1

The question of dispatching a delegation to Brest to sign the peace treaty is under discussion.

Comrade Lenin believes that it is essential to maintain continuity with the previous delegation; since Comrade Karakhan alone is insufficient, it would be highly desirable for Comrades Ioffe and Zinoviev to join the mission.

2

A. A. Ioffe categorically refuses to go, stating that “the signing of peace is the death of the entire Brest policy.”

Comrade Lenin remarks that he does not insist on Ioffe’s trip as an authorized signatory of the treaty, but he deems it necessary for Comrade Ioffe to travel as a consultant. Undoubtedly, the Germans have submitted their response in an ultimatum-style manner—fearing opposition from our side—and, seeing that we are prepared to sign peace, they may well agree to enter into negotiations. For this reason, we need a consultant who fully understands the intricacies of the matter. If it turns out that all that is required is to sign the agreement, then of course there will be little to discuss, and the consultant may not even appear at the meeting.

3

Comrade Lenin notes that Radek, though opposed to concluding peace, had nevertheless agreed to go—but the Poles forbade him from traveling.

4

In the subsequent debate, L. D. Trotsky asserts that in Brest, all that will be needed is to sign the peace, and that A. A. Ioffe will not be required there, since the German response already contains clear formulations on the most critical issues.

Comrade Lenin contends that Trotsky is mistaken, for it is undeniable that when signing a treaty, we need experts—and we do not possess such specialists, not even when it comes to trade agreements. Krasin might have gone, but he has temporarily departed for Stockholm. We are signing the treaty through gritted teeth, as the delegation itself acknowledges—but we do not know the situation, nor can we foresee what may transpire by the time the delegation arrives in Brest. Therefore, Ioffe, as a consultant, is indispensable. In general, we must bear in mind that we are instructing the delegation to enter into negotiations only when such an opportunity arises.

5

As further deliberations proceed, the candidates G. E. Zinoviev and G. Ya. Sokolnikov are being considered for inclusion in the peace delegation.

Comrade Lenin believes that both should be sent; if the issue concerns nothing more than the signing of peace, then they can both depart immediately after reaching an understanding with Chicherin regarding future arrangements.

6

G. Ya. Sokolnikov declares that he will not go to Brest—and if the Central Committee insists, he will resign from the Central Committee.

Comrade Lenin urges his comrades not to lose their composure and points out that Comrade Petrovsky could serve as People’s Commissar within the delegation.

7

The statement made by L. D. Trotsky regarding his resignation from the post of People’s Commissar for Foreign Affairs is discussed.

Comrade Lenin emphasizes that this is unacceptable—that a change in policy constitutes a crisis. He notes that a query concerning policy has been circulated throughout the provinces{151}, and that engaging in some measured debate is by no means detrimental.

He puts forward a practical proposal: The Central Committee requests Comrade Trotsky to postpone his announcement until the next meeting of the Central Committee, scheduled for Tuesday. (An amendment: Until the delegation returns from Brest.)

8

Comrade Lenin proposes putting the following resolution to a vote: The Central Committee, while deeming it impossible at this time to accept Comrade Trotsky’s resignation, requests that he defer this decision until the delegation’s return from Brest—or until the actual state of affairs undergoes a fundamental shift.

The resolution is adopted with three abstentions.

9

L. D. Trotsky believes that since his request has not been granted, he is compelled to withdraw from official public institutions.

Comrade Lenin proposes a vote: Having heard Comrade Trotsky’s statement, and fully reconciling itself to Comrade Trotsky’s absence during deliberations in the Council of People’s Commissars for Foreign Affairs, the Central Committee requests that Comrade Trotsky not withdraw from other decisions.

The resolution is adopted.

10

The statements made by A. Lomov, M. S. Uritsky, V. M. Smirnov, G. L. Pyatakov, D. P. Bogolepov, and A. P. Spunde regarding their resignations from their positions in the Council of People’s Commissars are discussed. M. S. Uritsky expresses the hope that their declaration of withdrawal from responsible party and Soviet posts will be published.

Comrade Lenin proposes adopting the following resolution: The Central Committee requests those comrades who have submitted their resignations to postpone their decision until the delegation’s return from Brest and to deliberate on this decision within the Central Committee’s working group.

11

Comrade Lenin submits two proposals:

1) Recognizing the legitimacy of the quartet’s demand, the Central Committee requests that they deliberate on the Central Committee’s proposal and postpone their own declaration—both in light of the approaching Party Congress and given the complexity of the political situation.

2) While guaranteeing that their statements will be printed in Pravda, the Central Committee asks them to reconsider their decision and to discuss whether they might find it possible to remain both in their responsible posts and within the Central Committee{152}.

The proposals are adopted.

First published: The first ten speeches were printed in 1928 in the journal Proletarskaya Revolyutsiya, No. 2; the eleventh speech was published in 1922 in the Collected Works of N. Lenin (V. Ulyanov), Volume XV.

Printed from the handwritten copy of the official record.