Date: 1912
Source: ru:PSS/v21

The liquidators are “uniting” with all their might. Just the other day, they nearly “united” with the PPS–“Leftists”{124}—a so‑called faction within Polish social nationalism.

For more than a decade, Social Democracy in Poland has been locked in a struggle against the social-nationalist tendencies of the PPS. As a result, some members of the PPS—particularly those in the “Leftist” wing—have managed to shake off a number of nationalist prejudices. Yet the struggle continues. Polish Social Democratic workers oppose any attempt to unite with this particular PPS faction, viewing it as an organization that would only harm the cause. Individual workers and small groups from the “Leftist” wing have joined the ranks of Social Democracy, refusing to settle for anything less than a thoroughgoing revision of the principles underlying PPS nationalistic ideology. And now, at precisely this moment, our liquidators are rushing to “unite” with the PPS “Leftists”!

It is as if Russian Social Democrats were to “unite” not only with the Bund, but also—with the so‑called “Socialist-Zionists”{125}, or—without even involving Latvian Social Democrats—to join the so‑called “Latvian Social Democratic Union” (which, in reality, was nothing more than an Esers’ organization){126}…

Let us not even speak of the formal aspects of the matter. At the Stockholm Congress, Polish Social Democracy concluded an agreement with the RSDLP, under which no group in Poland could join the RSDLP unless it first became part of the Polish Social Democratic Party{127}. And at the All‑Russian Conference of the RSDLP in December 1908, the overwhelming majority of delegates rejected even the discussion of a possible union with the “Leftists”{128}.

It is perfectly clear that, while constantly shouting about “unity,” Trotsky and his fellow liquidators are, in fact, deepening the schism within Poland itself. Fortunately for the RSDLP, this entire band of liquidators—and the “reconciliators” who follow in their wake—are utterly powerless to accomplish anything substantial—in Poland, or anywhere else. Otherwise, of course, the merger of the liquidators with the PPS would have plunged Poland into its most bitter and divisive split.

So why have the liquidators embarked on such a blatant adventure? Of course, it is not out of sheer good fortune. They need to unite with someone; they must create some kind of “party.” The Social Democrats and the Polish Social Democratic Party are not joining them—so they are forced to turn instead to the PPS, an organization that has little—if anything—at all in common with our own party. In the Russian cities, our long‑established party organizations are not aligning with them either; instead, they are compelled to form so‑called “initiative groups” of liquidators—groups that bear no resemblance whatsoever to the RSDLP.

“One does not fly on a whim”—and surely, gentlemen liquidators, it is high time you began uniting with the Socialist Revolutionaries as well (with the SR liquidators, that is). After all, these comrades too are eager for “unity.” Imagine what a “broad” party you would then have! Even Larin himself would be pleased…

While the liquidators are “uniting” with “foreign powers,” negotiations continue between them and the “reconciliators” over the terms of “union” within this very liquidator–reconciliator camp. Mr. V. Levitsky has published an article—a sort of manifesto—addressed “to all currents” that agree to fight against the recent RSDLP conference.

Mr. Levitsky titled his article: “For Unity—Against Schism.” Well, what could be more like Trotsky? Ever since party members delivered a decisive rebuff to the liquidators across every sphere of activity, Levitsky and his allies have adopted a thoroughly “reconciliatory” tone. Oh, they are wholeheartedly in favor of “unity.” They merely put forward the following four modest conditions for “union”:

1) To combat the RSDLP conference, which had united all Social Democrats except for a handful of wavering elements.

2) To establish, instead of a party, a “central initiative group” (emphasis added by Mr. Levitsky, “Nasha Zarya,” No. 4, p. 31). (What exactly these liquidator “initiative groups” are was recently explained in print by Plekhanov—see his “Diary of a Social Democrat,” No. 16. Both the Bund and Trotsky, while serving the liquidators, have deliberately concealed Plekhanov’s explanations from their readers. But you cannot hide it forever, gentlemen!)

3) To refrain from reviving “politically dead cells” (ibid., p. 33).

4) To adopt the slogan: “Against the Cult of the Underground” (ibid., p. 33).

The program is laid out—not as boldly or confidently as in earlier days, but still quite clearly. And Levitsky immediately explains in great detail to all the Trotskys: after all, you have no real choice, gentlemen. Accept our conditions—and in return, we (that is, Levitsky and his colleagues) gladly agree to the following: “To console ourselves,” you (that is, Trotsky and his followers) may claim that it was not you who moved toward the liquidators—but rather the liquidators who came to you.

In the same issue of “Nasha Zarya,” Martov preemptively warns the future Social Democratic faction in the Fourth Duma that if it too proves anti‑liquidator—as was the case with its ill‑fated predecessor—then “incidents like the Belousov affair will cease to be exceptions and become the rule,” meaning, to put it more simply, that the liquidators will split the Duma faction. What a terrifying prospect… you, gentlemen liquidators! If you had the power, you would have long since established your own liquidator Duma faction…

The task of “unity” is in capable hands—there is nothing more to say…

The pitiful comedy of liquidator–Trotskyist “unification” repels even the most unassuming observers. Unity is indeed being achieved—but only in the sense that unity is not with the liquidators, but rather against them.

Regarding the outrageous antics of Trotsky, Lieber (“Bund”), and the liquidators—with their infamous “Organizational Commission”—we believe it sufficient to point out to readers—who wish to examine contentious issues seriously and thoughtfully, based on documentary evidence rather than on blind faith—the following facts:

In June 1911, the Foreign Organizational Commission was formed in Paris, following Lieber and Igorov’s departure from the Central Committee meeting. The first organization in Russia to which the FOC turned was Kyiv. Even Trotsky acknowledges its undisputed legitimacy. In October 1911, with Kyiv’s participation, the Russian Organizational Commission was established. In January 1912, it convened the RSDLP Conference.

In January 1912, a meeting was held bringing together the Bund, the Latvian Central Committee, and the Caucasian Regional Committee—all three of which were liquidator organizations. The Poles withdrew immediately, declaring the entire undertaking to be a liquidator scheme. Later, the “reconciliators” refused to join, as did Plekhanov, who stated in No. 16 of the “Diary of a Social Democrat” that this conference was being convened by the liquidators. Now, in June 1912, neither the Bund nor Trotsky had “united” anyone beyond the Voitsekhovites and Voronovites; they had failed to attract a single serious, undisputed organization in Russia; they had not responded to Plekhanov’s substantive arguments in the slightest; and they had not altered a single word of the liquidators’ propaganda in “Nasha Zarya” or other organs!

Yet the boasts and empty rhetoric about “unity” continued unabated.

“Social Democrat,” No. 27, June 17 (4), 1912

Printed according to the text of the newspaper “Social Democrat”