V. I.

Lenin

What astonishing solicitude for the famine-stricken our government is
displaying! What an amazingly long circular (of August 17) the Minister of
the Interior has issued to the governors of the affected gubernias! A
veritable literary work, more than sixteen pages long, written by
Mr. Sipyagin to explain the government’s food policy in its entirety. The
document was apparently published to impress the “public”, as
if to say: See how solicitous we are, how prompt we are with relief
measures, how providential we are in organising in advance food-kitchens
and all forms and phases of their activity! It must be admitted that the
circular issued by the Ministry of the Interior certainly does create an
impression, both by its bulk and (if one has the patience to read it
through) by its contents. A frank exposition of the government’s policy is
always the best means for agitation against the tsarist government and,
while expressing our profound gratitude to Mr. Sipyagin, we make bold to
suggest that the other ministers speak more frequently of their programme
in circulars published for general information.

If one has the patience to read through Mr. Sipyagin’s circular to the
end, we said. A great deal of patience will be required, for
three-fourths, nay, nine-tenths of the circular consists of the usual
official banalities. It is a rehash of things known for years and repeated
a hundred times even in the “Code of

Laws”. [1]

It is a mass of circumlocution, a detailed description of the ceremonial
in the relations between Chinese mandarins; it is in the grand style of
the chancelleries, with periods thirty-six lines long, in a
“jargon” that makes the heart bleed for our native Russian language. As you read deeply into this effusion, you feel as though you
were in a Russian police-station with its musty walls and its
all-pervading specific stench, in which the officials personify in their
appearance and bearing the most case-hardened bureaucracy, while in the
courtyard, visible through the window, gloomy buildings loom reminiscent
of the torture chamber.

Three main points in the government’s new programme attract particular
attention: first, greater power is vested in the individual officials and
care is taken that the bureaucratic spirit and service discipline should
be strengthened and protected from any breath of fresh air; secondly, a
scale of relief is fixed for the famine-stricken, viz., regulations on the
rationing of bread to be given to a “needy” family; and,
thirdly, despairing horror is expressed at the fact that
“disloyal” persons, capable of arousing the people against the
government, are rushing in to help the famine-stricken, and timely
measures against such “agitation” are provided for. We shall
deal with each of these points in detail.

Only a year has elapsed since the government deprived the Zemstvos of the
right to manage food affairs and transferred that administration to the
rural superintendents and uyezd congresses (law of June 12, 1900). Now
before the law has come into force, it has been repealed by a mere
circular. The reports of a number of provincial governors sufficed to
convince the government that the law had become unsuitable! This makes
plainly evident the worthlessness of laws that are turned out like
pancakes by the St. Petersburg government departments without prior
discussion on a serious level by people really informed and capable of
expressing an independent opinion, and without serious intention to create
a more satisfactory state of affairs, laws that are dictated by the
ambition of some cunning minister eager to further his career and display
his loyalty. The Zemstvo is not loyal—take the food administration
out of its hands! But before this could be done it was discovered that the
rural superintendents and even the uyezd congresses, consisting
exclusively of government officials, were inclined to discuss matters too
much. Apparently there were rural superintendents stupid enough to call
famine famine and simple enough to think it necessary to fight against the famine, and not against those who really want to help
the famine-stricken; and in all probability there were officials in the
uyezd congresses who were not subordinated to the Ministry of the Interior
and who also failed to understand the real tasks of “home
politics”. And so, by the mere circular of a minister a new
“Central Uyezd”—no, this is not a printer’s error—a “Central Uyezd Food Board” is set up, the whole
purpose of which is to prevent the infiltration of disloyal persons and
disloyal ideas and the commission of imprudent acts in the administration
of food distribution. Thus, the Minister considers as imprudent and
prohibits the “premature” compilation (i.e., not immediately
before the bread distribution) of lists of the needy. It arouses, he says,
“exaggerated hopes” among the people! The Central Uyezd Food
Board is concentrated in the hands of a single person , and the
Ministry recommends the uyezd marshal of the nobility for the
post. Indeed, that official is so closely connected with the governor and
performs so many police functions that he will doubtless be able to
understand the true spirit of the food policy. More over, he is a big
local landed proprietor, respected and trusted by all the landlords. A man
of that type will certainly understand, as no one else will, the
Minister’s profound idea on the “demoralising” effects of
relief given to persons “able to dispense with it”. As for the
gubernatorial powers, the Minister refers to this subject at the very
beginning of the circular and repeats over and over again that the
governor is responsible for everything, that all must obey the governor,
that the governor must be able to take “special” measures,
etc. To this day the governor in a Russian province has always been a real
satrap upon whose pleasure the existence of any and every institution, and
even of every individual, in the province “in his charge”
depends; but now a real “state of war” has been established. Severity increased to an inordinate degree—in
connection with famine relief! This is so truly Russian!

But greater stringency, intensified surveillance—all this demands
increased expenditure on the bureaucratic machine, a fact of which the
Minister has not lost sight; the uyezd marshals of the nobility, or other
persons directing the Central Uyezd Food Board, will be granted “a
special sum to cover their expenses,” “concerning the approximate amount
whereof Your Excellency will tender the appropriate application to
me”, adds the circular in its “special” jargon. In addition, further sums will be granted as follows: 1,000 rubles in a lump
sum for uyezd council “office expenses”; from 1,000 to 1,500
rubles for expenses of the gubernia governor s offices. It is the offices
that will have to carry on most of the activity, since famine relief will
consist almost entirely of office work—how can the offices be left
without the necessary funds? The offices come first, and what is left can
go to the famine-stricken.

Mr. Sipyagin displays remarkable persistence and resourcefulness in
devising measures for reducing famine relief. In the first place,
he calls upon all governors to discuss which uyezds “have been
affected by the harvest failure” (the final determination on this
matter rests with the Ministry itself, since even governors cannot be
trusted to avoid “exaggeration”!). Then follow the instructions
indicating when uyezds are not to be regarded as affected areas:
(1) if not more than one-third of its volosts [See footnote to p. 36 .— Tr ] are affected; (2) if a grain shortage is usual in the uyezd and additional
grain is purchased annually with subsidiary earnings; (3) if local
resources are insufficient to grant relief. Here we have an example in
miniature of the bureaucratic solution of the food problem— one
measuring rod for all! What is the size of the population of one-third of
the volosts? how seriously are they affected? have not the usual
“earnings” been reduced this year by the serious industrial
crisis?— all these are idle questions after the categorical
“directions” of the Ministry. But the worst is still to
come. The point at issue is—who is to be regarded as needy and how
much relief is to be granted? Mr. Sipyagin recommends the following
“approximate” computation which “has rarely been found to be greatly exaggerated”. (What we fear most of all is
exaggeration; we fear exaggerated hopes, we fear exaggerated loans!
Famine, unemployment—all these are merely “exaggerations”. Such is the idea that clearly emerges from
all the ministerial reasoning.) In the first place, a test threshing is to
be made to determine the “average yield per dessiatine in
each village”, after which the area sown by each farmer is to be estimated. Why not also
determine the size of the crop harvested by farmers of different means?
The harvest of a poor peasant is smaller, and the term “average” is disadvantageous precisely to those in
distress. Secondly, those who gather not less than forty-eight poods of
grain per family per annum (counting twelve poods for three adults and six
poods for two children) are not regarded as being in distress. This is the
sort of calculation a tight-fisted kulak could be expected to make. In an
ordinary year even the poorest peasant family of five or six persons
consumes eighty, not forty-eight, poods of grain, whereas the middle
(average) peasant family of five consumes 110 poods, as is known from
surveys of peasant farming. Consequently, the tsarist government is
cutting down by one half the amount of grain actually needed for
food. Thirdly, says the circular, “this quantity [viz., forty-eight
poods per family] is to be reduced by one half, in view of the fact that
the worker element represents about fifty per cent of the
population”. The government stubbornly insists upon its standing
rule that the working population must not be given relief because, as it
argues, they can earn money. But the Minister has already ordered that the
uyezds in which the population is normally engaged in auxiliary
occupations shall not come under the heading of affected areas. Why, then,
should he deprive the working population of relief for a second time? Everyone knows that, not only are there no opportunities for
earning extra money this year, but that even the usual subsidiary earnings
have declined owing to the crisis. The government itself has banished many
thousands of unemployed workers from the cities to the rural areas. The
experience of previous famines has shown that exclusion of the adult
working population from relief leads only to the division of the existing
inadequate relief between children and adults. No, the saying that
“you can not skin one ox twice” would be far too flattering
for a Ministry of the Interior that in a twofold way excludes from the
relief lists all who are able to work. Fourthly, this relief, totally
inadequate and reduced by one half, is still further cut down by
one-third, one-fifth, or one-tenth, “in proportion to the
approximate number of well-to-do farmers having stocks left over from last
year, or any other material resources”! This is the third hide flayed from the same ox. What kind of
“stock” can a peasant have if he has harvested not more than
forty-eight poods of grain for his whole family? All other earnings have
been taken into account twice; moreover, even the Russian peasant, with
all the poverty to which government policy and exploitation by capitalists
and landlords have reduced him, cannot live by bread alone. In addition to
bread, he must spend money on fuel, clothes, and other food, as well as on
repairs to his house. In ordinary years, as scientific inquiries into peasant farming inform us, even the poorest peasant spends more than half his income on requirements other than bread. If all these things
are taken into account, it will be found that the Minister calculates the
relief to be granted at one- fourth or one-fifth of what is
actually needed. This is not fighting famine, it is fighting those who
really want to help the famine-stricken.

The circular concludes with a regular crusade against private
philanthropists. It has not infrequently been revealed, thunders
Mr. Sipyagin, that certain philanthropists strive to arouse among the
population “discontent with the present system and encourage the
people to make totally unjustified demands on the government”, that
they conduct “anti-government agitation”, etc. These accusations are absolutely false . It is well known that in 1891
leaflets were distributed by “peasant well-wishers” [2] in which the people were rightly told who their real enemy was; probably
other attempts at agitation were made in connection with the famine. But
there was not a single case of revolutionaries carrying on propaganda
under cover of philanthropy. The vast majority of the philanthropists—this is an undoubted fact—were just
philanthropists and nothing more . When, therefore, Mr. Sipyagin
states that many of them were “persons whose political past is not
irreproachable”, we ask him, who among us now has an “irreproachable past”? Even “highly-placed persons”
often paid tribute to the general democratic movement in their youth. Of
course, we do not wish to say that to carry on agitation against the
government in connection with the famine is impermissible or even
undesirable. On the contrary, such agitation is always necessary,
particularly in times of famine. We merely wish to point out that Mr. Sipyagin is straying into the realm of fiction in trying to make it appear that his fears and anxieties
are based on past experience. We wish to say that Mr. Sipyagin’s
statement is further proof of an old truism: the police government is
afraid of even the slightest contact between the people and
intellectuals that are in the least independent and honest, it fears
every true and bold utterance addressed directly to the people, it
suspects— and rightly so—that mere solicitude for the genuine (not imaginary) satisfaction of the people’s needs is tantamount
to agitation against the government; for the people see that private
philanthropists sincerely desire to help them, while the tsarist
government officials hamper and reduce relief, minimise the extent of
the distress, impede the opening of food-kitchens, etc. Now the new
circular demands that all contributions and appeals for contributions,
as well as the opening of food-kitchens, “be under the control of
the authorities”; it demands that all relief workers arriving in
the affected areas “present themselves” to the governor,
that they may choose assistants only with his consent, and that they
submit to him a report of their activities! Those who desire to help the
famine-stricken must submit to police officials and to the police system
of curtailing relief and shamefully reducing relief rates. Whoever
refuses to submit to this despicable procedure must not be allowed to
carry on relief work—such is the essence of government policy. Mr. Sipyagin howls that “politically unreliable persons
are eagerly taking advantage of the famine to pursue their criminal aims
on the pretence of helping their neighbours”, and this cry is
taken up by the entire reactionary press (e.g., Moskovskiye Vedomosti ). How horrible! To exploit the sufferings of the people
for political purposes! In point of fact, what is horrible is precisely
the fact that in Russia every kind of activity, even philanthropic work most remote from politics, inevitably brings people
capable of independent thought into conflict with police tyranny and
with measures of “suppression”, “prohibition”, “restriction”, etc., etc. It is horrible that the
government, under the cloak of high political considerations, pursues
its Judas policy [3] of taking bread from the starving, cutting down relief to one-fifth,
prohibiting everyone except police officials from approaching the starving! We repeat the call issued in
Iskra: Organise a campaign of exposure against the police
government’s food policy; expose in the uncensored free press the outrages
committed by local satraps, the whole avaricious tactic of curtailing
relief, the miserliness and inadequacy of the relief, the despicable
attempt to minimise the extent of the famine, and the shameful struggle
against those who desire to help the famine-stricken! We advise all who
have a grain of sincere sympathy for the people in their dire distress to
take measures to bring to their knowledge the true sense and significance
of the ministerial circular. It is only because of the unbounded ignorance
of the people that such circulars do not immediately call forth
an outburst of general indignation. Let the class-conscious workers who
stand closest to the peasantry and to the less enlightened urban masses
take the initiative in this work of exposing the government!