizable. All establishments are closed. Shop windows are boarded up. The city resembles a besieged fortress. Patrols ride through the streets. The tram is not running. Hundreds of people wait for bread at bakeries. A general strike is expected throughout the entire Polish industrial region.  

2076 ί  
HELSINGFORS.  

[B[e]rl[iner] Vossfische] Z[ei]t[un]g. (29 I 05). Helsingfors 25. I. (Erg[änzungs] Ber[icht])  
[Ibid[em] 28 I 05. A short article (Eig. Ber.) about Riga. Little new. Allegedly, St. P[eters]b[urg] organizers arranged everything, a street gathering on 25 or 24 I, then they went around the f[acto]ries, etc. Now (25 I.) not one of the [400] many hundreds of f[acto]ries is working.]  

The Finnish workers also responded to the St. Petersburg events. Foreign newspapers from 25 (12) January reported: "Yesterday's (24 Jan[uary]) workers' demonstration involved about 10,000 people. [Gatherings] Meetings began at 8 o'clock in the evening on Senate Square, where patriotic songs were sung and speeches were made in favor of universal suffrage and the Finnish constitution. Then the crowd moved through the city and demonstrated in front of the apartments of unpopular senators, in front of the Governor-General's house, and in front of the editorial office of the Old Finnish newspaper 'Uusi Suometar'. Cries rang out: Down with autocracy! Long live the revolution! Around 11 o'clock, Cossack patrols appeared. 23 people were arrested."  

[Voss. Ztg. Eig. Ber. 30 I. Helsingfors. 26 (13) Jan. Yesterday evening]  
On 25 (12) January, the demonstrations repeated. When a crowd of several thousand people gathered on Henriksesplanaden, Police Director Carlstedt addressed them with a speech, inviting  

* Detective. Ed.  

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them to disperse peacefully and threatening serious measures. This admonition initially had an effect, but then the crowd gathered at the Runeberg monument. They sang national songs. Then they unfurled a red banner and, with workers' songs, proceeded along Runeberg's Esplanade to Senate Square, where songs alternated with cries of hurrah. The police, mounted and on foot, dispersed the crowd of about 5,000 people. There are wounded from sabers and revolver bullets.\  
Le Temps. 31 I 05.  
In Russia (from our special correspondent (NB)). SPB. 27. I. AROUND THE TRAGEDY.  

"Order reigns in S[ain]t P[eters]b[urg]... Bitterness is deep... Have you ever seen a dog beaten that did not understand its fault, have you noticed the expression in its eyes? There is something of that here. The why, the how of the shooting, one understands only very vaguely. A cab driver saw a gentleman, who was going to friends on Vasilyevsky Island, lose his daughter, shot dead at his side on the sleigh: he contented himself, in telling me the thing, with shaking his head and crying out a 'bereguis' (watch out!)"  

Then a story about the confusion of the authorities: no one interfered with the strike and procession. Gapon was wounded and saved by a corpse that covered him. Number of killed 300–700. Story that on Saturday (8) the l[iterat]ors (Ann[ensky], Ars[enyev], Gor[ky], Kedr[in], Gess[en], Kareev, Myakot[in], Peshekh[onov] and Semevsky) went to Svyatopolk-Mirsky (received by Rydz[evsky]) and to Witte.  

(In full confirmation of Daily Telegraph)\ ..\  

*  
In "Vperyod" the article ends with a paragraph: "Similar demonstrations took place in other cities of Finland: Åbo, Björneborg, Lahti, Kotka, Viipuri, Tammerfors, Lovisa, and others." The manuscript of this paragraph is not available in the IMEL. Ed.  
"Le Temps". 31 January 1905.  
In Russia (from our special correspondent (NB)). SPB. 27 January. AROUND THE TRAGEDY.  

"Order reigns in St. Petersburg... Bitterness is deep... Have you ever seen a dog beaten that does not understand its fault, have you noticed the expression in its eyes? There is something of that here. The why, the how of the shooting occurred, one understands only very vaguely. A cab driver saw a man, who was going to friends on Vasilyevsky Island, whose daughter was killed, sitting beside him in the sleigh; telling me this, he merely shook his head, crying 'watch out!'"...  

*** The page of the manuscript beginning with the words "Le Temps". 31 I" and ending with: "Daily Telegraph", is crossed out. Ed.  

AMONG THE LIBERALS  
145  
20765  
AMONG THE LIBERALS.  

[Protests of the liberals and their mood.]  

Representatives of our educated society and bourgeois classes, who have shown little capacity for struggle for freedom, have nevertheless expressed in one way or another their sympathy for the workers' struggle. On Sunday evening, a correspondent of the English newspaper The Daily Telegraph reports, a meeting of about 1,000 people took place at the Imperial Free Economic Society. "No leadership was felt, there was no unity in action. The mood of the meeting was expectant and fatalistic."  

It is reported that on Sunday evening, during a performance at the Alexandrinsky Theatre, one lawyer addressed the audience and said that it was not the time to amuse oneself with spectacles when blood was flowing in the streets. This speech and the series of revolutionary exclamations it provoked caused such excitement that the police did not dare to intervene. [(The Times, Friday, 27 I).]  

[This same correspondent (Mr. Dillon) reports that on Monday a group was formed, considering itself as the future provisional government of Russia and entrusting Mr. Dillon (without naming names, of course) to publish this and the group's decision not to be responsible for any state loans concluded after 9 (22) January. "I transmit this news," telegraphed Mr. Dillon to his newspaper, "fulfilling my duties as a correspondent, without any comment." We, for our part, will note that this news should serve more as an indicator of mood than as a transmission of fact. It is interesting that the same Mr. Dillon compared the group of 15–20 literators, who went on Saturday evening to ask Witte and Svyatopolk not to shoot at the people, with the "Jacobin club" of the time of the great French Revolution! Needless to say, how unwise it was on the part of some Russian [illegal] émigré writers [to transmit] to take this comparison as a report (probably based on a brief transmission of Dillon's dispatch in the Geneva "Tribune"—a local Swiss newspaper).]  

On Tuesday, some lawyers began refusing to participate in court sessions and requesting that court hearings be postponed. It is said that judges in many cases granted these requests and apparently many sympathized with the popular movement. On Tuesday as well, a meeting of journalists was held to protest against censorship, and on Wednesday a deputation was sent to Svyatopolk-Mirsky with a petition of the following content [(according to English sources)]: "The meeting of editors of daily St. Petersburg newspapers insists  

10  
Lenin Miscellany XXVI

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LENIN MISCELLANY
that it is necessary, at least in the difficult and turbulent times we are experiencing, to grant the press full freedom to report [facts] events and incidents of public life and to discuss them. At the same time, the editors consider it their duty to point out that, in their deep conviction, the only way out of the present situation lies in the convocation of a Zemsky Sobor to establish order in the Russian state. This Sobor must consist of freely elected representatives of all estates and classes of the population and must have unlimited freedom of [discussion] deliberation and decision. The sessions of this Sobor must be unconditionally public. Signed by the editors of the newspapers Pravo, Nashi Dni, Syn Otechestva, Birzhevaya Gazeta, Novoye Vremya, Novosti, Rus, Peterburgskaya Gazeta, Svet, Peterburgsky Listok, Petersburger Zeitung, Peterburgskiye Vedomosti.» Suvorin spoke on behalf of all the editors and warned, it is said, that next time it would be impossible to rely on the officers and soldiers, who would go over to the people's side. As reported, Svyatopolk-Mirsky received the deputation very coldly, remarked that first of all the strike must end and the revolutionary movement subside, and in response to the request for a direct answer, muttered something about the need to ascertain the opinion of Governor-General Trepov!
An expression of public sympathy for the victims of the tsarist executioners was the funeral of the student Savinkin. «He was killed — foreign newspapers reported — [on] near Palace Square by five bullets. The funeral was attended by the director of the Polytechnic Institute, Gagarin, and all the students. The coffin was carried by students, and at the cemetery one of them delivered a speech with the following content: «We are burying a comrade whose innocent blood was shed through the fault of the autocratic government. He died, but his spirit lives in us and calls us to continue the unyielding struggle for the right to live and think freely.» Many wreaths were placed on the coffin. The Institute was closed that day.
Simultaneously, the newspapers reported the resolution of 14 members of the Simbirsk provincial zemstvo. The resolution speaks of the impossibility of remaining silent now, of the degradation of the people to a slavish position, of the need to convene freely elected representatives of the people. The chairman of the meeting did not allow [voting] discussion of this resolution. The Tauride zemstvo unanimously adopted an address to the tsar of similar content*

AMONG THE LIBERALS
147
On [Friday] Wednesday, January 12 (25), at a meeting of the City Duma in St. Petersburg, council member Nabokov [proposed] introduced the following resolution, signed by 15 members: «The official report confirms what all [inhabitants] residents of the capital saw for themselves, namely that on January 9, the troops fired on workers who were marching to the Winter Palace with a petition to the tsar. The St. Petersburg Duma, deeply outraged by this, declares that such cruelty [(atrocity)] undermines the fundamental foundations of public order, namely the security of citizens' lives, and considers it its duty to help the victims by allocating 25,000 rubles for aid to the wounded and the families of the killed.» Chairman Durnovo did not allow discussion of this resolution. Then council member Baron Korff proposed that the Duma, without expressing an opinion on the rightness or guilt of the victims, simply allocate this sum to aid them. This proposal was adopted by a significant majority.
The Moscow City Duma adopted a series of decisions in case of an outbreak of unrest in Moscow. Among other things, it was decided to ask the authorities not to resort to the use of military force against women, children, students, and workers, as long as they confine themselves to peaceful demonstrations. It was decided to petition for granting workers the right to freely organize peaceful strikes with the aim of achieving improved living conditions, as well as for granting the right of assembly to workers' unions. (Some sensible capitalists are apparently beginning to realize that police prohibitions of workers' unions are both absurd and powerless.)
A meeting of the [Agricultural] Society of Agriculture [(Agricultural Society)] in Moscow adopted a resolution condemning the shedding of people's blood by the government in St. Petersburg on January 9 [(The Times, 30 I 05)].
In St. Petersburg, on January 16, a meeting of lawyers took place, discussing measures to aid the population that suffered during the recent events. A resolution was adopted that the only way out of the present situation lies in the convocation of people's representatives from all estates.
English newspapers have just published the text of the [resolution adopted] address adopted by the Kharkov [meeting of marshals of the nobility and members of zemstvo institutions. (It is unclear whether it concerns a zemstvo or noble assembly, or a special congress)] zemstvo assembly.
The language of the liberals becomes bolder as the movement develops and the proletariat transitions to direct struggle. The address speaks

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LENIN MISCELLANY
of long years of bureaucratic oppression, violence, arbitrariness, ruin and [impoverishment] lack of rights of the people, of the impossibility of preserving such a state of affairs. «These conditions inevitably bring on an impending storm, and the first peals of thunder are already audible. This storm carries with it the danger of bloody civil war and the overthrow of the throne. Sovereign, deliver the fatherland from these calamities, while it is still not too late.» «Hearken to the voice of the Russian people through the medium of freely elected representatives and summon them to participate in legislation... Do not believe negligent and flattering [(negligent & wily)] servants, place trust in the elected representatives of the people, hasten to convene them and create from them a permanent chamber, invested with legislative power»... The address was adopted by 66 votes against 4.
From Vladimir province we are written to on January 12*:
20760
CORRECTIONS AND DELETIONS IN THE ARTICLE «TREPOV IS IN CHARGE»¹
[Interesting details about Trepov's savage reprisals are reported by an English correspondent, apparently well-informed. (D[ai 1 y]. Tel[egraph] 80 I).] ON FRIDAY evening, four staff members of the newspaper Nasha Zhizn were arrested: Prokopovich
with his wife,
Khizhnyakov and Yakovlev
(Bogucharsky).
[The latter returned home at 11:30 p.m. and found the police, who had been waiting for him since 8 p.m. The police locked his wife in the study until her husband arrived.]
From among the [writers] staff members of the newspaper Nashi Dni [arrested Ganfman (Kaufman?) and] Ganeizer was arrested on Saturday morning. The police are particularly diligently searching for money sent from abroad for the strikers or to aid the widows and orphans of the killed. Arrests are taking place en masse: the number on the arrest warrant for Bogucharsky was 53rd, and for Khizhnyakov — 109th. On Saturday, searches were conducted in the editorial offices of both named newspapers and all manuscripts without exception were seized, including detailed reports of the events of the entire week, reports compiled and signed by reliable eyewitnesses, who recorded everything
they saw, for the edification of future generations. All this material will now never see the light of day. [(Some of it could be revived for the free press, we note on our own behalf. Ed.)]**
Next comes a letter reporting details of the zemstvo assembly that took place in Vladimir province. Ed.
** Lenin's note. Ed.

CORRECTIONS AND DELETIONS
149
On Wednesday, the number of those arrested was so great that they had to put two or three in one cell.
The new dictator is completely
unceremonious with the workers.
Starting Thursday, they began seizing them in groups and deporting them to their home provinces. There they will, of course, spread [new political ideas] news of the events of January Ninth and preach [discontent and struggle, notes the Englishman] struggle against autocracy.
Trepov [intensively] is taking up his old Moscow policy: luring the mass of workers with economic handouts.
Entrepreneurs are meeting together with the Minister of Finance and contemplating various concessions to the workers, talking about a 9-hour working day. The Minister of Finance receives a deputation of workers on Tuesday, promises economic reforms, warns against political agitation, [the government is clearly trying to divide the working masses, bribe whoever can be bribed with paltry handouts, remove the leaders and guides. Arrests continue on a mass scale. They arrest for collecting money for the strikers and the wounded. They cordon off apartments where even a dozen people gather for a private meeting. On Wednesday, the number of those arrested was so great that they had to put two or three in one cell. (Of the arrested liberals, Arsenyev has already been released).]
... [the hatred of the population for Grand Duke Vladimir is evidenced by the story that on Tuesday evening the police advised sending not the Grand Duke's carriage (to the station to take a guest of the Grand Duke arriving in St. Petersburg to the palace), but a hired cab] ... *
¹ The article was included in Works, VII, 96-98. The entire article was written by Lenin except for the last two lines of the first paragraph on p. 97: «Now they have been joined by scholars and writers from Austria, France, and Italy.» These words were written by M. Olminsky.
Part of the manuscript crossed out by Lenin has been lost; the last fragment of it begins mid-word: «in honor of the fallen.» These words are also crossed out. Ed.