V. I.

Lenin

Material for the Preparation of the Programme of the R.S.D.L.P.

Notes On Plekhanov’s First Draft Programme

| Plekhanov’s Text | Lenin’s Notes |
| --- | --- |
| I. The principal economic feature of present-day society is the
domination of capitalist production relations in it, | Page 1. No. I—Capitalism is not a “feature” of
present-day society, but its economic system or mode , etc. |
| i.e., ownership of the means of production and of commodity
circulation by the numerically very small class of capitalists, | No. 2—The means of production belong not only to the
capitalists, but to the landowners and small producers as well. |
| while the majority of the population consists of proletarians, | No. 3—The proletariat is not the majority of the population in
many countries. |
| who have no other possession but their labour-power, and cannot
subsist except by selling it. | No. 4—The proletariat possesses certain articles of
consumption (and partly means of production too). |
| In consequence of this, the majority of the population is reduced to
the dependent position of wage-workers, whose labour creates the
income of the capitalists. | Page 2. No. 5±of the landowners. |
| II. The sphere of domination of capitalist production relations is
constantly expanding, as continuous technical progress | To page 2. Not technical progress but private owner ship
expropriates and ver elendet [Impoverishes.—Ed.] the small producer. |
| increases the economic importance of the big enterprises and thereby | No. 6—“and thereby”?? Of itself technical progress can not increase the economic importance of the big enterprises. As
the result of technical progress (+a number of economic changes,
such as in market conditions,etc.)small scale production is being
oust ed by large-scale production. |
| decreases the number of independent small producers, reduces their
role in the economic life of society, | No. 6-7. Capitalism does not always"decrease the flu mbe
r of small producers" (relatively, and not necessarily absolutely, particularly in Russia). (Capitalism expropriates and leads him—the small
producer—to degradation and impoverishment....) Page 2. No. 7. Reduces the role of the small=increases the
economic importance of the big (one and the same thing). |
| and at places turns them directly into vassals and tributaries of
the big manufacturers. | No. 8—Directly—delete. The process of the separation of
the producer from the means of production is not indicated. |
| III. Capitalist production relations weigh more and more heavily on
the working class, as technical progress, by increasing the
productivity of labour, not only makes it materially possible for
the capitalists to intensify the exploitation of the workers, but
converts this possibility into reality, occasioning a relative
reduction in the demand | Page 3 of the original draft. No. 9.+and on the small producers (the peasants in general should be
specially mentioned). No. 10—giving rise to, or engendering. |
| for labour-power simultaneously ’with a relative and absolute
increase in its supply. | Page 3—expressed in an extremely unpopular, abstract way. Far
better in the Erfurt

Programme [4] “...the army of surplus-workers is growing”,
“insecurity of existence is increasing.” |
| IV. The development of labour productivity does not raise the p rice
of labour-power, but, on the contrary, is very often the direct
cause of its reduction. Thus, technical progress, which signifies an
increase in social wealth, causes greater social inequality in
capitalist society, widens the distance between the propertied and
the property- less, and increases the workers’ economic dependence
on the capitalists. | Page 4—“the price of labour-power” is very often reduced
(also expressed in a very abstract way;=the growth of exploitation,
oppression, poverty, degradation) ." Thus” causes greater
inequality. It would appear from this that greater inequality is
engendered only by the increase (intensification) in the exploitation of the wage-worker, whereas it is engendered: 1) by the expropriation of the small producer +2) by the
impoverishment of the small producer+3) by the increase in
exploitation +4) by the growth of the reserve army. |
| V. With such a state of affairs in capitalist society and with the
constantly growing mutual rivalry among the capitalist countries on
the world market, the sale of commodities necessarily lags behind
their production, and this periodically causes more or less severe
industrial crises attended by more or less lengthy periods of
industrial stagnation, leading to a further | Page 5. Is it necessary to indicate the causes of crises in
the programme? If so, the shortcoming is that two causes are
indicated: 1) greater social inequality (“with such a state of
affairs," p. 4)

+2) the growth of rivalry. The basic cause of crises=Planlosigkeit ,[ Planlessness.—Ed. ] private appropriation under social production, is not in dictated. |
| reduction in the number and economic importance of the small
producers, | Pages 5-6: reduction of the “economic importance” of the small producers is too abstract a term. Expropriates
(=reduces the number?) and verelendet . |
| to a still greater dependence of wage-labour upon capital, | Page 6—of wage-“labour”? Isn’t it better to say of
the workers ? |
| and to a still more rapid relative, and at places even absolute,
deterioration of the conditions of the proletariat and the small
producers. | Page 6—consequences of a crisis—relative and
absolute deterioration of the conditions. Isn’t it better to
say plainly: unemployment, poverty of the workers and the small
producers. |
| VI. But as these inevitable contradictions of capitalism grow and
develop, the discontent of the working class with the existing order
of things also grows, its struggle against the capitalist class
becomes sharper, and in its midst the realisation spreads ever more
widely and rapidly | Page 7—instead of discontent — indignation . Page 7—the spreading of a
realisation (—γ) is placed on a par with the growth of indignation (—α) and the aggravation of the
struggle (—β). But α and β are spontaneous, whereas y should be introduced by us . |
| that the yoke of economic dependence, which lies on its shoulders,
can be thrown off only through its own efforts, and that to throw
off this yoke a social revolution is necessary, i.e., the destruction of capitalists production
relations and the conversion of the means of production and of the
circulation of products into public property. | Page 7—“only through its own efforts”. This should be
expressed in a more general way: can be the act only of the working class , etc. Pages 7-8, 1) destruction of capitalist production
relations?—Socialist production [1] t a k i  n g t h e p l a c e [2] of commodity production, 2) the expropriation of the exploiters, 3)
the conversion of the means of production into public property? The conversion of private into public property. |
| VII. This revolution of the proletariat will emancipate the whole of
mankind, now oppressed and suffering, since it will put an end to
all forms of oppression and exploitation of man by man. | |
| VIII. In order to replace capitalist commodity production by the
socialist organisation of the production of articles to satisfy the
needs of society and ensure the well-being of all its members, in
order to effect its revolution, | Page 9–unclear [3] :

“to satisfy the needs of society and ensure the well-being of all its members.” This is
insufficient: (cf. the Erfurt Programme: “the greatest well-being and all-round harmonious perfection”). |
| the proletariat must have command of political power, which will
make it master of the situation and enable it ruthlessly to smash
all the obstacles it will come up against on the road to its great
goal. In this sense the dictatorship of the proletariat is an
essential political condition of the social revolution. | Page 9. “Master of the situation,” “ruthlessly to
smash,” “dictatorship”??? (The social revolution is enough for
us.) |
| IX. But the development of international exchange and the world
market has established such close ties among all nations of the
civilised world, that this great goal can be attained only through
the united efforts of the proletarians of all countries. Hence the
present-day working-class movement had to become, and has long
become, an international movement. | Page 10— nil . |
| X. Russian Social-Democracy regards itself as one of the detachments
of the world army of the proletariat, as part of international
Social-Democracy. | |
| XI. It pursues the same ultimate aim as the Social-Democrats of all
other countries set themselves. | Page 11 .—“The same Endziel.” [ Ultimate aim.— Ed . ]

Why the repetition? |
| It discloses to the workers the irreconcilable antagonism between
their interests and those of the capitalists, explains to them the
historical significance, nature, and prerequisites of the social
revolution which the proletariat is to carry out, and organises
their forces for an unremitting struggle against their exploiters. | Page 11. Might there not be confusion?—" The same Endziel—and right along side the task of the
Social-Democratic Party:

1) To disclose to (?) the workers the irreconcilable
antagonism between their interests and those of the capitalists. 2)
To explain to them the significance, nature, and prerequisites of
the social revolution (±the necessity of revolution?). The Germans put this more forcibly: weisen naturnotwendiges

Ziel. [ To indicate the naturally necessary aim.— Ed . ]

3) To organise their forces for an unremitting
struggle against their exploiters (N.B.?+against the government?)+?

t o

direct the struggle of the proletariat. 1) is included in 2). 1)— too limited. It should be: a to
indicate the ultimate aim, β to create an organisation of
revolutionaries to direct the struggle of the proletariat. |
| XII. But its immediate aims are considerably modified by the fact
that in our country numerous remnants of the pre-capitalist —
serf-owning — social system are an oppressive burden on the
entire working population and are the most difficult of all the
obstacles hindering the progress of the Russian working-class
movement. | Page 12. “Remnants of the serf-owning system ... are an
oppressive burden on the entire working population” (+the
retardation of the development of productive forces +the
deterioration of living conditions+keeping the whole people in a
state of ignorance and subjection)—the most difficult obstacle
(=remnants)? (What are these remnants? The autocracy—I—all the rest? This is said below .) |
| The Russian Social-Democrats still have to work for the
establishment of those juridical institutions which, constituting a
natural legal complement to capitalist production relations, already
exist in the advanced capitalist countries | 12-13: necessary to work for the establishment of those (?) juridical institutions which already (?) exist in the advanced countries. (These should be named
more concretely. Unpopular.) |
| and are necessary for the complete and comprehensive development of
the class struggle of wage-labour against capital. | Page 13—of wage-labour?—of the workers, of the struggle
of the working class against the capitalist class for its complete emancipation. |
| And since the tsarist autocracy, which is the most out standing
remnant of the old serf-owning system and the most harmful in
respect of further social development, is wholly incompatible with
these juridical institutions, and since by its very nature it cannot
but he the bitterest and most dangerous enemy of the proletarian
emancipation movement, | Page 13. The autocracy is incompatible with these juridical
institutions (with political liberty??). |
| the Russian Social-Democrats advance as their immediate political
task the overthrow of the monarchy. | Page 14. Since the autocracy is incompatible— the overthrow of the monarchy (inconsistent). |