V. I.

Lenin

I

Dear Friend, Firstof all, my heartiest congratulations to you (and your friends) on a
tremendous success: the beginning of the reorganisation of the Local

Committee. [2]
This may be come a turning-point for our whole movement, and it
is therefore of the utmost importance and urgency to carry through this
reorganisation to the end. Take particular care of yourself, so
that you should manage to complete it.

Letme get down to business now. You ask me to help you with a concrete
outline of a plan for local work in connection with all-Russian
activities." In order to meet your request immediately, I am for the time
being writing to express my personal opinion (so as not to delay matters
by having to contact the other members of the Editorial Board, who are at
present scattered in different places; they will possibly also send you a
few words themselves later). I am not quite sure whether I understand your
request correctly. My sources now are: your letter of June 21 and the
letter of 2a

3b [3] about the two meetings (you, 2a 3b, and Krasikov) with Vanya (the
St. Petersburg

League [4] ).
Judging from these sources (especially the latter), Vanya “now
shares our views and frankly acknowledges the demerits of his former
stand.” Proceeding from this, I shall continue to write, addressing myself
both to you and to Vanya, and I leave it entirely to you to decide whether
to transmit my letter to Vanya ( and Manya =the Workers’

Organisation [5] )
immediately or later, whether to give it in full or with certain
amendments, which in case of necessity I likewise authorise you to make (informing us of all such amendments as far
as possible, of course).

Strictlyspeaking, I am of course unable to give you just now a
“concrete outline of a plan for local work in connection with
all-Russian activities”: it is impossible for me to do this without
a number of detailed conferences both with Vanya and with
Manya. All that I can offer is an outline of the practical steps that
Vanya should take immediately and before all else, once he has become a
new Vanya or wants to become so de facto . It seems to me that the
steps planned by all of you at the second meeting with Vanya (and
described in the letter of 2a 3b) are wholly correct. I fully agree that
“the first thing to do is openly to declare oneself an adherent of
certain views.” This is the very thing that must come first, and it can be
done only by an open declaration. [6]
I am fully aware of the fact that most or many of Vanya’s comrades (i.e.,
the committees and their members) are strongly prejudiced against such
open declarations or at least are unaccustomed to them. This trait is
quite comprehensible from the angle of the stage of the movement that has
already been passed and of the mistakes that have already been
rejected. But just because Vanya holds such an important position, just
because in the past he openly declared his old views, which were decidedly
at variance with the Iskra views, just because of all this I
would particularly earnestly advise the comrades (=Vanya) to overcome this
feeling of estrangement and this prejudice. Hitherto our local work has
suffered mostly from narrowness and isolation, from the reluctance of the
local leaders to tackle actively and resolutely the job of
working out general Party questions. Then let Vanya, as he comes over to
the adherents of revolutionary Social-Democracy, break with this tradition
at once and declare for all to hear that these are his fundamental theoretical views and organisational ideas
and that he himself is now going to fight for the realisation of these
ideas, urging all other committees to follow suit. This declaration will
be of enormous importance both to Vanya and to the whole of Russia; it
will be a big event in itself. We need not be afraid of offending
Vanya’s old friends, who held different views; every shadow of offence
will be removed by the very fact that Vanya himself will openly and frankly admit that
circumstances and experience have convinced him of the erroneousness of
the former theoretical views, tactical principles, and organisational
plans, in one way or another bound up with “economism.” There will
not be even the sem blance of an attack on these old views here, but
merely an avowal of his own evolution. The frank straightfor
wardness of this avowal will exert an influence on the actual
unification of all Russian Social-Democrats and on the full cessation of
the “polemics” between them, which will be ten times as great
as a hundred protests against the “polemics.”

Andso, first and foremost, an open and printed decla ration (in a local
bulletin or in Iskra , preferably in both). This step should
absolutely not be delayed even for a single week, for without it
all other steps may easily prove futile (arrests, etc.), while
with it the new road would be estab lished at once.

Whatshould this declaration contain? If Vanya were to ask my comradely
advice on this point ( but not before he asked me, of course ) I
would reply:

1) an express repudiation of his old views (theoretical, tactical, and
organisational) with a most general description of these views (in one or
two words, if possible).

2) A declaration that he is joining the Iskra supporters,
subscribes to its theoretical, tactical, and organisational views, and
recognises it as the leading organ (N.B., the word “leading” does not at all mean that one necessarily has to
agree with it in everything. It merely implies solidarity with the
guiding principles of a certain organ. This declaration is
fully compatible both with a reference to particular differences, should any exist, and with an intimation that I want the
following changes and that I, now an Iskra supporter, will strive
to effect them, and try to get these changes made in
Iskra ).

3) Special emphasis on the demand for the unification or, more accurately,
the actual restoration of a united all- Russian Social-Democratic
Labour Party, by means of joint work, which should begin with a
rallying about Iskra so as to convert it into an instrument of
genuinely nation-wide agitation and which (the work) should lead to the
creation of a militant all-Russian organisation, capable of launching a determined onslaught on the autocracy.

4) An acknowledgement (already made, but not yet published by Vanya) of
the need to reorganise the structure and functioning of Vanya and Manya
(their relationships, etc.), an announcement (so to speak) of a revision
of their structure.

5) An acknowledgement of the need for closer links and fusion
with the Russian Iskra organisation [7] so as to accomplish the tasks Vanya and this organisation will henceforth
share.

6) The assignment of one or several members (perhaps from Vanya and from
Manya, etc.) of the St. Petersburg Committee for the matter of immediately
beginning the practical realisation of the above-mentioned task, i.e.,
fusion with Iskra and unification of the

Party. [1]

Ofthese six points, the sixth, of course, can by no means be made public,
which may likewise be the case with some of the other points as well. The
declaration could conclude with an ellipsis, and make the frank
reservation that such and such (or “subsequent”) points cannot be
made public for reasons of secrecy. But I repeat: if Vanya has really come
over to our side he should not postpone this declaration for even a single week .

Itis at such a meeting of delegates from the St. Peters burg Committee
with Sonya (the Russian Iskra organisation) and with the
Iskra Editorial Board (abroad) that a really concrete plan will
be prepared, not only for the reorganisation of work in St. Petersburg,
but also for the actual unification of the Party, the constitution of an
Organising Committee to prepare the Second Party Congress, etc., etc.,
etc.

Further,at your second meeting it was proposed that “before
proceeding to carry out the above-mentioned plan [to send delegates abroad
in July] a preliminary examination be made of the state of affairs in
various areas of our vast fatherland so as to have a basis for discussion
at the congress.” I consider this decision (I say so quite frankly) a
mistake, and I would advise you to abandon it. It means delaying matters
and dispersing your forces. Let us first achieve a single objective: let
us (we and Vanya) reach an understanding among ourselves. This will already be equivalent
to complete solidarity between Vanya and Sonya. And given this solidarity,
the next practical task (a tour of Russia) will be accomplished
by Vanya=+Sonya (+or=?) quite easily. But there is no sense in dispersing
our efforts now: first (1) let us finally convince Vanya and
Manya, then (2) publicly announce our standpoint, further (3)
come to an immediate understanding with Iskra (abroad, where
Iskra already has a whole file of material on the state of
affairs in the various localities of our vast father land; don’t disdain
this file, comrades!) and (4) with Sonya, and only then (5) tour Russia
with the express practical aim of the actual unification of the
work (and the convocation of a general Party congress).

There,if you please, is a “concrete outline of a plan” of
immediate practical tasks. If § 2 presents difficulties, § 3 can
be moved to first place (this, of course, will entail some delay, but
under certain circumstances an unavoidable delay). But both 2 and 3 must
be insisted on at all costs. Moreover, it is of the utmost importance that
the members of Vanya who are coming here should be invested with the
fullest possible powers and that if possible there be two of them rather
than one (although this really depends entirely on the local conditions,
and of those you are in a better position to judge).

Ibelieve I can conclude with this. Please let me know your opinion as
soon as possible: have I understood your request correctly? is my
“concrete plan” feasible? etc. I am afraid that things are not
yet so good and that Vanya is not yet a full adherent. What is
particularly suspicious is that Manya has not yet been given What Is to Be Done? [ See present edition, Vol. 5.— Ed . ]

It would be a good thing if you could meet with Vanya again in pleno (i.e., at a full session of the St. Petersburg
Committee): this would be of the utmost importance in accurately establishing whether there are any opponents, just who they are, and
what main points they advance. It would be of equal importance that you
meet with Manya directly. You must hasten Vanya’s trip here (and it would
be good for Manya to come too!)

asmuch

aspossibleandatallcosts (have them come straight to London; give them the London
address without fail and also Meshcheryakov’s Belgian address for
all eventualities). If you succeed in doing this, it will already be a
great achievement guaranteeing that your work will bear fruit even if you
are all arrested now. And don’t forget a contingency like that is quite
possible, and that it is therefore imperative to accomplish the first
real step (declaration, trip) as quickly as possible and without
the slightest delay.

If in fact Vanya unreservedly becomes one of us , then we
shall hold the Second Party Congress within a few months and make
Iskra a fortnightly or even a weekly organ of the Party. Try to
convince Vanya that we haven’t the slightest intention of distracting him
from local work, that St. Petersburg is a “locality” which is of direct importance to the whole of Russia as well,
that the merger of Vanya with Sonya will greatly intensify local work, and
will at the same time immediately lift the whole Party out of its
semi-spectral state and raise it to the stage not only of reality, but
also of a power of prime importance.

Warmlyshaking your hand, Yours, Lenin

| Written before July 3 (16), 1902 | Published according to the manuscript |
| --- | --- |
| First Published in 1924, in the magazine Proletarskaya Revolutsia , No. 3 | |

II

Dear Friend, Thenews you sent us recently about the release of Vanya’s
friends—the “allies” (=supporters of Rabocheye Dyelo )—again gives rise to some doubts in our mind. Will Vanya
hold out now? At all events, put the question to him squarely, get a
direct reply, and if it is in the negative make him feel ashamed of
himself, using no uncertain language; in any case, let us know immediately
how matters stand. If Vanya has again got (or even is about to get) out of
our hands, it is all the more imperative that you devote trebled efforts
to Manya, if possible to her directly; if not, through your new friends,
the conversation with whom you have described to us in such detail and so
interestingly.

Youshould make it your business (if Vanya shows even the
slightest signs of unreliability or evasiveness) to prepare the
St. Petersburg Iskra -ists for war on the remnants of “economism.” Naturally, there is no need to say anything to them
about this war, but all efforts must be put into preparing for it, and as
far as possible on both flanks. That is, firstly, try to maintain your
established personal relations with our friends in the intellectual half
of Vanya, try to see them, influence them, make them feel ashamed, meet
the young people among them, and prepare the

Iskra ists to break with the waverers. The second flank—the workers—is
far more important. Your study circle is excellent vantage-ground, and you
must above all see to it that this circle develops, becomes conscious of
and gives expression to its hostility towards Vanya. Try to supply this
circle with What Is to Be Done? and to achieve (judging by your
letter, this is not at all difficult) complete unanimity;
moreover, you must particularly and emphatically stress the fact that What Is to Be Done? is levelled precisely and mainly
against just this “St. Petersburg” type of people. Dot your
i’s in your discussions with them, constantly referring to Vanya as a bad
example, an example of what should not be done. I am more than ready to
help you in any way I can—for instance, through a series of letters
to the circle. First, let this circle become Iskra -ist
consciously and in full, become consciously and unreservedly
hostile to all of the old “St. Petersburg truck,” to Rabochaya Mysl , to Rabocheye Dyelo , and to all
shilly-shallying. Then (and only then ) we shall do the following:
the declaration you advised Vanya to make and I wrote to you about in
detail will be made, in somewhat altered form of course, by the circle,
which will raise the “banner of insurrection” against Vanya’s
“economists,” and announce a direct campaign for the purpose of
winning all of Manya over to its side.

Ido not doubt for a moment that this, campaign will end in complete and
rapid victory, and I consider that it is not this campaign which
constitutes the main difficulty, but the matter of getting people to the
point of embarking on an open campaign, of not slipping into compromises
with Vanya once more, into making concessions to him, into
procrastination, etc. Absolutely no compromises whatever, and
ruthless war against the slightest remnants of “economism” and amateurishness—that, in my opinion, is
the task you should set yourself in the circle. Better lose three months,
half a year, or even more on preparations, and create a militant Iskra -ist circle rather than unite unprepared people with Vanya’s
diplomats and cunctators.

Makeuse of the fact that you have a free hand in the circle and pursue
your policy resolutely, keeping people who are not entirely with you well
at a distance.

Ifyou manage matters in this way, you will be independent of Vanya’s
waverings and vacillations; you will have yourown foothold. And if you occasionally have to manoeuvre in your dealings with
Vanya, you must not resort to the slightest attempt at manoeuvring in the
circle, but at all times maintain an attitude of irreconcilability towards Vanya there. Your tactics will then be
quite simple: if Vanya comes closer to you, pat him on the head, but keep
tight hold of the stick in your other hand, i.e., don’t conceal from him the fact that this is not enough, that
it is necessary to come over the whole way and come in, and that a little
will not satisfy you. If Vanya drifts away, don’t let him get away with a
single mistake, with a single misstep. It should be one of your main tasks
to fasten on to each of Vanya’s blunders, and make it a subject
of merciless exposure and condemnation in the circle (and as far as
possible in Iskra too from time to time).

Ina word, in your relations with Vanya hold steadfastly to the principle:
I want peace with you and to that end I am preparing thoroughly for war
against you.

Apiece of practical advice in conclusion. By nature Vanya is a diplomat
and a pedant. He has now raised the question of alterations in the hovel
and it is most likely that on the plausible pretext of this
“revision of structure” he will drag things out, invent
thousands of compromises, etc. Don’t fall for this bait. Mercilessly
deride love of compiling rules. It is not a matter of rules, and whoever
thinks it possible to draw up model rules on the basis of certain tactical
and organisational ideas understands absolutely nothing at all and must be
thoroughly hounded for this lack of understanding. If Vanya
imagines that they will discuss the new rules from all angles, rewrite
forty para graphs out of the fifty, and then “to a good feast and
the wedding,” i.e., that the new work will then begin in accordance with
the new rules—if he (as is obvious from everything) imagines this,
then it means that he has discarded his old prejudices only in word and
that actually he still retains hundreds of stupid ideas against which we
must fight and fight again. Castigate pedantry and formalism, and point
out that it is not a matter of rules but of 1) coming to an agreement on
views, thinking them over thoroughly , and 2) of reaching mutual understanding in the practical work
itself .

Withthis as our standpoint, we snap our fingers at your (Vanya’s) game of
rules and state flatly—who we are, what we want and how we work is
something you know, and should know, not only from our publications, but
also from personal meetings in Russia and abroad (such meetings are
unavoidable in the revolutionary movement). If you do not care to go hand
in hand with us, say so outright, don’t hedge, and bear in mind that we will wage a real war against all
hedging. Don’t imagine that you will be able to conceal your hedging from
us behind revisions of rules, and the like. But if you want to go hand in
hand with us, get down to work at once , and then you will see
that this work in connection with an all-Russian newspaper, on the paper
and with it as a basis, will itself show what new forms are required, and
will probably (and even undoubtedly) show that, given a genuine and live
movement, these forms will take shape of themselves, without any
rules. And when we are strong, we shall organise meetings and conferences
four times a year in Russia and twice abroad (or vice versa ,
depending on circumstances), and all rules will be determined at these
conferences (to put it more plainly—we shall send all rules to the
devil).

Iwarmly shake your hand, and I am waiting impatiently for your reply. Do
my letters hit the nail on the head, i.e., do they give you what you want?

Yours,

Lenin

| Written on July 9 (22), 1902 | Published according to the manuscript |
| --- | --- |