7. From the peculiarity of the actual situation indicated above, there follows a peculiarity of tactics at the present moment that is obligatory for a Marxist—one who must reckon with objective facts, with masses and classes, rather than with persons and so forth.

This peculiarity brings to the fore "the pouring of vinegar and gall into the sweet little water of revolutionary-democratic phrases" (as my comrade from the Central Committee of our party, Theodorovich, expressed it—with remarkable precision—at yesterday's session of the All-Russian Congress of Railway Employees and Workers in Petrograd{87}). The work of criticism, the elucidation of the errors of the petty-bourgeois parties of the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, the preparation and consolidation of elements of a consciously proletarian, Communist party, the liberation of the proletariat from the "general" petty-bourgeois delirium.

This may seem "merely" propaganda work. In reality it is the most practical revolutionary work, for one cannot move forward a revolution that has come to a halt, that is choking on phrases, that is "marking time" not because of external obstacles, not because of violence on the part of the bourgeoisie (Guchkov is only threatening to apply violence against the mass of soldiers so far), but because of the trusting unconsciousness of the masses.

Only by struggling against this trusting unconsciousness (and one can and must struggle against it exclusively ideologically, through comradely persuasion, by pointing to the experience of life) can we liberate ourselves from under the rampant tyranny of revolutionary phrase-mongering and actually push forward both proletarian consciousness and the consciousness of the masses, as well as their bold, decisive initiative on the ground, the spontaneous realization, development and strengthening of freedoms, democracy, the principle of universal ownership of all land.

8. The world experience of bourgeois and landlord governments has produced two methods of keeping the people in oppression. The first is violence. Nicholas Romanov I—Nicholas the Cudgel, and Nicholas II—the Bloody—demonstrated to the Russian people the maximum of what is and is not possible in this executioner's method. But there is another method, best worked out by English and French bourgeoisie, "taught" by a series of great revolutions and revolutionary movements of the masses. This is the method of deception, flattery, phrases, a million promises, paltry handouts, concessions of the unimportant while preserving the important.

The peculiarity of the moment in Russia is a dizzingly rapid transition from the first method to the second, from violence against the people to flattery of the people, to deceiving it with promises. The cat listens and eats. Milyukov and Guchkov hold power, guard the profits of capital, wage the imperialist war in the interests of Russian and Anglo-French capital—and get off with promises, declamation, showy statements in response to the speeches of such "cooks" as Chkheidze, Tsereteli, Steklov, who threaten, exhort, beseech, implore, demand, proclaim… The cat listens and eats.

And with each passing day, the trusting unconsciousness and unconscious trustfulness will fall away, especially on the part of proletarians and the poorest peasants, whom life—their socio-economic position—teaches not to trust capitalists.

The leaders of the petty bourgeoisie "must" teach the people to trust the bourgeoisie. The proletariat must teach it distrust.