V. I. Lenin

Conference of Regimental Delegates of the
Petrograd Garrison

October 29 (November 11), 1917

Newspaper Report

Report On The Current Situation

The political situation does not warrant long speeches. The
political question is now merging with the military question. It
is all too clear that Kerensky has recruited the Kornilovites,
and they are his only support. In Moscow they have seized the
Kremlin, but they have no control over the suburbs, where the
workers and the poor in general live. There is no one to back
Kerensky at the front. Even those who are of two minds, like the
members of the Railwaymen's Union, are speaking in favour of the
Decrees on Peace and on Land.

The vast majority of workers, soldiers and peasants want a
policy of peace.

This is not a Bolshevik policy. In no sense is it a "party" policy. It is the policy of the workers,
soldiers and peasants, that is, the majority of the people. Nor
are we implementing a Bolshevik programme on the land question,
because there, too, our programme has been taken bodily from
peasant mandates.

It is not our fault that the
Socialist-Revolutionaries and the Mensheviks have gone. They
were invited to share political power, but they want to sit on
the fence until the fight against Kerensky is over.

We
asked everyone to take part in the government. The Left
Socialist-Revolutionaries said they wanted to support the Soviet
Government's policy. They did not even dare voice disagreement
with the new government's programme.

People in the provinces give credence to papers like Dyelo Naroda.
Here everyone knows that the Socialist-Revolutionaries and the
Mensheviks went because they were left in a minority. The men of
the Petrograd garrison are aware of this. They know that we
wanted a coalition Soviet government. We did not exclude anyone
from the Soviet. If they do not want to work with us, so much
the worse for them. The mass of soldiers and peasants will not
follow the Mensheviks or the Socialist-Revolutionaries. I am
sure that nine-tenths of any workers' or soldiers' meeting will
be on our side.

Kerensky's bid is just as pathetic a gamble as Kornilov's. But the situation is a difficult
one. Vigorous efforts must be made to get some order into the
food situation, and put an end to the misery at the fronts. We
cannot wait, nor can we tolerate Kerensky's mutiny a single
day. If the Kornilovites launch another offensive, they will get
what the mutinous officer cadets got today. The cadets have only
themselves to blame. We took power almost without bloodshed. If
there were any losses they were on our side. The entire people
wanted the policy the new government is conducting. It did not
borrow this policy from the Bolsheviks, but from the soldiers at
the front, the peasants in the villages, and the workers in the
towns.

The Decree on Workers' Control is to be issued presently. Let me say this again; the political situation is now
reduced to a military one. We cannot allow Kerensky to win; if
he did there would be no peace, no land, and no freedom. I am
sure that the soldiers and workers of Petrograd, who have just
brought off a victorious revolution, will be able to crush the
Kornilovites. We have had our defects. There is no use denying
it. We have had to pay for them. But they can be eliminated. Without losing a single hour, a single minute, we
must get organised, and set up a headquarters, and we must do it
today. Once organised, we are sure to win out within a few days,
and possibly even earlier.

The government set up by the will of the workers', soldiers' and peasants' deputies will not
tolerate any nonsense from the Kornilovites.

The political and the military task is to set up a headquarters, to concentrate
the material forces, and to provide the soldiers with all they
need. If we are to go on from strength to strength, this must be
done without wasting a single hour, nay, minute.

2

Speech On Arming The Troops

The period of great chaos is at an end. A chief of staff has
been appointed and this will be announced. The period of
vacillation is over. We felt keenly the lack of military order
and communications. It has now been established that there is a
great deal of enthusiasm and unity among the troops. It is now
up to you to take things in hand, personally verify every act,
the execution of your orders and assignments, see whether the
workers' organisations have been contacted, etc. The workers
will help you in this matter. Let me give you some advice:, you
must check every report through the control commission or
through the regimental delegates, without relying on others to
see that orders are carried out, or to check reports on
stocks. The best guarantee of success is to do all this
yourself, to check everything, take account of all stocks and
verify every step personally.

3

Speech On Restoring Law And Order In The City

I fully agree with what has been said: the workers must take a
hand in guarding the city. As they do this together, the
soldiers will teach the workers how to handle arms. The
wholesale arming of the people and the abolition of the regular
army is a task which we must not lose sight of for a single
minute. If we recruit the working population the task will be
much easier. The comrades' proposal that we meet every day is a
practical one. It is true that the Russian revolution produces a
great deal of what is novel, that has not occurred in any other
revolution. For one thing, there have never been such organs as
the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. You must merge
with the workers, they will give you everything the bourgeoisie
has failed to give you. Every unit, together with the workers'
organisation, must see to it that there is a stock of everything
necessary for this war of yours, without waiting for pointers
from above. We must tackle this task on our own tonight. The
units must not wait for instructions from headquarters, they
must make their own proposals. You have something the bourgeoisie have never had: their only way is to buy; you can
contact the workers who produce everything.