On the Declaration of Polish Social-Democrats at the Zimmerwald Conference{133}

From this declaration of the P.S.D. at Zimmerwald, it is evident that, in opposing the right of nations to self-determination, Polish social-democrats wish to say not quite what they are saying. They wish to say that not every movement in favor of national independence deserves support from social-democrats. This is indisputable both because every democratic demand is subordinated to the general interests of the class struggle of the proletariat, being in no way absolute, and because in the epoch of imperialist rivalries for dominion over nations, open and secret alliances are possible between the bourgeoisie of an oppressed country and one of the oppressing countries.

Written in July 1916.

Published for the first time, from the manuscript.

Plan of the Article "Imperialism and the Split in Socialism"[87]

Imperialism and Opportunism (the split in socialism)

1. What is imperialism? (definition from the resolution + supplement).

2. Tendency toward decay (parasitism).

3. Hobson (1900).

4. Engels.

+ the split of workers owing to emigration and immigration (cf. Engels on America)

+ army recruited from colonial peoples…

5. Kautsky (obfuscation).

6. Germany vs England…

7. Optimism… regarding opportunism

(in Martov).

8. Optimism and pessimism in our party.

(2 vs 20 years?). Tactics?

9. The timeframes are unknown (2 perspectives and two lines)…

10. Democracy teaches cheating…

Workers' parties and the social-democratic phrase.

11. The split (sophisms of Trotsky).

Its growth ((Rühle 12.1. 1916.))

12. Its inevitability.

A

Monopolistic (1) cartels (2) banks (3) sources of raw materials (4) division of the world (international alliances).

(5) "" territorial.

B

Parasitic (1) rentier (2) "on the negroes" (3) reaction

* To point 4. Editor.

1. Economic source: superprofits.

2. England 1848–1868

(α) colonies (β) monopoly on[88]

3. Colonies (France etc.)

monopoly of another kind = financial capital

3 bis: then 1 country, now split everywhere

4. "on the negroes" ride.

5. "Bourgeois workers' party":

"sold out"…

6. "The masses." Quid est?[89]

7. Go lower.

8. Who represents the masses?

9. Mass actions.

10. This is deception.

Lloyd Georgeism.

Written in October 1916.

First published in 1936 in Lenin Collection XXIX.

Published from the manuscript.

Plan of the Article "Imperialism and the Attitude Toward It"{134}

1

Imperialism and the Attitude Toward It

1. Definition

Imperialism = capitalism

* Of finance capital. Editor.

γ) dying ("transitional"), [la. Basel und Chemnitz].

2. Against[90] K. Kautsky—blunting of contradictions, concealment, Wegräsonnieren, etc.[91]

3. Three lines:

* National-liberals. Editor.

4. Fabian + Vandervelde, Jaurès & Co (1907)… {135}

+ "Sozialistische Monatshefte" + "Glocke" + Renner & Co + Plekhanov & "disciples" in Russia. 5.

(1) Disarmament…[92] (2) United States of Europe (Cartel of imperialists)… (cf. "Mitteleuropa"[93])…{136} (3) Annexations… (4) "Peace" (social-pacifism)… (5) "Ultra-imperialism"… (6) "Defense of the fatherland"… (7) The imperialist character of the war… (8) Freedom of trade ("friedlicher Verkehr"[94])… (9) Colonies (cf. 1907 and 1914–1916).   [95] (10) Benefits from colonies (11) Imperialism and opportunism.

***** – mood instead of direction. Editor.

(12) "Unity" with opportunists.

(13)

140 Millerandism – an opportunist trend in the international and, particularly, German social-democracy, named after the French socialist A. Millerand, who in 1899 entered the French reactionary bourgeois government and helped the bourgeoisie carry out its policies.

141 Bernsteinism – a trend hostile to Marxism and opportunist in German and international social-democracy, which arose at the end of the 19th century and is named after E. Bernstein, the most outspoken representative of revisionist tendencies in German social-democracy.

(14) Voting for credits.

(15) Mass actions = "Adventure"?[96] (16) Earlier (1909; 1910; 1911 K. Kautsky vs 1914–1916) and later (Words and Deeds)[97].

(17) K. Kautsky vs Pannekoek 1912 on Mass actions… (18) Eclecticism vs Dialectics.

(19) Engels and Marx on the roots of English opportunism.

(20) Concealment[98]

**** Ultimatum of the opposition. Editor.

(21) Sympathy for

K. Liebknecht (everywhere)

***** Sympathy for K. Liebknecht (everywhere) (in Europe?). Editor.

Written in October 1916.

First published in 1936 in Lenin Collection XXIX.

Published from the manuscript.

Plan of the Theses "Tasks of the Left Zimmerwaldists in the Swiss Social-Democratic Party"[99]

1. Defense of the fatherland = bourgeois deception

2. Complete distrust of the bourgeois government (and bourgeois parties of Switzerland)

(α) deals with imperialist bourgeoisie and servility (β) political reaction (γ) on bended knees[100] before the military party.

2. Ibis. The peoples and the budget.

3. Complete possibility of the people being sold to one or another imperialist power or coalition.

4. In the event of war:

4a) reject defense of the fatherland as bourgeois deception

4b) respond with revolution and systematic revolutionary work

4г) reject military credits absolutely and in peacetime and in wartime

* By refusal of military service. Editor.

** Resort to violence. Editor.

4e) illegal organization in response to any attempt to restrict or limit freedom.

5=4g.

6. Dearness[101]. Unbearable situation of the masses.

"Revolutionary mass struggle" (Aarau) not in words, not on paper only. ((Scandalous enrichment of the rich.[102]))

7. Financial reform. No indirect taxes under any circumstances.

Annulment of the decisions of the congresses in Aarau (1915) and Zürich (1916).

8. Income and property Bundessteuer.[103]

9. Forced expropriation[104] of agricultural enterprises based on wage labor, to increase agricultural productivity and ensure the poor cheap bread.

10. Immediate and unconditional forced expropriation of all water power.[105]

===

11. Annulment of state debts.[106]

===

12. Expansion of work among the masses, i.e., among the majority

* Workers' congresses. Editor.

16. – Leaflets for this mass and competition of sections and Nationalräte.[107]

17. Forced expropriation of factories and plants.

18. Maximum salary of 6000 and prohibition of cumulation.

20. Both directions within the party across the board.

21. Principled struggle against the Grütli Association.

22. Elections to the Nationalrat 1917 and to the congress II. 1917 and to the Press Commission[108] etc. only on platform basis.

23. 2 and 4 pp. Beilage[109] in three languages.

24. Forced naturalization.[110]

25. Support for revolution in neighboring countries

26. Break with I. S. B.[111]

27. Women's complete equality.

28. Parliamentary and other struggle to be used not in a reformist manner.

29. Go ahead of other parties along the path of the Zimmerwald Left, rather than wait.

30. Initiative and referendum for propaganda and preparation of socialist transformations – not bourgeois reforms.

31. Decisive struggle against the argument of "impracticality."

Written at the end of October 1916.

First published in 1931 in Lenin Collection XVII.

Published from the manuscript.

Theses on the Attitude of the Swiss Social-Democratic Party Toward War[112]

Practical Part (1) Complete rejection of defense of the country, both from a military and political point of view, and pitiless exposure of the bourgeois lie hidden behind this slogan.

(2) Unconditional rejection of all military credits and demands, both in peacetime and in wartime, moreover with principled motivation. To bind the representatives of the party in parliament, as well as in all other state institutions, to do this.

(3) Struggle against all military institutions, rejection by the party of all military obligations of the bourgeois class state in all propaganda and agitation, specifically – in the forefront of practical activity.

(4) Systematic transition of the party across the entire line to revolutionary struggle and revolutionary tactics, instead of limiting itself to reformism in practical work.

(5) Accept as a model the only internationalist activity, which truly conducts struggle against war and all wars, the activity and work of Karl Liebknecht and the entire "Spartacus" group in Germany, and follow their example.

(6) Struggle by means of propaganda, agitation, and organizational measures against social-patriots (i.e., "defenders of the fatherland") and reformists (i.e., opponents of the immediate application of revolutionary means of struggle) in the Swiss socialist party.

(7) Clarification to the masses that without a complete change in the structure of the party and its activity, without seizing all posts in socialist-political as well as trade union, consumer and all other workers' organizations by decisive enemies of social-patriotism and reformism, all solemn declarations against militarism and wars inevitably become mere phrases.

(8) Propaganda and preparation of the most vigorous revolutionary mass struggle (demonstrations, strikes, and so forth, depending on the growth of general revolutionary struggle) for the purpose of proletarian revolution, as the only means to free oneself from wars.

(9) Clarification to the masses that they themselves must, if necessary, create from below special organizations adapted to the harsh conditions of wartime for such a struggle.

(10) Ensuring that the revolutionary tasks of the party in the struggle against dearness, wars, etc. are known and clear to all strata of the exploited standing outside the party.

(11) Systematic propaganda in the indicated sense among youth of pre-conscription age, as well as in the army, etc.

Written in German at the end of November – beginning of December 1916.

First published in 1931 in Lenin Collection XVII.

Published from the manuscript. Translation from German.

Plan of the Theses for Discussion on the Tasks of the Left Zimmerwaldists in the Swiss Social-Democratic Party{137}

I. 1. Introduction.

Properly for Russian social-democrats – members of the Swiss party.

Discussion from an international point of view (Simmel).

Unleash discussion.

II. 2. Financial reform.

11. Discussion in "Basler Vorwärts."

III. 12. Direct taxes? instead of struggle against dearness.

{13. Expropriation of large factories and large incomes. (Exemplary.)

IV. 21. The military question.

V. 30. The Grütli Association.

31. O. Lang: "we were correct."

32. Principled struggle.

33. "Frankfurter Zeitung" on the "Grütli Association."

34. Greulich on this 26. IX. 1916.

35. Education of the masses? "On the whole" only against social-patriotism.

36. Strongholds and methods of the Grütli Association.

VI. 37. The International in Switzerland.

38. The Hilbert case.

VII. 39. Trade unions.

40. Neutral or party-based?

41. Scarecrow – the split.

42. Already now a struggle of directions.

43. Discussion in "Metallarbeiter Zeitung."

44. Grimm's theses, § 9 at the end.

VIII. 45. Practical steps?

46. All? – – platform

* Here the word is not made out. Editor.

47. Only the Swiss themselves can decide and judge this. Only to unleash discussion.

IX. 48. Too fast?

cf. Liebknecht. Wherein lies his greatness?

Written in German at the beginning of December 1916.

First published in 1931 in Lenin Collection XVII.

Published from the manuscript. Translation from German.

Remarks on the Article on Maximalism{138}

P. 6 (2nd paragraph). Here it is necessary to insert that Potresov has now in fact renounced these positions (Kautsky + Hilferding etc.), which contain a principled negation of reformism. Potresov has become a reformist.

(One cannot limit oneself to the statement: "we did not even attempt to prove it": one must present this as proved, and challenge Potresov: in deed, but cowardly, silently, You and especially Maslov and Co, "Delo" [Affairs] on the whole have moved from this position to reformism.)

P. 7 (end of § I) "mass actions"?? It would be better to say this differently and without this word, which sins in that, being caused in large measure by German censorship (pseudonym for revolution), it obscures the concept of revolution. (On this we will still have to reckon with Pannekoek + Radek and Co!! One example: in Switzerland there is no German censorship, and here the term "mass actions" already breeds misunderstandings, useful to reformists.)

But this is not the main thing; the main thing is your idea, which is fundamentally false—that "those of its (minimum program's) demands… in sum give a transition to a fundamentally different social order" (p. 7, § II and elsewhere) (same p. 9).

This is entirely wrong!! Never do either the known demands of the minimum program ("those of its demands") nor the entire sum of demands of the minimum program give a "transition to a fundamentally different social order." To think so means to fundamentally move to the position of reformism and abandon the standpoint of socialist revolution.

The minimum program is a program that is in principle compatible with capitalism, does not go beyond its framework.

Perhaps you wished to say that given the objective maturity of society for socialism, the implementation of the entire sum of demands of the minimum program would give socialism? But even this is not so. One can only say that in practice it is most likely that out of any serious struggle for major demands of the minimum program a struggle for socialism will flare up, and that we in any case strive toward this.

One must not forget also what Pannekoek + Radek forget, namely: imperialism is the exploitation of hundreds of millions of dependent nations by a small number of the richest nations. Hence the possibility of complete democracy within the richest nation while it maintains its dominion over dependent nations. This was so in ancient Greece on the basis of slavery. This is now the case with New Zealand and England.

(Detail: p. 8 is not good. This should not be said that way. For instance, you will not get "bread" at all in the epoch of imperialism and dearness by means of reforms alone.)

(P. 10 at the end: the matter concerns a proletarian "reform" terribly carelessly and awkwardly, although you wish to say "revolution"!! "As in 1904 in Russia not reforms, but a reform" something like that.)

P. 11 entirely thoroughly false. Both the eight-hour working day and the "arming of the people," imperialism will give against socialist revolution. It is precisely not because of this that the struggle will unfold, and not at all because of the minimum program.

Imperialism will give "Bulygin Dumas," reforms against revolution. We will be for revolution.

The "most important questions of our time" are not those you have named, but dearness (1) + (2) wars of an imperialist character.

Against dearness (with trusts, etc.) reforms are powerless, as they were against autocracy in 1904–1905 in Russia.

You have posed the question of reforms, and of the minimum program, and of democracy incorrectly.

& [I would strongly advise remaking it, limiting yourself for now (for "Questions of Insurance," for a short article) to the counterposition: You, Mr. Potresov, are a complete reformist, you limit yourself to "reforms," you have forgotten the significance and meaning of the "formula": "not 'reforms, but a reform,'" the significance and meaning of the cited statements of Kautsky + Hilferding + Bauer etc. "Delo" [Affairs] = a fully ideologically formed organ of reformism, a bourgeois workers' party.

"Three whales" were an expansion of the struggle for reforms into revolution. The question is posed thus also in the manifesto of the Zimmerwald Left: to translate, to transform every struggle for reform into a struggle for revolution.

The self-determination of nations, in my opinion, cannot be posed as "the most important" in general: by presenting it this way, you go ten times further than what we have said hitherto. Presenting yourself thus, you would force me to unite against you with – oh, horror! – with Bukharin!!!

Would it not be better to postpone this question for now, remaking the article à la & – and working out something like theses or such on the attitude toward the minimum program etc. for sending to the Bureau etc.?

===

& Phrases about "maximalism" are nothing other than attacks by a reformist on revolutionaries ("principled opponents of reformism" for censorship). In general, to treat such a question from a censorship perspective is a particularly difficult thing and heikle sehr heikle Sache!![113]

Written after 7 (20) December 1916.

Published for the first time, from the manuscript.

Plans for the Pamphlet "Statistics and Sociology"[114]

Statistics and Sociology

1

A) Historical conditions of national movements.

B) Certain theoretical questions concerning national movements.

C) The right of nations to self-determination and Rosa Luxemburg.

D) Cultural-national autonomy…

** This refers to p. 2 of the manuscript of the pamphlet (see the present volume, pp. 349–351). Editor.

*** See the present volume, pp. 351–355 and 355–356. Editor.

* Some unresolved questions? Editor.

** To point A. 6. Editor.

144 V. I. Lenin refers to R. Hilferding's book "Finance Capital. The Latest Phase in the Development of Capitalism."

Authorized translation from German by I. Stepanov, Moscow 1912.

145 Joseph Patouillet. "L'impérialisme américain," Dijon, 1904 (Joseph Patouillet. "American Imperialism," Dijon, 1904). Junius – pseudonym of Rosa Luxemburg; her book "Die Krise der Sozialdemokratie" ("The Crisis of Social-Democracy") appeared in 1916. Excerpts from this work, made by V. I. Lenin, see in Collected Works, 4th ed., vol. 39, pp. 185–190.

146 Lenin speaks of two articles by the German chauvinist Paul Lensch, published in the journal "Die Glocke" ("The Bell"): "Die Selbstbestimmungsflause" ("Babble About Self-Determination") – in No. 8, 1915 and "Socialisraus und Annexionen in der Vergangenheit" ("Socialism and Annexations in the Past") – in No. 9, 1916. Excerpts from articles by P. Lensch, made by V. I. Lenin, see in Lenin Collection XXX, pp. 118–127.

(2) Social-Pacifism, as a Beautification of Imperialism (K. Kautsky. XII. 1916){139}

2

Distinction Between Oppressing and Oppressed Countries

* "The Contemporary State." Editor.

148 "Neue Beiträge zur Biographie von Karl Marx und Friedrich Engels" ("New Materials on the Biography of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels") were printed by F. Mehring in "Die Neue Zeit," XXV. Jahrgang, II. Bd. 1907.

3

Old and New Studies on the National Question:

* Approximately. Editor.

** A stubborn thing. Editor.

Ad B:

Imperialism and the national question.

The "Feasibility" of national self-determination.

Annexations and national self-determination.

Colonies and national self-determination.

The state and state-building.

"Dualism" and "monism" in the national question.

Heterogeneity of movements toward one goal.

"Out of the colonies"??

Socialism and colonies (Engels 1882).

Are Jews a nation?

The merging of nations?

Written in January 1917.

First published in 1937 in Lenin Collection XXX.

Published from the manuscript.

Signs of the "Center" as a Trend in International Social-Democracy{140}

According to Grimm:

Signs of the "Center" as a trend in international social-democracy:

+ 1. Do not break with the social-patriots of one's own country, neither in fundamental principles nor organizationally; hence 2.

+ 2. Against the split.

(+—) 3. Evasiveness on the question of defense of the fatherland.

+ 4. To recognize Zimmerwald and Kinthal – without a split with I. S. B.[115] and with international social-patriotism.

+ 5. Do not break with reformism: only verbally criticize it ("passiver Radikalismus"[116]).

+ 6. Toward the coming revolution (in connection with this war) adopt a waiting attitude (not actively, not taking the initiative, like the Left).

+ (ΣΣ[117])

7. ΣΣ = beautification (and defense) of social-

(? = p. 1) patriotism in this or that measure by this or that means, such is the essence (wesen) of the "Center"…

+ 8. No remaking of the present social-democratic parties and trade unions, nothing similar to Liebknecht's "Regeneration[118] from bottom to top." Postponement of the question about this.

(—) 9. Social-pacifism, as program and tactics.

+ 10. No systematic propaganda for revolution in connection with the given war.

+ 11. No preparation of organizations etc. for such a revolution.

– α) "Avanti!" 6. III. 1916 β) Morgary in Swiss newspaper γ) social-pacifism

+ αα) exclusively social-patriots

ββ) youth.

By placing Liebknecht alongside the Italian Socialist Party, Grimm confuses the center with the Left.

Grimm wants to solve the revolutionary task (of struggle against war) through reformist measures ("schwächen," erschweren etc.[119]).

Indirect tax 4/5. XI. 1916.

Reformist struggle against dearness (6. VIII. 1916).

Polemic with[120] ("Sozialismus tut not"[121]).

False, dishonest evasions with Disarmament[122] (cf. his own "theses"). Idem Refusal of military service.[123]

Evasions on the question of what does "refuse" [mean] [according to] the "Leipziger Volkszeitung"? Distortion of the question by the Grütli Association.[124]

NB: To "verbally" recognize Zimmerwald + Kinthal, and in deed everything as before!!

P. 13. From the point of view of the "center" in general in Switzerland it would be consistent to be for defense of the fatherland!!! [125]

Written in January 1917.

Partially first published in 1940 in the journal "Bolshevik" No. 3.

Published in full for the first time, from the manuscript.

Plan of the Article "Lessons of War"{141}

Lessons of War

Approximately[126]:

1. Definition of imperialism.

2. The imperialist character of the war exposed.

3. The advance of monopoly capitalism toward state capitalism.

4. "Necessity" teaches. Hunger etc.

5. Women's labor. "Forced labor" etc. "War socialism"?[127]

6. Social-patriotism or social-chauvinism. International significance.

7. Kautskyism or centrism or social-pacifism.

8. The Left.

8. bis. Basel Manifesto. Refuted?

9. Socio-economic approach. "Necessity knows no law"[128]. Either socialism or hunger (idem Neutrals[129]).

10. How is it done? "Wumba"[130].

11. Political tasks: revolution.

12. Civil war. Turn weapons. ("Disarmament of the workers"?)[131]

13. "Break the old state machine" (Kautsky against Pannekoek).

14. "Dictatorship of the proletariat." 1871 and 1905.

15. Old, "ready-made" state power or new?

16. "Councils of workers' deputies." Parliamentarism or not?

17. The role of new democracy and its withering away.

17 bis. "New" democracy ("neue Schöpfung"[132]) = working, socialist, proletarian, communist.

18. Moments, elements, signs of the turn toward revolution.

** "North American Review." Editor.

*** "Atlantic Monthly"? Editor.

Topics:

A. Imperialism and imperialist war (1–2).

B. 3 directions in international socialism (6–8).

C. The advance of economics forward (3–5).

D. The "Feasibility" and urgency of socialism.

E. Political revolution (11–17).

F. "The storm approaches"[133] (18).

Written in February 1917.

First published in 1939 in the journal "Proletarian Revolution" No. 1.

Published from the manuscript.