Pages: 126-144

SPEECH PLAN ON THE PRINCIPLED PART OF THE PARTY PROGRAM
J 29
Social Democrats abroad to the Paris Congress of the II International in
1900; the report in 1901 was published by the "Union"; in June 1901 in Geneva K. participated,
as a representative of the Foreign Committee of the Bund, at the "unification"
conference of Russian Social Democratic organizations abroad;
at
the II Congress of the R.S.D.L.P. was a delegate from the Foreign Committee of the Bund
(according to the "Minutes" of the Congress - Hoffman).
18) This quote was apparently taken by Lenin from the speech of Schwarzman (Hoffman-Kossowsky), delivered at the same 6th session of the Congress. It has
the meaning that the Bund participates in the general work of the R.S.D.L.P. only through
representation in the central bodies of the party, and the local organizations
of the Bund are by no means united in the general work with other local
committees of the party, and the C.C. of the party by no means enters into direct
communication with the local organizations of the Bund besides the C.C. of the Bund.
There is no such phrase in the verbatim record of Kossowsky's speech. Apparently,
Vladimir Ilyich wrote it down during Kossowsky's speech to
illustrate the Bund's position. But there is no trace of the use of this phrase in the verbatim record of his speech either.
14) This thesis, added later to point b of the developed
plan, together with the following provision of this point, represents the theme
of the second part of the third paragraph of Lenin's speech.
15) This point (without special numbering) as a
whole corresponds to the last point of the original plan scheme.
1в) The last thesis of this point of the plan represents the theme of the last
paragraph of Lenin's speech ("Minutes," p. 85, Collected Works, IV, p. 290).
In the "Congress Diary" in the record of the 9th session [see above p. 9 i) Lenin
made the following short, not at all detailed record: "42.35 - 42.45.
Lenin and his points." This record only notes that at the indicated
moment of the session, Lenin gave a speech on the issue under discussion.
But in the "Diary" we do not find what exactly his "points" consisted of.
This gap in the "Diary" is filled by the document printed below, representing
Lenin's speech plan at the 9th session of the Congress, indicating
his "points."
More precisely, this is a plan not of the entire speech, but of the greater part
(excluding the first paragraph), devoted to criticism of the speeches of the "economists"
Martynov and Akimov against the principled part of the program
("Minutes" of the Congress, ed. /924, pp. /20-422, Collected Works, IV, pp. 290-292).
Since a significant part of the provisions in this plan concerns the speech
of Akimov at the same 9th session of the Congress, this document can
be dated quite accurately to August 4. The document is written on the back of a sheet
with a record of the above-mentioned speech plan at the 8th session of the Congress on the report
of Lieber.

o.
* SPEECH PLAN ON THE PRINCIPLED PART
OF THE PARTY PROGRAM.
TO THE 9TH SESSION OF AUGUST 4.
A. Economism spoke, with which I fought in What Is To Be Done *)
—
Dictatorship] of the Proletariat 2)
—
impoverishment
— I)
PROLETARIAT NOT IN Nominative CASE 3 () || Not the party of the proletariat, but the party of all toilers 4 ||
Erfiillungstheorie *).5)
[The consciousness of the proletariat is nowhere emphasized.]в)
B .7) (a development of worker-leaders?
a struggle against humiliation to the mass and to the average peasant?
(( a demand] for the development of the professional movement?
\\ a reservation: Schulze-Delitzsch 8) and the like?
|| a phantom - bourgeois democracy?
C.
They go too far. 9
*) The first thesis of this plan-outline of Lenin's speech corresponds to
the second paragraph and the beginning of the third paragraph of the verbatim record
of the speech ("Minutes of the II Congress," ed. 1924, p. 121, Collected Works, vol. IV, p. 291).
2) These theses are presented in the verbatim record of the speech in the following
form: "They [Martynov and Akimov. Ed.] went so far as to 'refute'
the theory of impoverishment and to 'dispute' the dictatorship of the proletariat." [Ibid.]
3) This thesis concerns the nature of Akimov's argumentation in his
criticism of the principled part of the program and is developed in detail at the end
of the third paragraph of the verbatim record of the speech (ibid.).
4) This provision is taken from Akimov's speech
("Minutes," p. 115, the penultimate paragraph of Akimov's speech, as well as the "Diary of the II Congress Session,"
see above, p. 94). The objection against this assertion in the verbatim
record of Lenin's speech is related not to Akimov's speech, but to Lieber's,
and is stated in the first paragraph of the speech ("Minutes," pp. 120-121 Collected
Works, vol. IV, pp. 290-291). Apparently, therefore, Vladimir Ilyich in the further
part of his speech, devoted to the speeches of Martynov and Akimov,
no longer touches upon this provision.
5) Explanations regarding this point of the plan are given in note
53 to the "Diary of the II Congress Sessions" (above, pp. 115-116).
в) This provision is also taken from the speech of Akimov
("Minutes,"
p. 114, as well as the "Diary of the II Congress Sessions" - see above, p. 94).
*) — fulfillment theory.
Ed.

NOTES ON THE DEBATES ON THE ORDER OF DISCUSSION OF THE CHARTER

It is crossed out in the manuscript.
There are no direct indications of it in the verbatim record
of Lenin's speech.
But the development of objections against this assertion
of Akimov, in essence, completely occupies the 4th and 5th paragraphs of Lenin's
speech ("Minutes," pp. 121-122. Collected Works, vol. IV, p. 292).
7)
Point B of this speech plan represents the development of objections
against the preceding, crossed out in the manuscript, provision of Akimov
and corresponds to the 4th and 5th paragraphs of the verbatim record of Lenin's speech (ibid.).
8) F. Schulze-Delitzsch - (1808 - 1883) - a German public figure,
ideologist of the petty bourgeoisie, who advocated the creation of cooperative
societies, which, in the opinion of S., are capable of ensuring the economic
independence of craftsmen and small producers in general,
as well as workers; in his economic views, which were criticized
by Lassalle, he was a supporter of Bastiat's "harmonious" theory.
9; Point C of the speech plan corresponds to the concluding part of Lenin's
speech according to its record in the minutes of the Congress ("Minutes," p. 122, the last
paragraph of his speech).
The notes below relate to the beginning of the 22nd session of the Congress.
After the adoption of the resolution, which was an introduction to the party charter, the
Bund delegation proposed to postpone the discussion of the all-party charter
and to discuss the Bund charter earlier. These notes, made apparently
during the debate on the issue raised by the Bund delegates, represent
a fragmentary record of Vladimir Ilyich's own remarks and separate
provisions from the speeches of other delegates to the Congress who spoke on the proposal
of the Bund delegation. The numbering of individual points of these notes
indicates, apparently, the order in which Vladimir Ilyich
intended to build his speech on this issue. In the "Minutes"
of the Congress (ed. 1924, p. 2/9), Lenin's speech on this issue
is noted very briefly: it only records the 6th point of these
notes, representing
Vladimir
Ilyich's own remark regarding the Bund's proposal.
в.
* NOTES
ON THE DEBATES
ON THE
PROPOSAL
OF THE BUND
ON THE ORDER OF DISCUSSION OF THE PARTY CHARTER.
TO THE 22ND SESSION OF AUGUST 11.
["In principle" decide our legitimate demand.] 1
1. "Only then" can we разбирать points.2)
2. To whom does autonomy apply -
- this is a principled question.3)
3. Unprecedented proposal: part before the whole.
It would be "funny" if it weren't [outrageous! .4)

*) This note of Vladimir Ilyich's, crossed out in the manuscript as not relevant to the rest of the entry, was apparently made earlier.
It could relate to the speeches of Plekhanov or Trotsky at the seventh session of the congress regarding Liber's objection to the adoption of Martov's principled resolution on the Bund's place in the party. The former said: "Liber's practical proposal amounts to not adopting a principled decision. I protest against this proposal." ("Minutes," p. 92.) Trotsky said on the same issue: "Our debates, which undoubtedly revealed the congress's negative attitude towards the principle of Federation, have forced the comrades from the Bund to withdraw their draft. We, as 'doctrinaires,' want to enshrine this stage in our debates in a resolution." (Ibid., p. 94.)
2) This note refers to Liber's first speech on this issue after the voting on the introductory resolution to the party charter. It notes the meaning of Liber's statement that the Bund delegates "only then" "can examine" the all-party charter point by point, when they know the "exceptions" to the all-party charter relating to the Bund, i.e., when the Bund's charter will have been considered (first). (Ibid., p. 218.)
8) This note refers to Liber's last speech on the issue raised by the Bund delegates. It corresponds to the following record of his speech in the congress minutes: "We are told that the principle on which the majority stands is autonomy, and they think that this says something. After all, the question is, to whom do they want to apply autonomy." (Ibid., 219.)
4)
Both remarks in point 3 belong to Vladimir Ilyich himself. Judging by the external character of the record and by the meaning, they are closely related to each other. The first of them is recorded in the verbatim record of Vladimir Ilyich's speech on the Bund delegation's proposal to consider their charter before the all-party charter (ibid., p. 219), the second is absent from the minutes.
It has already been noted above that among the unilluminated, but only mentioned by Vladimir Ilyich in his "Diary," sessions and questions were also the 22nd and 23rd sessions of the congress, entirely devoted to the discussion of § 1 of the Party Charter. This gap in the "Diary" is filled by the "Notes on the Debates on § 1 of the Charter" printed here (as they are called by Vladimir Ilyich himself). The "Notes" presented here are, as it were, an excerpt from the "Diary," only transferred from the notebook on whose pages the "Diary" was kept, to separate sheets. They cover a significant part of the debates on § 1 of the Charter from the very beginning of them during both sessions (22nd and 23rd) devoted to this issue. Since, according to the external appearance of the record (hasty pencil handwriting, textual citation of characteristic places of the speakers' speeches), it can be confidently asserted that the notes were made during the debates themselves, their exact date is August 13, n. st.

NOTES ON THE DEBATES ON § 1 OF THE CHARTER

NOTES ON THE DEBATES ON § 1 OF THE CHARTER.
TO THE 22ND — 23RD SESSIONS OF AUGUST 13.
What is a "party organization"
= an organization recognized by the party and included in the
system of party institutions. *)
Axelrod:
The party is identified with the organization: this is a minus.
Example of a "professor": a member of the party, but not a member of an organization. Such people cannot be admitted to the party. 2)
Martov: "the party calls into its ranks all exploited ones." 3)

A party member has no more rights than to bring things to the attention of the centers .
Trotsky
Strictly conspiratorial understanding of the party.
Bülow [V. E. Mandelberg]: 5)

All organizations should be conspiratorial, but this
\ cannot be done.
Incorrect . (lose Organisationen)
Stimulus = organize!
confusion: control is impossible, elimination is impossible.
It is killing organizations. 6)
Lipov [M. I. Liber] — for Akselrod and Martov
I have one misunderstanding . 7)
The whole dispute is about words (what Lenin calls the party, they
call the organization).
_ t
II!
If he goes (into danger), then
\ In he will be a professional] revolutionary
*) — free organizations. Ed.

If they want to concede to the organization, then there
are no obstacles 8)
did not understand me 9)
^ "Ideological grouping" 10)
"WE DON'T DEMAND THE IMPOSSIBLE" 10>!
Martyn [V. N. Rozanov] saved from the brough ferment in minds
The Central Committee is the spirit. 11)
Axelrod: the objection is not serious exiles?
I didn't say anything about the West. 12)
By what decrees will you forbid him from calling himself a social democrat?
Martynov:
Conspirators — agents — mass (Not so important: "to bargain")
|
Axelrod
[ Brucker [L. I. Makhnovets] 14)
Mistaken: 13)
L" 1 *] (not elastic ) 16)
i introducing a moral principle J narrowing the circle and breadth 17)
\ etc.
in
political charter ) firmness and purity 18)
party ideological grouping masses "our party organizatns should be org
ganizatns of professional] revolutionars"20 speech at trial: harm 21)
X
X
outside "Bor'ba", writers
*) The note "No. 1" means comparing this entry "(not elastic)" with two places from Martov's speech on the next page under
the same "No. 1". Ed.
**) This sign means comparing this entry:
"speech ia trial: harml)" with one place in Martov's speech, crossed out by Lenin and
marked with the same sign on the next page. Ed.

A

NOTES ON THE DEBATES ON § 1 OF THE CHARTER separation of talkers and workers: it is better 1 to call the wor\[king]
ones] unamesmemb ers than to call the talk\[ing] oness .
||>
I repeat: the strength and power of the Central Committee, the firmness and purity of the party — that is the essence.
^ Struve will organize himself and join the party ^ 23) *)
[Martov: The main] objection is infeasibility. 2i)
The idea (lose Organizations) is correct, but the means are unsuitable. Q3)
((
The Central Committee will not stand and in practice will include everyone
\ and everyone. Therefore, Brooker is in favor. 2Щ)
Even registration is possible:
how many distributors leaflets, can be determined. -7)
or
"organizational utopia"
Lenin's or
99/100 — outside party. 28)
JS5 1
I want to make everyone members of the party: if you want 9
NB. ||| yes. *»)
X NB ||
The Union of Independents would be good to go.] ;;uj
From Lenin's point of view, the first point is not needed
I
No right sforparty members.
Responsibility
31 ]
x) This own remark of Vladimir Ilyich, giving a definition
of the concept of "party organization," apparently caused
by the confusion of the concepts of "party" and "organization" that became apparent
in subsequent debates.
In this place of the "Notes" there is no mention of the speech of Kgov (E. Ya. Le
vina), which was the first after the rapporteur of the charter commission Noskov
("Minutes" of the congress, p. 220).
2)
This Phrase represents a concise Formulation of the concluding
thought of Axelrod in his first speech on § 1 of the Charter, which in
the verbatim record is stated as follows: "...Let's take, for example,
*) On the page of the manuscript on which this text is written (starting with
the words "Not so important"), there are several scattered in different places
page words: "circle," "narrowing of the circle," "birch," "life." The latter two
words, along with the drawing of several places on the same page, are directly
do not relate to the main text.
Ed.

professor who considers himself a social-democrat and declares it. If we accept Lenin's formulation, we will throw overboard some people, even if they cannot be directly accepted into the organization, but are nevertheless members of the Party."
8) The phrase here in quotation marks, representing a reference to a well-known provision of the general part of the party program ("Protocols," p. 2, the last three lines, as well as Coll. Works, vol. IV, p. 329, the end of the 3rd paragraph from the bottom), was apparently said by Martov at the beginning of his speech. It is absent from the protocol record.
4) By emphasizing this place in Martov's speech, Vladimir Ilyich apparently meant to indicate another argument against Martov's formulation of § 1 of the Statute.
5) In the "Protocols" of the congress, this speech is not recorded: after the record of Trotsky's speech at the 22nd session of the congress, the record of Lenin's speech immediately follows in this place in the "Protocols" ("Protocols," p. 222).
V. E. Mandelberg (Bülow) – Iskraite; delegate to the II Congress of the R.S.-D.R.P. from the Siberian Union; at the congress he joined the group of Martovites and after the split at the congress became a Menshevik; currently lives in Palestine.
c) The text, starting with the word: "Incorrect," is a draft of a plan for a speech delivered by Vladimir Ilyich at the 22nd session of the congress ("Protocols," p. 222). The phrase: "Breeding organizations" represents someone's argument against Lenin's formulation of § 1 of the Statute, which Vladimir Ilyich apparently intended to address in his speech. In the protocol record of Lenin's speech, a hint of this remark is contained in the concluding phrase: "The necessary attribute of a party organization is its approval by the Central Committee."
Lenin's phrase: "confusion: control is impossible, elimination is impossible," indicating the confusion introduced into the internal organizational work of the party by Martov's formulation of § 1 of the Statute, the impossibility of real control by the leading bodies over party members who are not part of the party organization, the impossibility of eliminating them, is not recorded in the protocol record of Lenin's speech at the 22nd session of the congress.
7) This, apparently, is how M. I. Liber expressed himself regarding Lenin's argumentation on § 1 of the Statute. There is no such literal expression in the protocol record of Liber's speech ("Protocols," p. 222).
8) The last two statements of Liber (this and the previous one) are indirectly reflected in the protocol record of his speech as follows: "Comrade Lenin confuses the question of organization with the question of individual personalities." (Ibid.)
®) This is Vladimir Ilyich's own remark regarding this place in Liber's speech.
10) These expressions, taken by Lenin in quotation marks and underlined by him, are apparently also quoted from Liber's speech. There are no such expressions in the protocol record of Liber's speech. In meaning, one can assume that both expressions in Liber's speech referred to "social-democrats who recognize the program but cannot and do not want to join the organization" (ibid.).

NOTES ON THE DEBATE ON § 1 OF THE STATUTE п ) This notes an expression in the speech of Martynov (V. N. Rozanov), stated in the protocol record in the following form: "The Central Committee, as a spirit, is everywhere present and unified"... Vladimir Ilyich ironically emphasized the word "spirit." In the protocol next to this expression of Rozanov's is Vladimir Ilyich's remark in brackets: "kulak!" (Ibid., p. 223.)
12) The places noted here from Axelrod's speech are not recorded in the protocol record.
13) This notes the main idea of Martynov's speech, that the social-democratic party cannot be an organization of "conspirator-agents" acting "behind the backs of those whose interests they defend," but must be organically connected with... the proletarian mass by a whole network of... organizations" ("Protocols," p. 225).
Further in the manuscript follows a summary outline of Lenin's second speech on § 1 of the Statute, delivered by him at the 23rd session of the congress ("Protocols," p. 230 - 232. Coll. Works, vol. IV, p. 298 - 301). The words: "not so important: "to bargain" with Axelrod" are unfolded in Lenin's speech in the following words: "Firstly, regarding Axelrod's kind (I say this without irony) proposal to "bargain". I would gladly follow this call, because I do not consider our disagreement so significant that the life or death of the Party depends on it. We will not perish from a bad clause in the statute!"
14) The mention here of the name Brucker (L. P. Makhnovets) denotes Lenin's remark about the motives for her solidarity with his formulation of § 1 of the Statute and about Martov's gloating over Brucker's solidarity with Lenin in this case ("Protocols," p. 230 - 231).
1Г>) The expression: "Erroneous" refers to Martov's formulation of § 1 of the Statute and to his point of view.
1в) The expression underlined here: "not elastic," taken from Martov's speech, who called his own formulation "elastic," denotes a sharp opposition by Lenin of his and Martov's formulations of § 1 of the Statute ("Protocols," p. 231, 232).
17) This notes the diametrically opposed meaning of Lenin's and Martov's formulations: Lenin's concept of a party member is a definite "narrowing of the circle," a selection into the party of the best, steadfast elements, the separation of the revolutionary vanguard; Martov's concept of a party member is "breadth," vagueness, blurring the line between the concepts of party and class.
18) This remark is formulated in the protocol record of Lenin's speech as follows: "The protection of the firmness of the line and the purity of the principles of the Party becomes all the more urgent now that the Party, restored in its unity, will accept into its ranks very many unstable elements, the number of which will grow as the Party grows." ("Protocols," p. 231, Coll. Works, vol. IV, p. 299.)
1в) This remark is unfolded in Lenin's speech in the following words: "The party should only be the vanguard, the leader of the vast mass of the working class, which entirely (or almost entirely) works "under the control and leadership" of party organizations, but which does not and should not entirely enter the Party." (Ibid.)

leninskii SBORNIK
-°) This text, enclosed in quotation marks and expressing the main idea of the pamphlet "What Is To Be Done?", apparently outlines that part of Lenin's speech in which he analyzes Trotsky's objections. This part of the speech ends with the words that our task is "to conspire a more or less narrow circle of leaders and attract the widest possible mass to the movement" (ibid.).
21) This remark is an objection to Martov, which in the verbatim record of Lenin's speech is stated as follows: "Comrade Martov was horrified that in court a non-member of a party organization would not be entitled, despite his energetic work, to call himself a member of the Party. This does not frighten me. On the contrary, it would be a serious harm if, in court, a person who calls himself a member of the Party, not belonging to any of the party organizations, made a statement from an undesirable point of view." (Ibid., p. 232, Collected Works, vol. IV, p. 301.)
22) It is unclear what Vladimir Ilyich meant by noting: "«Struggle» writers." It can be assumed that in his speech he intended to point to the "Struggle" group and the "writers" to illustrate the thought following these notes about "separating the talkers from the workers." These remarks are not reflected in the verbatim record of his speech.
28) This remark apparently refers to Trotsky's speech at the 23rd session of the congress. The corresponding place in the verbatim record of Trotsky's speech is stated as follows: "can't these gentlemen... subjects of the 'intelligentsia' environment, who call themselves Social Democrats, group young people and betray them to Pyotr Struve... can't they join some broad (lose) party organization? Can't they themselves form this or that organization?" ("Protocols", p. 230.)
P. B. Struve (born 1870) – in the 90s, the author of the "Manifesto of the RSDLP", issued by the decision of the 1st Congress of the party; the most prominent representative of "legal Marxism" and Russian "revisionism" of the late 90s and early 900s; participant and editor of the legal Marxist journals "New Word", "Beginning", "Life"; in March 1900, S., together with M. I. Tugan-Baranovsky from the group of "legal Marxists", participated in the Pskov meeting with Lenin, Martov, and Potresov on the issue of organizing the publication of "Iskra"; at the end of 1900 – beginning of 1901, as a representative of the "democratic opposition", he conducted negotiations with the Iskraites about a bloc, collaborated in the first issues of "Iskra"; soon completely broke with Marxism and, joining the camp of liberals, became the leader of the organization of zemstvo-constitutionalists – the "Union of Liberation" (1902–1905) and editor of the organ "Liberation"; with the formation of the Constitutional Democrat party, S. joined its Central Committee; after the defeat of the 1905 revolution, he became the leader of the most right-wing wing of the liberals and subsequently completely slid into Black Hundred nationalism; during the civil war, S. participated in the Denikin government, and then was a minister under Wrangel; later he edited the journal "Russian Thought" in Prague, uniting right-wing Cadets with monarchists in it; since 1925, he has been publishing the Orthodox monarchist newspaper "Renaissance" in Paris.

NOTES ON THE DEBATE ON § 1 OF THE STATUTE
24) This note refers to the beginning of Martov's speech at the 23rd session of the congress, which in the "Protocols" is stated as follows: "Of all the objections directed against my formulation, I will dwell on the objection about the infeasibility of my § 1, i.e., the control of party organizations over members of the Party." ("Protocols", p. 226.)
25) This record, representing Vladimir Ilyich's own remark, is a brief formulation of the answer to the following place in Martov's speech: "For Lenin, there are no other organizations in the Party besides 'party organizations.' For me, on the contrary, such organizations must exist. Life creates and breeds organizations faster than we can include them in the hierarchy of our militant organization of professional revolutionaries." (Ibid.) Lenin answers: "The idea of 'free organizations' is correct, but the means [Martov's § 1. Ed.] is unsuitable."
2C) The corresponding place in Martov's speech in the "Protocols": "Comrade Bruker understands well that life will take its course and that the Central Committee, in order not to leave a multitude of organizations outside the Party, will have to legalize them, despite their not entirely reliable character; therefore, Comrade Bruker joins Lenin." ("Protocols", p. 226.)
27) Here, Martov's assertion is recorded that the control of a party organization over party members who are not members of the party organization is quite possible. There is no such thing in the verbatim record of Martov's speech.
28) This is apparently the finale of Martov's speech. Its meaning is this: either it is necessary to recognize Lenin's formula as an "organizational utopia" and reject it, or accept it and thereby leave 99% of the elements desirable for the party outside the party. There is no such place in Martov's speech in the "Protocols."
29) This recognition of Martov is not in the verbatim record of his speech. But Lenin not only noted this statement by Martov in his notes, but also confirmed in his speech that Martov expressed himself in exactly that way. "This formulation [of Martov. Ed.] inevitably strives to make everyone a member of the Party; Comrade Martov himself had to admit this with a reservation – 'if you want,' he said." ("Protocols", p. 232, Works, vol. IV, p. 300.
30) This note, crossed out in the manuscript, refers to the following opinion expressed by Martov: "I would consider it a great triumph for our Party if, for example, some union of 'independents' determined that it... joins the Party." (Ibid., p. 226.)
31) The last note represents one of Vladimir Ilyich's positions in his speech at the 23rd session of the congress, stated in the "Protocols" as follows: "Even regardless of rights, one must not forget that every member of the Party is responsible for the Party, and the Party is responsible for every member." (Ibid., p. 232, Collected Works, vol. IV, p. 301.)
Among the sessions of the congress that are only mentioned in Vladimir Ilyich's "Diary", without any indication of the debates that made up their content, is, among other things, the 25th session with the discussion on it of the issue of constructing the Party Soviet. This gap in the "Diary" part o
somewhat supplements the plan of Lenin's speech on the question of the structuring of the Soviet, printed below for this session. Essentially on this issue, Lenin, judging by the congress protocols, spoke twice. This plan relates, properly speaking, to the first of these two speeches of his ("Protocols of the II Congress," pub. 1924, p. 246). In his second speech, objecting to the arguments of V. I. Zasulich, Vladimir Ilyich repeatedly develops one of the provisions he had already voiced, noted in the plan (ibid., p. 248). This plan, in all likelihood, was sketched by Vladimir Ilyich in this same session before his speech, i.e., August 17, new style.
d.
* SPEECH PLAN ON THE STRUCTURING OF THE PARTY SOVIET.
FOR THE 25th SESSION OF AUGUST 17th.
1) no need for an arbitral character. *)
[2) election by the congress of the most experienced comrades, wherever they may be]. 2)
3) It is impossible to leave the Soviet to chance, at random. 3)
[4) Replacement by the institutions themselves.
Or, in case of impossibility, by the remaining members of the Soviet.] 4)

*) Point 1 of the plan corresponds to the first part of the protocol record of Vladimir Ilyich's first speech on this issue, which reads: "Lenin finds the first Formulation [of Yu. O. Martov and V. A. Noskov (see below "Materials of the Statutory Commission" of the congress, p. 154.) Ed.] inconvenient in view of the fact that it gives the Soviet an arbitral character. The Soviet must be not only an arbitral institution, but also one coordinating the activities of the Central Committee and the Central Organ." ("Protocols," p. 246.)
2)
Point 2 of the plan, crossed out in the manuscript, is not expressed in either of Lenin's speeches on the Soviet at the 25th session of the congress. Apparently, this point was omitted by him. Essentially, it corresponds to the meaning of the first part of the formulation of the point on the Soviet given by V. I. Lenin (see below "Materials of the Statutory Commission" of the congress, pp. 155-156).
3) Point 3 of the plan is expressed by the second half of Lenin's first speech in its protocol record. Here is its text: "He also speaks in favor of the appointment of a fifth member by the congress. It is possible that the four members of the Soviet will not be able to elect a fifth; we will then be left without the necessary institution."
Vladimir Ilyich develops this same provision in his second speech (against Zasulich) ("Protocols," pp. 246 and 248).
4)
This point of the plan, like point 2, is crossed out in the manuscript and did not find expression in Vladimir Ilyich's speeches at the 25th session of the congress.
In content, it corresponds to the 2nd part of the formulation of the point on the Soviet given by Lenin in the Statutory Commission, combining in itself the original wording of this Formulation with a later, corrected one ("Materials of the Statutory Commission," pp. 155-156).

e. PROJECT OF A RESOLUTION ON THE STATEMENT OF MARTYNOV AND AKIMOV

AT the 27th and 28th sessions of the congress, an incident occurred with the departure of Martynov and Akimov from the congress. At the 27th session, they submitted a statement on their withdrawal from the congress in view of the adoption by the congress of § 43 of the Statute with the recognition of the Foreign League as the sole foreign organization, in which they saw an indirect decision to dissolve the Union of Russian Social Democrats, of which they were delegates at the congress ("Protocols," pub. 1924, p. 267). This moment of the congress remained unilluminated in Lenin's congress "Diary." The draft resolution of Vladimir Ilyich printed below on this matter represents a substantial addition to the "Diary," illuminating Lenin's attitude to this fact as sharply negative. In his resolution, Vladimir Ilyich proposes that Martynov and Akimov either take back their statement or declare their withdrawal from the party. His draft is crossed out in the manuscript by himself. He annulled his draft resolution, apparently, after discussing the issue in the bureau of the congress, to which there is some indication in his speech on this matter at the opening of the 28th session of the congress. There Vladimir Ilyich said: "The bureau is not proposing any resolution yet and puts this issue up for discussion by the congress." ("Protocols," p. 269.) The bureau, apparently, did not find it possible or necessary to put the question of Martynov and Akimov's step squarely, as Lenin proposed. In his speech, however, Lenin fully stated his point of view on this fact, as it was expressed in his resolution (ibid.). The congress limited itself to proposing that Martynov and Akimov take back their statement. Vladimir Ilyich wrote his resolution no earlier than the 27th and no later than the 28th session of the congress, i.e., in both cases August 18, new style.
e.
* DRAFT RESOLUTION ON THE STATEMENT OF MARTYNOV AND AKIMOV ABOUT THEIR WITHDRAWAL FROM THE CONGRESS.
FOR THE 27th — 28th SESSIONS OF AUGUST 18th.
[The Congress proposes to comrades] Akimov and Martynov either to take back [their]
Recognizing the statement of comrades Martynov and Akimov as contradicting our understanding of the members of the congress and even of the members of the party, the congress proposes to comrades Akimov and Martynov either to take back their statement or to declare definitively their withdrawal from the party. As for the protocols, the congress in any case grants them to attend a special session when the protocols are to be approved.

f.
Like all the above "Notes on the Debates" at various sessions of the congress, the plan of Lenin's speech in response to Martov's speech at the 31st session of the congress, printed below, represents the same kind of addition to the "Diary" of the congress. Judging by the comparison with the post factum recording of the same speech in Vladimir Ilyich's congress "Diary" (see above, p. 403) and by the appearance of this document, it can be definitely concluded that the speech plan given here represents the initial draft made during the session before the speech was given. Therefore, its date can be attributed with complete accuracy to August 20, new style (the day of the 31st session of the congress).
g.
* SPEECH PLAN IN RESPONSE TO MARTOV'S SPEECH.
FOR THE 31st SESSION OF AUGUST 20th.
1) extremely strange what Martov spoke about
2) categorically protest 2)
3) the matter is misrepresented 3)
4) 2 troikas put into circulation after he 4)
saw Martov
5) passed in the course of several weeks 3)
6) there were no protests, except for Axelrod's private remark ("as if" against the project) 8)
7) the Iskra editorial board decided to choose a 7th 6)
8) Martov's presentation introduces political confusion
state of siege *) 8)

*) The words "state of siege" are written in the manuscript on the margins on the left side across the main text from bottom to top, starting from point 6 and ending at point 2.
On the reverse side of the manuscript of this plan is a record of expenses for the congress, made by Vladimir Ilyich:

«£
1 £
Plekhanov
10/
Zemlyachka °)
10/
Rashid-Bek [A. G. Zurabov]
10/ for dinners
10/
Andreevsky [D. I.
Ulyanov] 10)
3 £
— Ignat [N. A. Krasikov].»

PLAN
OF THE SPEECH
ANSWER TO MARTOV'S SPEECH
*) The first point of this plan of Lenin's speech corresponds to the first point of his plan of recording the same speech post factum (above, p. 103) and to the beginning of the speech he delivered, according to the initial record of it for the minutes ("Protocols," p. 322, footnote).
2) The second point of the plan under consideration corresponds to the fourth point of the plan of recording post factum and is set forth in the "Protocols" as follows:
"Comrade Martov said that this whole project of "two troikas" is the work of one person, one member of the editorial board (namely my project) and that no one else is responsible for it.
I categorically protest against this statement and declare that it is directly incorrect." ("Protocols," p. 306, Collected Works, vol. IV, p. 302.)
3) This third point of the plan, together with the second point, was included in the fourth point of the plan post factum and represents the end of Lenin's speech cited above in note 2.
4) "His," i.e., the plan of two troikas. The entire present point of the plan was included, as a part, in point 5 of the plan post factum (p. 103) and is set forth in the "Protocols" as follows: "I formulated this plan ["of electing two troikas." Ed.] on paper at that time ["a few weeks before the congress." Ed.] and sent it first of all to Comrade Martov himself, who returned it to me with corrections." ("Protocols," p. 306, Collected Works, vol. IV, p. 302.)
5) Points 5 and 6 of this plan together correspond to point 6 of the plan post factum (p. 103) and are set forth in the protocol record ("Protocols," pp. 306-307, Collected Works, vol. IV, p. 302).
“) Point 7 of this plan is completely identical to point 7 of the speech plan post factum (p. 103). This point is set forth in the protocol record of Lenin's speech as follows: "The editorial board did not in vain adopt, even before the congress, a formal decision to invite a certain seventh person so that, in case of need to make some collective statement at the congress, it would be possible to make an unshakable decision, which was so often not achieved in our college of six." (Ibid., p. 307, Collected Works, vol. IV, p. 302.)
7) This point of this plan is identical to point 8 of the speech plan post factum in the "Diary of Meetings" of the congress. This point is set forth in the protocol record of Lenin's speech as follows: "I repeat once again: in Comrade Martov's views on the admissibility of elections of part of the previous collegium, the greatest confusion of political concepts is manifested." (Ibid., p. 306, Collected Works, vol. IV, p. 302.)
8) This note in the margins, twice underlined by Vladimir Ilyich, is identical to point 9 of the speech plan post factum in the "Diary of Meetings" of the congress. This point is developed in the protocol record of the speech quite extensively and represents the finale of Lenin's speech ("Protocols," p. 307, Collected Works, vol. IV, p. 303, from the words: "And I am not at all frightened by the terrible words" until the end of the speech).
9) R. S. Zemlyachka (born 1876) (Lidia Osipovna) - an Iskra adherent, from the 2nd Congress of the party, a Bolshevik, a party practitioner-professional; participated in the revolutionary movement from the 90s; in 1901, as an agent of "Iskra," she was sent to Odessa and from there to Yekaterinoslav, where she stayed until the 11th Congress of the party; at the 2nd Congress she was a delegate from the Odessa Committee (according to the protocols

LENINIST COLLECTION
of the congress - Osipov): in September - October 1903 she was co-opted into the members of the Central Committee; in the summer of 1904, when the reconciliationist line of the majority of the Central Committee was clearly defined, she left its composition; she participated in the foreign conference of "22" Bolsheviks in the summer of 1904, which developed the well-known declaration on the situation in the party; after the conference, on behalf of the leading Bolshevik group, Z. made a tour of a number of local party organizations with agitation for the convocation of the 3rd Congress of the party; then she was elected to the Bureau of Committees of the Majority; at the 3rd Congress of the party she was a delegate from the St. Petersburg organization; during the December uprising in Moscow in 1905, she was the secretary of the Moscow Committee; after the uprising she went to work in the military organization and in April 1906 she was arrested at the all-Russian military conference; after escaping from the precinct, Z. returned to St. Petersburg, where she worked until the arrest of the St. Petersburg Committee in October 1907; after 1 year of prison she went to work in Baku and then, according to the decision of the Central Committee, she went abroad; she returned to Russia in 1914. In 1916 she was a member of the Moscow Bureau of the Central Committee; in 1917, during the February Revolution, she was the secretary of the Moscow Committee, then the organizer of the Rogozhsko-Simonovsky district; after October she was again the secretary of the Moscow Committee and the organizer of the Zamoskvoretsky district; and in 1918 Z. went to military work in the Red Army, where she stayed until the capture of the Crimea, after that she was the secretary of the Crimean Regional Bureau; in 1921-23 she worked again in Moscow as the secretary of the Zamoskvoretsky district; in 1924-25 she was a member of the South-Eastern Bureau of the Central Committee (in Rostov-on-Don); now she works as the secretary of the Motovilikha district committee in the Urals.
10) D. I. Ulyanov (born 1874) - an Iskra adherent of the "hard" line, at the 2nd Congress of the party and after the congress an active Bolshevik, a practitioner-professional; he participated in the revolutionary movement from the 90s; in 1897, being a 5th-year medical student, he was arrested on charges of propaganda among the workers; from 1900 he joined the organization "Iskra"; at the 2nd Congress of the party he was a delegate from the Tula Committee (according to the protocols of the congress - Hertz); upon returning from the congress to Russia, U. worked as an agent of the first Central Committee of the Bolsheviks; at the beginning of 1904 he was arrested in Kiev and accused of being a member of the Central Committee; at the end of 1904 he was released, and the "case" was then annulled by the revolution of 1905; in 1905-06 he worked in the Bolshevik Simbirsk Committee and pursued a tactic of boycotting the elections to the 1st State Duma; later U. withdrew from practical party work; in 1917-18 he collaborated in the newspaper "Tauride Truth" in Sevastopol; from March 1919 he was a member of the Evpatoria Uyezd Committee and Revolutionary Committee, and then a member of the Crimean Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) and deputy chairman of the Crimean Council of People's Commissars; after the defeat of Denikin he was a member of the Crimean Revolutionary Committee and Regional Committee; from the end of 1921 to 1925 he worked in the People's Commissariat of Health; from 1925 to the present time he is a member of the board and heads the medical-sanitary department of the Ya. M. Sverdlov Communist University.

The commission for reviewing the party charter was elected
at the 45th (evening) session of the congress on August 44, consisting of: Lenin,
Martov, Egorov (Levin), Popov (Rozanov), Glebov (Noskov) ("Minutes"
of the congress, p. 449).
Its report was heard by the congress in parts at a number of sessions, and its discussion took up 22–27
sessions of August 45–48. The rapporteur of the commission was V. A. Noskov.
Presumably, he also chaired the meetings of the commission.
So far, no materials about the internal work of the commission have appeared in print.
The materials printed here are incomplete, fragmented records of formulations, votes, and individual opinions
of members of the charter commission at its meetings, in some
cases with indication of the dates of these meetings.
The nature of one part of these records (documents б, г, д. е, ж, з) gives reason to
consider them drafts of the minutes of meetings of the charter commission.
The draft charter of Martynov (V. I. Rozanov) (document a) belongs to the same category of documents,
submitted by him to the commission and, undoubtedly, discussed in it. Another
part of the materials printed here (documents в and гг) represents
formulations of individual §§ of the charter in the commission's wording,
rewritten neatly for the report to the plenary session of the congress,
with later amendments by the plenum.
Among these materials, Vladimir Ilyich directly owns only one
document: his proposal together with Rozanov on the construction
of the Soviet, which was published in the "Minutes" of the congress among the three individual opinions of the members of the commission on this
point ("Minutes," ed. 1924, p. 249, footnote).
We place here these materials of the charter commission,
proceeding from the fact that: 1) the work of the charter commission took place
on the basis of Lenin's draft charter, 2) the present materials
largely illuminate the work of the commission and the initial disagreements that emerged in the course of its work, which then unfolded at the plenary session of the congress into sharp disagreements.
The materials are arranged in chronological order.