NOTEBOOK

"λ"

("LAMBDA")
Contents

M. Samba. "You will get the king etc." [1-17]

Schulze-Gaevernitz. "British Imperialism" [18-34]
SAMBA. "YOU WILL GET THE KING IF YOU DO NOT ENSURE PEACE"
Marcel Samba. "You will get the king if you do not ensure peace" 41. Paris, 1913 (Eug. Figuière). 5th edition ((p. 278)). (Published July 20, 1913.)
"If we were to discover, for example, that we have been drawn into a system of alliances leading directly to war through an arms race; and that, nevertheless, this system of alliances is built on the same foundations that would be sufficient to ensure peace?" (p. XI).
"Don't you know that modern war is becoming more and more like an industrial enterprise every day? That mobilization is a huge industrial operation? That, like any industrial operation, it requires technical knowledge and abilities?" (p. 13).
*Yes! One can imagine a republic less detached from life and activity. This is all the more necessary because the current republic is not only incapable of waging war, as I have tried to show on the previous pages, but is just as incapable of ensuring peace" (p. 25).

"Don't tell me that we can do without this, that you don't want conquests, that you only strive for self-defense: pure chatter" (p. 28).
"After the Agadir crisis, I once proposed in the Chamber of Deputies to try to create a new body" (p. 31) "The proposal was to organize a council consisting of all former foreign ministers to guide foreign policy" (p. 31).
"Gather all the former foreign ministers? But, my friend, they will only think about how to trip up their successor! Are you from another planet?" (p. 33).
"The financial history of modern France, if it were written frankly, would be the history of a whole series of individual robberies resembling the looting of a conquered city!
This is the story of the looting of a brainless people by clever financiers. Let's see what happens when the French state has to deal not with its own citizens, but with foreign governments" (p. 41). "To convince her *, Mr. Delcassé offered her a good piece of Morocco with the promise of our friendly assistance and military and financial support. On the basis of reciprocity! Two hundred thousand good Spanish soldiers will wonderfully make up for the lack of our military forces" (p. 49).
"How many months did we miss before we recognized the Portuguese Republic?
At the moment I am writing, the Chinese Republic has not yet been recognized by us: the United States is already treating it like an important person! But we sacrificed it to our financiers.
When Norway hesitated, did we make even one gesture, did we say even one word? And she was waiting for it!" (p. 65). "If for twenty years we had not specifically restrained and discouraged Spanish revolutionaries, then not only Portugal would be a republic! We would not have to buy an alliance with Spain for pieces of Morocco! We would not have to discuss the restoration of the law on three-year military service" (p. 68).

* Spain. Ed.

NOTEBOOK "λ" ("LAMBDA")
"My friend Jaurès, by the way, told me repeatedly: "You exaggerate the danger. You don't have to think that war will necessarily break out. Every year that passes strengthens peace and reduces the likelihood of war. To predict a conflict, doesn't that, on the contrary, increase this probability?"
I would be happy if I could share this confidence and convince myself that with our joint efforts we will be able to dispel the danger for a long time. But precisely because I fear just the opposite, precisely because, reflecting on this for a number of years, I feel how the opposite thought grows and strengthens in me, I wrote this book" (p. 76-77).
"And then, how do you want the Germans to take our peaceful assurances seriously when the most obvious supporters of revenge declare themselves supporters of peace?
From this they conclude that France is striving for revenge and that only prudence does not allow us to declare this aloud. They feel that we are on our guard, that we are ready to take advantage of any opportunity that promises us victory. I ask all honest Frenchmen: are they so wrong? Dare you assert in your heart that they are wrong? If a clear, exceptional case really presents itself, which will expose a weakened Germany to our blows and promise us a sure victory, will we hesitate to attack it? Who among us can guarantee that the desire for peace will prevail and that the furious wave of militant patriotism will not break all resistance?" (p. 88).
"But after all, defensive war is no less a war than offensive war, and the thought of defense can lead to attack" (p. 91).
"This must be encouraged with all our heart! Socialists like to laugh at pacifist attempts! They see in them some kind of international philanthropy that deceives itself, if it does not seek to deceive others, and closes its eyes to the economic conditioning of war, just as private charity does not take into account the conditions that mechanically generate poverty.

But socialists are still wrong in their ridicule! The latter does not prevent the majority of socialist deputies from joining the "Arbitration Group" and supporting all its speeches" (p. 93).
"Léon Bourgeois rose to the concept of the Federation of Peoples and the United States of Europe! Wow! We found ourselves in the immediate vicinity of the International!" (p. 95).
..."The entire proletariat!., better an uprising than war... the poison press... the conspiracies of capitalists... Creusot... the manufacturers of cannons... we will oppose the forces of capitalists with the uprising of workers..." (p. 106).
"The people of Paris send their fraternal greetings to the German people and declare that they are ready by all means, and if necessary, by means of a general strike and uprising, to resist the criminal deeds of the instigators of war..." (p. 106-107).
"In my heart, I think that there is a certain feeling of anxiety here: the anxiety of people who do not admit all their thoughts to themselves" (p. 108).
""As soon as the war starts, they will see! Something will still * happen in the suburbs!"
Still? Yes, this means that we shouted very loudly to cause fear, but that we are not at all sure that we have power over those peruns, the thunder of which we imitate.
General strike? Yes, the trade unions have spoken out in favor of it! They will speak out! Uprising? Barricades? Yes! The suburbs will move, especially if the people believe that we are aggressors, instigators.
Well, what if we are challenged? If Wilhelm, without further ado, attacks us?

* Samba's italics, Ed.
"There are German socialists for that!" This phrase is intended for opponents or for those who doubt, as well as for the skeptic who lives in each of us: this phrase is pronounced in a sharp and decisive tone. But then the inner voice begins to whisper: "What if the German socialists, like us, have more good intentions than real forces?.. But after all, the chauvinist press is devilishly clever when it comes to mixing the cards, on both sides of the border!"" (p. 108-109),

NOTEBOOK "λ" ("LAMBDA")
"They will print appeals, articles, new pieces of paper. They will be written by people who do not dare to say everything, and they will be read by people who do not dare to admit everything to themselves!" (p. 110).
"After all, it is only against us that the Ministry of War compiles blacklists. After all, it is we who, in the event of war, threaten the government to resort to violence" (p. 112).
"If we feel that we have been challenged, then there will be a general outrage, an irresistible stream will gush forth, which, as it was in Italy, will overflow its banks and sweep everything in its path!" (p. 114).
"Better an uprising!..
I agree!.. Do you see the place, the setting, the street, the expressions on the faces of comrades, the number of the newspaper?" (p. 115).
"I'm afraid we won't be able to do anything when it flares up" (p. 117).
"That is the great service that our famous friend Édouard Vaillant has rendered to France so many times, when he threw his famous challenge to the rulers at all tragic moments: "Better an uprising than war!" *
The authorities understood: "We need to be more careful! Let's not recklessly risk war! Let's not recklessly risk defeat! Perhaps this will be a new Fourth of September!"" (p. 119).
"The beautiful days in Basel, when processions of the International rushed along the streets leading up the hill to the old cathedral!" (p. 120-121).
"How many people out of these three hundred thousand internationalists in Treptow would agree to expose defenseless Germany to the blows of chauvinists?
Not a single one! Bravo! I congratulate them on this! We will also not agree to hand over France to the Pan-Germans!" (p. 122).
"So, we in each country rise up against our governments to prevent them from starting a war, and we put the International above all individual homelands" (p. 122).
"It follows from this that in the matter of preserving and ensuring European peace today, under all conditions and against all dangers, we should not be counted on any more than pacifists *.

* Samba's italics. Ed.

Sad truth? Who are you telling this to? But, nevertheless, this is a truth that is useful to express" (p. 123).
"Understand that shouting: "Down with war!", "War is war!", without knowing in advance what practical measures can be taken to prevent this or that specific conflict, means engaging in incantations, witchcraft, magic" (p. 124).
"Magic is an unsatisfied desire that declares itself and, with the help of mimicry, hopes to speed up the moment of its satisfaction!" (p. 125).
"The possibility of an uprising is, "as I have already said, a strong means of pressure and an excellent threat. But what if the time for threats has already passed? If war has already been declared? (p. 126).
What to do? Declare a commune in every city, raising the red banner, and, rising up, rather perish than give way to the troops of both countries? And we, scientific socialists, will feed on this nonsense? After all, modern war is a large-scale industrial enterprise. A city that rises up against an enemy army, having neither artillery nor shells, is like a craftsman opposing a large factory. The modern army will swallow up the rebellious cities one by one, like swallowing berries. In the war of the twentieth century, this is done in one week! By a hurricane of shells and concentrated battery fire! And where, the hell, will our cities find the time to unite with each other and organize a common defense, that is, if I am not mistaken, to return again to a national army capable of withstanding the blow?
...But heroic sacrifice is a beautiful momentary impulse, not a party program! This is not tactics! And this is also not a serious military operation, and not a strategy!" (p. 127).
"To shout in general: "Down with war!" and threaten the sky with fists, to imagine that in this way one can protect oneself from war is pure childishness! It is not enough to fear war to protect oneself from it, and to curse it to avoid it" (p. 128-129).
"No treaty obliges us to do this. We do this voluntarily; we voluntarily take away the nourishing juices from French industry every year, supporting foreign industry with our savings. Everyone knows this and everyone approves of it" (p. 199)

NOTEBOOK "λ" ("LAMBDA")
""You are not thinking about the fact," he said, "that they will demand the admission of German chain papers to the Paris Stock Exchange!"
No, I know this perfectly well, and Mr. de Waleffe is absolutely right! Of course, the Germans will undoubtedly demand this" (p. 202).
"The only result of the Franco-German agreement should be for France the final establishment of European peace and the provision in the future of conditions for its free development and legitimate influence in a consolidated Western Europe" (p. 213).
"To unite with them" ((with whom?)), "in order to defeat the Germans or subject the latter to their yoke, which we will not avoid for a long time, would mean showing the whole world France acting in alliance with barbarism against civilization" (p. 218).
"We have heard enough about the limitation of armaments! About "progressive and simultaneous" disarmament!
These are literally the same proposals with which, some fifteen to twenty years ago, my old friend Dejant came forward as a good, glorious fellow!" (p. 225).
"As for me, I will not hide that Franco-German rapprochement seems to me to be a huge historical event, fraught with great consequences and opening a new era for the whole world. On the one hand, in its beginning, this rapprochement is positive, narrow and limited, and it is dictated to us exclusively by the desire to avoid a close war. On the other hand, from the point of view of the future, it seems to me that it creates the germ of the future United States of Europe" (p. 230).
"...this will be a prelude to an invasion, like the invasion of the Burgundians or the Normans. This will be a migration of peoples" (p. 244).
"The fact is that the instinct of war is closely and deeply connected with the idea of the homeland" (p. 246).
""Down with war!.. "Have you noticed one thing? At rallies against war, they never shout: "Long live peace!"
Never! Or almost never!..
To greet peace? We have come here to protest and fight against the scourge, the abomination, the war that we hate, and the scoundrels who are preparing it.

"But if you hate war, you must cherish peace!"
This seems perfectly clear, obvious, irrefutable, and yet, contrary to logic, something in the depths of the people's soul says - no, and the people's soul is right.
To shout simply: "Long live peace!" That's all? So, this peace satisfies us? And we are happy? Never! If you want, we will shout: "Long live the social revolution!", but not: "Long live peace!" Down with war, this is very good, because it is understandable and true. Yes, we hate any war, whatever it may be; but it is not true that we cherish every peace. The working people do not cherish bourgeois peace, that peace under which they are treated without a battle as if they were defeated. He vaguely feels that, welcoming such a peace, he would give the impression that his only desire is to put an end to the anxieties, return to the daily routine and again sleepily turn his wheel.
But this is not the case at all!" (p. 249-250).
"Our activists feel the crowd" (p. 251).
"But in his heart he feels that the enthusiasm that has seized this peasant in his dream of glory is such a burning flame that one day of such delight is worth more than a whole life full of stupor, and that the young man who will be killed next week at the fortifications of Chatalja will have behind him a longer life than if he had died at seventy-five in his field.
He understands this perfectly well, and if he treats this militant enthusiasm with contempt, it is because he is familiar with another enthusiasm and another war, which seem to him more sublime and from the height of which he looks with pity and contempt at this old soldierly enthusiasm, already familiar to him and outlived by him" (p. 252-253).
"A worker who has nothing in peacetime has nothing to lose during the war. He only risks his skin, but in return he gets a gun. He could do a lot with this gun. He dreams about it. No, it is certainly not economic interest that excites the worker's hatred of war" (p. 255).

NOTEBOOK "λ" ("LAMBDA")
"Do you know that Germany will surely win in a new war with France?
"Are you thinking of Lorraine ore?"
No, much more! Under the walls of Paris, she will pick up Belgium and Holland, that's all. Lower (inferior) Germany... and its colonial possessions, which are very significant" (p. 257).
"The borders of modern homelands are not eternal and insurmountable obstacles for us... And we see a new sun of the United States of Europe rising above the French horizon" (p. 268).
"If we manage to organize peace and Europe, then it seems to me that the Republic, the Homeland and the International will be in complete harmony, and we will not have to put the Republic in the attic" (p. 272).
LIST OF QUOTES FROM SCHULZE-GAEVERNITZ'S BOOK "BRITISH IMPERIALISM"
43 the top of the workers and 401 idealism in the service of the working masses versus the imperialism!
church 402 Germany at the head of hu-
56 from above manity, 73 colonial possessions 412 (Jebb)
(doubled) 415 (No. 53)
75 (second Ireland) 422 Holland
87 imperialism of the late 423 (No. 104), idem No. 111
19th century Hobhouse, ibidem No. 112
Marx
104 Multatuli 426 No. 116 and 118
119 "glacis" No. 133
122 national economy No. 136
159 pound sterling until No. 151
20th century No. 155
174 Canada No. 171
217 (same) No. 342
No. 365

SCHULZE-GAEVERNITZ. "BRITISH IMPERIALISM"
Dr. G. von Schulze-Gaevernitz. "British Imperialism and English Free Trade at the Beginning of the 20th Century." Leipzig, 1906 (p. 477).
The greatest scoundrel, vulgarian, Kantian, for religion, chauvinist, - collected some very interesting facts about English imperialism and wrote a lively, not boring book. Traveled around England, collected a lot of material and observations. You have plundered, gentlemen Englishmen, let us plunder too, "sanctifying" the plunder with Kant, God, patriotism, science = that is the essence of the position of this "scientist"!!

(A lot of unnecessary chatter).
In the introduction, a story about what are the "foundations of British world power" - the struggle with Holland, France... the great role of Puritanism, religiosity ((strictly)), sexual discipline etc. etc.
NB

(workers

tops and

religion)
In England, "sects rely on the middle classes and partly on the upper strata of workers, while the broad masses of middle workers, especially in large cities, are generally little accessible to religious influences."

republic and

imperialism!!!!
p. 56: The Republic and Cromwell terribly advanced imperialism in England and
especially the construction of the fleet: under Charles they built no > 2 "ships of the line" per year,
under the republic up to 22 in one year (1654).
And at the apogee of Manchesterism and free trade, foreign policy went especially hotly forward: 1840-42 Opium
War; expenses for the fleet (p. 73):

1837 - 3 shillings 3 pence per 1 soul of the population.

1890 - 10 » » » » »

"colonies have doubled."
From 1866 to 1900, colonial possessions doubled (ibidem).
NB
"Sir Robert Peel said: "In every one of our colonies we get a second Ireland""... (75),

NOTEBOOK "λ" ("LAMBDA")
"Just at the end of the 19th century, the British Empire showed an insatiable appetite: Burma, Balochistan, Egypt, Sudan, Uganda, Rhodesia, the South African republics were swallowed up"... (87)...
By the way, Multatuli is mentioned, as he describes the European administration of the colonies (104).

to cope!!
..."Asian states, which Lord Curzon called "the glacis of the Indian fortress": Persia, Afghanistan, Tibet and Siam" (119).

"England is gradually growing from an industrial state into a creditor state.
Despite the absolute increase in industrial production and industrial exports, the relative importance for the entire national economy of income from interest and dividends, from emissions, commissions and speculation is increasing. In my opinion, this fact is the economic basis of the imperialist upsurge.
NB|||
The creditor is more strongly connected with the debtor than the seller with the buyer" * (122).
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true!!
"He (Peel) thereby" (ensuring, strengthening the gold currency) "raised the pound sterling to the level of world money - a position that the pound monopolized until the end of the 19th century" (159).

NB:

until the end

19th century

"monopoly" "To justify these arguments" (in favor of a customs union of the colonies with England) "they refer to the damage caused by the imperialist customs policy to German exports to Canada. Canada is the only country in the world in relation to which the trade expansion of Germany has recently stopped in its growth, in contrast to the mighty rise of British trade, as well as to the benefit of West Indian sugar producers" (p. 174).
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* See V. I. Lenin. Collected Works, 4th ed., vol. 22, p. 265. Ed.

Exports to CanadaGerman

sugar exports

to Canada British

German

(in million pounds sterling) (million marks)
18985.81.3-
18997.01.2-
19007.61.04.3
19017.81.3..6.2
190210.31.99.2
190311.11.82.4
190410.61.20

to return!!

(NB)
(p. 217) Exports of the United Kingdom in million pounds sterling:
1866187218821902
To British possessions53.760.684.8109.0
» Europe63.8108.085.396.5
» non-British Asia, Africa and South America42.947.040.354.1
» United States28.540.731.023.8
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"So, one can fully recognize the great importance that imperialists attach to colonial sales markets. However, contrary to the supporters of financial reforms, it should be stated that England has so far not needed preferential duties to dominate these colonial markets. The best that England can expect from such preferential duties is to constrain the slowly penetrating foreign competition in the future."

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...The fact that "individual of these" (foreign) "protectionist states are seizing increasingly vast raw material regions and monopolizing them for their own industry and shipping, protected by high duties...

...The United States acted especially unceremoniously in this regard. Shipping between the West Indies and the United States used to be carried out exclusively under the British flag. After Puerto Rico was included in the customs union of the United States and the Ame-
NB||

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rican coastal fleet received an advantage, British cargo shipping was ousted in one fell swoop. In 1900, 97% of the conquered island's foreign trade went on American ships" (229).
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"The German customs tariff that existed until now levied, as the English Blue Book establishes, about 25% of the value of the main English export goods, France - 34%, the United States - 73%, Russia - 131%" (230).
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"While the national income of Britain from 1865 to 1898 increased approximately two times, the "income from abroad" for the same period of time increased, according to Giffen, nine times" * (p. 246).
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(very

important)

2 times

and 9 times
Here are quotes from Robert Giffen. "Economic Studies and Essays", 1904, Volume II, p. 412 [and "Fabian Tract" No. 7].
Income from foreign capital premises 1898 from 90 million pounds sterling (Giffen)
and up to 118 million pounds sterling. No less than 100 million pounds sterling (p. 251):
NBpopulation

1861-28.9 million

1901-41.4 income (estimate),

...311.8 million pounds sterling

...866.9 i.e. per 1 soul

=10.7 pounds sterling

=20.9 pounds sterling
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||NB
Exports of British products (excluding ships) in 1000 pounds sterling:
(A)(B)(C)
To countries protected

by protective

duties
To neutral

marketsTo British

possessionsTotal
187094 52153 25251 814199 587
188097 74350 06375 254223 060
1890107 64068 52087 371263 531
1900115 14773 91093 547282 604
1902100 75369 095107 704277 552

* See V. I. Lenin. Collected Works, 4th ed., vol. 22, p. 268. Ed.

(A) = Europe and the United States. (B) = South America, Asia and Africa = "non-European raw material regions". (C) = colonies of England.
//

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\\to return

again and again\\

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"Workers organized in trade unions" (of England) "have long embarked on the path of practical politics. The expansion of suffrage has made them masters of the democratized state system - all the more so because suffrage is still sufficiently limited to exclude the actually proletarian lower stratum" * (298).
 
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very important!!||

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"Such an influential position of the worker is not dangerous for England, since half a century of professional and political training has taught the worker to identify his interests with the interests of his industry. True, in matters of wage levels, working hours, etc., he opposes the employer, but outwardly he is in agreement with the entrepreneur, everywhere where the interest of his industry as such is affected. Often, on current economic issues, associations of entrepreneurs and workers' unions act together. For example, the trade unions of Lancashire defended bimetallism until the gold calculation was put at the basis of the currency in India; now they are assisting the aspirations aimed at introducing cotton cultivation in Africa" (299).
 
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Quotes E. Bernstein. "British Workers and Customs-Political Imperialism" in "Archiv für Sozialwissenschaft und Sozialpolitik". Volume XIX, p. 134.
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Now (1903) the workers are against Chamberlain (Trade Union Congress in 1903 458 votes against 2)... "The Cooperative Congress, covering the entire upper stratum of workers, took the same position" (p. 300).
NB

(about cooperatives)

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* See V. I. Lenin. Collected Works, 4th ed., vol. 22, p. 269. Ed.

NOTEBOOK "λ" ("LAMBDA")
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The improvement in the situation of the workers is undeniable. Unemployment is not so strong: "It is a question" (in the matter of unemployment) "mainly concerning London and the proletarian lower stratum, which politicians pay little attention to" * (p. 301) (the author quotes: "Report of the Ministry of Trade", "Labour Gazette", December 1905, p. 355. "In November 1905, there were 24,077 unemployed in London against 12,354 in the rest of England and Wales") (note No. 400).
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"Given these facts, the upper strata of English workers do not currently see any reason for a fundamental change in English customs policy" (p. 301).
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"The Manchester Stock Exchange used to be, but now the London Stock Exchange is the central point of the British national economy. But in the diverse stock exchange world, it is generally recognized that the leading place is currently occupied by the values of exotic countries: colonial, Indian, Egyptian, etc. state and municipal loans, South American, primarily Argentine and Japanese loans, American and Canadian railway, copper shares, but above all South African and West Australian gold mine shares, African diamond shares, Rhodesian values, etc. ...

"financial capital"
...Thus, a new type of person comes to the fore and takes the helm of the British national economy. The industrial entrepreneur, rooted in his native country, burdened with buildings and machines, is replaced by the financier, who creates values in order to sell them off again as soon as possible" (310).
NB

* See V. I. Lenin. Collected Works, 4th ed., vol. 22, p. 269. Ed.

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In tropical countries, plant growth is immeasurably stronger. The banana, for example, has a "huge future"
(its flour), the extraordinary ease of its production, sorghum, date, rice, etc. "These products are available in practically unlimited quantities, which refutes the old Malthusian idea of the limited means of nutrition and the possible depletion of arable land loses its threatening character" (315-6).
imperialist||||

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/

\The European is not suitable here, and the Negro cannot be taught without coercion.\

/
NB!!!|||

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"This is the cultural and historical justification for the imperialism of modern times. Its danger lies in the fact that Europe, under conditions of extreme tension in relations of political domination, will shift physical labor - first agricultural and mining, and then coarser industrial - onto the shoulders of the dark-skinned humanity, and will itself calm down in the role of a rentier, preparing, perhaps, thereby the economic, and then the political emancipation of the red-skinned and dark-skinned races" * (317).
NB

(perspective)

NB

"Europe"

=rentier

(rides on Negroes)
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"South America, and especially Argentina, is in such financial dependence on London that it should be called almost an English trading colony"** (318).
(The tropics and subtropics are mostly in the hands of England).

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"Among the capital premises abroad, the first place is occupied by those that fall on politically dependent or allied countries: England lends to Egypt, Japan, China, South America. Its military fleet plays the role, in case of emergency, of a bailiff. The political power of England protects it from the indignation of debtors"... *** (320).

* See V. I. Lenin. Collected Works, 4th ed., vol. 22, p. 268. Ed.
** Ibid., p. 250. Ed.
*** Ibid., p. 264. Ed.

NOTEBOOK "λ" ("LAMBDA")
"As a creditor state, it (England) relies more and more on colonial, politically more or less dependent areas, on the "New World"" (the author quotes here, note No. 422, data on income for 1902/3: from colonial loans 21.4 million pounds sterling, from foreign loans - 7.56 million pounds sterling, including Europe only 1.48 million pounds sterling!!!). "England as a creditor state does not depend on the free trade interests of England itself, as an industrial state, on the contrary, in some cases it is interested in accelerating colonial development through financial reforms. Such is the internal connection between the stock exchange and imperialism, between foreign policy and the interests of Great Britain as a creditor.
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The creditor state is gradually coming to the fore in contrast to the industrial state. In any case, the income of Great Britain as a creditor already exceeds many times the net profit of all foreign trade. In 1899, with a total turnover of imports and exports of 800 million pounds sterling, Giffen determined the net profit from foreign trade at 18 million pounds sterling, while receipts from abroad in payment of interest on loans, according to a cautious estimate, were already 90-100 million pounds sterling. In addition, this latter income is a rapidly increasing value, while the income per capita from foreign trade is decreasing. If, in addition, we take into account that wars and military contributions, annexations and concessions abroad increase the emission activity of the stock exchanges of this country, that the leaders of the financial world have most of the press at their disposal in order to create imperialist sentiments, then there can be no doubt about the economic foundations of imperialism" (321).
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((but-de, of course, not only economics: ideas, religion, etc. etc.))
"The dependence of the most important, most effective financial interests of the London Stock Exchange on political imperialism is especially obvious:

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the South Africans received in the form of the labor of the Chinese such a victorious trophy as they could never have achieved either from old Kruger or from the reformed Volksraad 44. The most unpleasant thing for them is an opponent with such weight as John Burns, an opponent who believes that it is better to send the Chinese home and turn South Africa into a breeding ground for white trade unions. Even the idol of the South Africans, Cecil Rhodes, preferred the unorganized labor of blacks, and white employees, about whom he became aware of their sympathies for trade unions, he allegedly transferred to deserted places inside the country, where they could preach their doctrine with impunity to Bushmen and Zulus. Fear of the white labor movement along the lines of the Australian one is one of the ties that binds the magnates of the mining industry of the Rand 45 to the chariot of political imperialism" (322).

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NB NB||

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NB

NB

NB
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\\and in note No. 424, such a statement is directly quoted: local, South African "leaders of industry" are afraid of the example of Australia...
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//
"The number of rentiers in Great Britain can be considered roundly at one million" (323).
NB

Population

of England and

Wales
Number of workers

in the main