V. I.

Lenin

Announcement of the Formation of an Organising Committee [2]

Fouryears ago several Russian Social-Democratic organisations united in
the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party and worked out a certain plan
of organisation and general principles of activity, which were set forth
in the “Manifesto” published by the

Party. [3]
Unfortunately, this first attempt was not crowned with success: the
elements necessary for building up a united and strong Social-Democratic
Party, which would wage an unremitting struggle for the emancipation of
the proletariat from all forms of oppression and exploitation, did not
as yet exist. On the one hand, the very forms of the practical activity
of the Russian Social-Democrats were only just beginning to take
shape. The Social-Democrats, who had but recently entered on the path of
struggle, were still seeking the best ways of putting their theoretical
views into practice and were still advancing with timid and uncertain
steps. The working-class movement, on which they based their activities
and which was finding expression in tremendous strikes,had only just
burst forth in a brilliant flash that dazzled the eyes of many,
obscuring from their vision the tasks and aims, so clear and definite,
of revolutionary Social-Democracy, and inducing an enthusiasm for a
narrow trade-union struggle. On the other hand, the constant repressions
practised by the government against the Social-Democratic organisations,
which had not yet become strong or firmly rooted, destroyed all
continuity and cut short any tradition in their activities.

However,this unsuccessful attempt did not pass without a trace. From
that time on, the very idea of an organised political party of the
proletariat, which guided our forerunners, became the lodestar and goal
of all class-conscious Social-Democrats. In the course of these four
years, repeated attempts have been made to give effect to this idea,
which has been handed down to us by the first Social-Democratic
leaders. But to this day we are faced with the very same disorganisation
that existed four years ago.

Atthe same time, life makes greater and greater demands on us. Whereas
the first leaders of the Party made it their task to rouse the dormant
revolutionary forces of the mass of the workers, we are faced with the
much more complex task of guiding the awakening forces in the right
direction, of taking our place at the head of these forces and of leading them. We must be prepared at any moment to hear the call:
“Lead us whither you have called us!” It will be a fearful thing
if that moment takes us unawares, just as divided and unprepared as we
are at present. Let it not he said to us that we are exaggerating the
gravity of the moment. Anyone capable of seeing beyond ripples on the
surface, anyone capable of discerning a process that is going on in the
depths, will never suspect us of exaggeration.

Butthe gravity of the situation is enhanced by still other
circumstances. We are passing through a momentous period in history. The
awakening of the working class in connection with the general course of
Russian life has roused various sections of society to activity. More or
less consciously they are striving to organise for the purpose of
joining, in one way or another, the struggle against an obsolete
regime. We wish them every success! Social-Democrats can only welcome
all who join such a struggle. But they must vigilantly watch lest such
allies make Social-Democracy a tool in their hands, lest they divert it
from the main field of activity, lest they deprive it of the leading
role in the struggle against the autocracy and, what is most important,
lest they hinder the progress of the revolutionary struggle by diverting
it from the correct path. That this danger is no figment of the
imagination is clear to everyone who has carefully followed the
development of the revolutionary struggle in recent years.

Thus, Russian Social-Democracy is now faced with a gigantic task, one
that is beyond the power of any local committee or even district
organisation. No matter how perfect the local organisations may be, they
will not be able to cope with this task, for it has already grown beyond
local bounds. It can be accomplished only by the collective forces of
all Social-Democrats in Russia, welded into a single, centralised,
disciplined army. But, then, who is to assume the initiative for this
unification?

Thisquestion was discussed last year at a conference of representatives
of the St. Petersburg League of Struggle, the Central Committee of the
United Committees and Organisations of the South, the Iskra
organisation, the Central Committees of the Bund (in Russia and abroad),
the Union of Russian Social-Democrats Abroad, and some other
organisations. The conference instructed representatives of certain
organisations to form an Organising Committee, which would assume the
task of actually re-establishing the Russian Social-Democratic Labour
Party.

Infulfilment of this decision, representatives of the St. Petersburg
League of Struggle, the Iskra organisation, and Yuzhny Rabochy group [1] have formed an Organising Committee, which sets itself the first and
foremost task of preparing the conditions for the convocation of a Party congress .

However,since the convocation of a congress is a highly complex matter
and requires considerable time, the Organising Committee assumes, until
the re-establishment of the central Party body, certain general,
functions (the issuing of leaflets intended for the whole of Russia,
general transport arrangements and methods of underground work the
establishment of contacts between the committees, etc.).

Itis self-evident that the Organising Committee, which has arisen on
the initiative of several organisations, will be bound by obligatory
relations only with those organisations that have already authorised it
or that will authorise it to act for them. Its relation to all other
committees and groups is that of a separate organisation, which offers
its services to them.

Thetask which the Organising Committee has decided to undertake is a
great and responsible one, and, if it has nevertheless made so bold as
to do so, that is only because the need for unity is so pressing,
because disunity is making itself felt all too keenly, and because
continued disorganisation constitutes so great a threat to the common
cause. In setting to work, the Organising Committee believes that the
success of its activity will depend to a considerable extent on the
attitude adopted towards it by the Social-Democratic committees and
organisations, and this attitude itself will be regarded by the
committee as a criterion of the correctness with which it has gauged the
present situation.

The Organising Committee

December1902

*     * *
Thisstatement by the newly-formed Organising Committee of our Party
speaks eloquently enough for itself, and there is no need for us to devote
many words to explaining the great significance of the step that has been
taken. Unification, the re-establishment of a united Party, is the most
pressing task of the Russian Social-Democrats, a task that urgently
requires immediate accomplishment. This task is a very difficult one, for
it is not unity of a few handfuls of revolutionarily minded intellectuals
that we need, but unity of all leaders of the working-class movement,
which has roused the whole of a large class of the population to
independent life and struggle. We need unification based on a strict
singleness of principle which must be consciously and firmly arrived at by
all or by the vast majority of committees, organisations, and groups, of
intellectuals and workers, who act in varying circumstances and under
varying conditions and have sometimes achieved their Social-Democratic
convictions along the most diverse paths. Such unification cannot be decreed; neither can it be established immediately, by mere
resolutions adopted by assembled delegates. It must be prepared and
developed systematically and gradually, so that the general Party congress
can consolidate and improve what has already been accomplished, continue
what has been started, and complete and formally endorse the firm
foundation for further, more widespread and intense work. And that is why
we particularly welcome the wisely cautious and modest way in which the
Organising Committee has entered upon its duties. Without insisting on any
kind of obligatory relations with the mass of Russian Social- Democrats,
the Organising Committee confines itself to offering its services
to all of them. And so let all Russian Social-Democrats without except
ion—committees and circles, organisations and groups, those on
active service and those temporarily on the retired list (exiles,
etc.)—make haste to respond to this call; let them strive to
establish direct and active contacts with the O.C.; let them give their
most active support to the great work of unification. We must see to it
that not a single group of Russian Social-Democrats fails to
establish contacts with the O.C., or work in comradely harmony with
it. Further, while regarding the preparation and convocation of a general
Party congress as its primary task, the O.C. also assumes certain general
functions in the service of the movement. We are confident that
no Social-Democrat will fail to recognise the pressing need for this
extension of functions on the part of the O.C., for this is merely an
extended offer of its services—an offer that goes to meet
demands expressed thousands and thousands of times—an offer that
does not entail the forfeiture of any “rights,” but rather the
practical abandonment of isolation as speedily as possible, and the
tackling in common of a number of joint undertakings. Finally, we also
consider absolutely correct and in place the resolute statement of the
O.C. that the convocation of a congress is a highly complex matter and
requires considerable time. This, of course, does not at all mean that the
convocation of the congress should be put off. Nothing of the sort. If we
take into account the urgency of the congress, then we would have to admit
that even one month is too “considerable” a period for its
convocation. But if we bear in mind our conditions of work and the necessity for adequate representation of the entire movement
at the congress, then five or even ten times as long a period will not
cause a single Party worker who is at all experienced to lose heart.

Letus then wish every success to the work for the speediest possible
unification and re-establishment of the Party and let us show our sympathy
with this work not only in words but in immediate action on the part of
every one of us. Long live Russian and international revolutionary
Social-Democracy!

---
Notes:
[1]
The Bund was also invited to send its representative to the Organising
Committee, but for reasons unknown to us, the Bund did not respond to this
invitation. We hope that these reasons were purely accidental, and that
the Bund will not delay in sending its representative.
— Lenin

[2]
The Organising Committee (O.C.) for convening the Second Congress of the R.S.D.L.P. was first elected by the Belostok Conference in
March (April) 1902, but soon after the conference all the Committee
members hut one were arrested. On Lenin’s initiative a new Organising
Committee was set up at the Pskov Conference of Social-Democratic
committees held in November 1902. The Iskra supporters had an
overwhelming majority in the new committee.

Under Lenin’s leadership, the Organising Committee carried out
considerable work in preparing the Second Party Congress. In February
1903, draft rules for the convocation of the Party Congress were adopted
at a plenary session held in Orel.

Followingthe February plenary session, members of the 0. C. twice visited
local committees with a view to assisting them in their work. With the
participation of members of the 0. C. the local Party organisations
discussed the draft rules for the convocation of the Congress, after which
the rules were confirmed by the 0. C.

The0. C. confirmed the list of local organisations entitled to attend the
Congress in accordance with the rules adopted. A detailed written report
on its activities was prepared by the 0. C. for presentation to the
Congress.

[3]
The reference is to the First Congress of the R.S.D.L.P., which was held
in Minsk on March 1-3 (13-15), 1898. It was attended by nine delegates
from six organisations—the St. Petersburg, Moscow, Ekaterinoslav. and Kiev Leagues of Struggle for the Emancipation of the
Working Class, the group of the Kiev Rabochaya Gazeta , and the
Bund. The Congress elected the Central Committee of the Party, confirmed
Rahochaya Gazeta as the Party’s official organ, published a
“Manifesto,” and declared that the Union of Russian Social-Democrats
Abroad represented the Party abroad (see The C.P.S.U. in Resolutions and Decisions of Its Congresses, Conferences, and Plenary Meetings of the Central Committee , Part 1,1954, pp. 11-15).

Thesignificance of the First Congress of the R.S.D.L.P. lay in the fact
that, in its decisions and Manifesto, it proclaimed the formation of the
Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party, thereby being an important factor
of revolutionary propaganda. However, the Congress did not adopt a
programme or work out the Party Rules. The Central Committee elected at
the Congress was arrested and the Rabochaya Gazeta print-shop
seized, so that the Congress did not succeed in linking together and
unifying the individual Marxist study circles and organisations. There was no central leadership and no
definite line in the work of the local organisations.