## Outlines of the Article "The Peasantry and Social-Democracy"{124}

**1**

The Peasantry and Social-Democracy.

The Theory of Marxism and the Program of Social-Democracy

1. The agrarian question in West European social-democracy. David etc.

3. Large-scale and small-scale production.

Auhagen

Klawki

etc. Conclusions concerning the maintenance of workers, livestock, land.

Denmark (David).

4. Cooperatives. David etc. French reactionaries:

Rocquigny

Goltz

Buchenberger.

5. Peculiarities of Russia.

Together with the peasant bourgeoisie against landlords.

"        "  with the urban proletariat against the peasant bourgeoisie.

6. The significance of social-democratic agitation among the peasantry, especially in an epoch of political revival. Development of peasant self-consciousness, democratic and social-democratic thought.

**2**

1. The theory of Marxism (α) concerning the position, evolution, and role of the peasantry – and (β) the program of social-democracy. Closely connected.

2. The topicality of the peasant question. Agrarian programs of social-democratic parties: French (petty-bourgeois character. Engels's critique{125}), German (1895. Breslau, opportunist and revolutionary wing), Russian... (Critics. "David.") (Bulgakov)...

3. The Russian agrarian program of the social-democrats especially distinguishes them from the Populists and Socialist-Revolutionaries.

4. The foundations of Marxist theory concerning the peasantry (cf. "The Development of Capitalism" citations from Marx). (1) the role of large-scale production; (2) the petty-bourgeois character of the peasant; (3) his past (—) and his future (+). Add K. Kautsky. "The Social Revolution."

5. Large-scale and small-scale production in agriculture...

From M.S.[113]: Hecht, Auhagen, Klawki, Baden, German statistics...

6. Conclusion: the significance of the maintenance of workers, livestock, land.

7. Add: Huschke, Haggard, Baudrillart, Lecouteux, Prussian questionnaire, Bavarian and Hessian questionnaires, Hubach.

8. Indebtedness. Prussian statistics.

9. Cooperatives. General formulation of the question.

Rocquigny, Goltz, Buchenberger, Haggard.

Statistical data: German Prussian (communal lease). Denmark.

10. Conclusions concerning the West.

11. Peculiarities of Russia... On two flanks.

Peasant bourgeoisie and rural proletariat.

Remnants of serfdom and struggle against the bourgeoisie.

13. The practical significance of the agrarian question in the probable near future:

The uncovering of class contradictions in the countryside.

Democratic and social-democratic agitation and propaganda.

Written not earlier than September 1904.

First published in 1938 in Lenin Miscellany XXXII

Printed from the manuscript

## Outline of a Propaganda Discussion on Crises{126}

* Overproduction, underconsumption. Ed.

6. Periodic crises, their regularity, their inevitability under capitalism. (Seduction in times of prosperity.)

8.7. [114] Reserve army. The scourge of unemployment.

Slavery: the right to life only on the condition of creating profit.

(% elderly paupers): {1/3–1/2}...

7.8. The influence of crisis on workers and petty proprietors. Ruin, destitution: the clarification of socialist consciousness...

Unemployment demonstration in 1889 in England{127}.

9. Crisis and capitalism. Crisis and the development of large-scale production – trusts etc. The tasks of socialism. The socialist revolution: social-democratic workers' parties.

Examples of large-scale production:

Morozov:

Steam mills:

Iron and steel:

Written in autumn 1904.

First published in 1959 in the journal "Questions of History of the CPSU" No. 3

Printed from the manuscript

## Outline of Three Discussions on the Social-Democratic Program

α) The contemporary order.

β) Socialist aims and class struggle.

γ) The struggle against autocracy.

Written in autumn 1904.

First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XV

Printed from the manuscript

## Sketch of Theses for the Article "How They Defend Themselves?"{128}

How They Defend Themselves?

1) Two responses to Lenin's pamphlet on "The Zemstvo Campaign and the Plan of the *Iskra*" – from the editorial board and from Plekhanov. This is also strange (and Plekhanov is listed as part of the editorial board), but the difference between these responses is extraordinarily interesting.

Plekhanov defends an incorrect position with extreme caution and intelligence. The editorial board – unintelligently.

Plekhanov says not a word about: 1) neither the resolution of Starover and its connection with the *Iskra* "plan," nor about the "higher type of mobilization." Ergo[115], Plekhanov precisely evades the essence of the *Iskra*'s error (the beginning of the error – its point of departure – is Starover's resolution. The concluding point – the arguments about the "higher" type).

The editorial board precisely emphasizes the connection of its position with Starover's resolution and defends the idea of the "higher type."

Both the editorial board and Plekhanov defend very weakly (obviously retreating and backing away) the phrases about panic.

Plekhanov is constantly turning around the contradiction between the old and new Lenin{129}, trying to prove that the *Iskra* editorial board acted in accordance with the old Lenin.

Plekhanov portrays the matter as if Lenin is now against demonstrations before the zemtsy and against dictating to them "a positive program of action." This is nonsense, a distortion.

What were my theses against the *Iskra*?

1) The phrases about panic are inappropriate and vulgar.

136 This refers to the actions of the chairman of the Tambov provincial zemstvo assembly Petrov-Solovovo, who on December 14 and 15, 1904, requested police assistance to guard the assembly from "the public." In Plekhanov's pamphlet "On Our Tactics Regarding the Struggle of the Liberal Bourgeoisie Against Tsarism," in connection with the Tambov incident, it says: "By the way, about panic. Recent events in Tambov might perhaps prompt some opponents of absolutism to the thought that the *Moscow News* is right, threatening the liberals with a general uprising of the people against constitutionalism" (G. V. Plekhanov. Works, vol. XIII, p. 178).

2) "Agreements" with the liberals should be determined by the actual commonality of struggle, and not by "promises"

Nil[116] – Plekhanov

3) The conditions of Starover are rejected. (The editorial board defends itself extremely weakly, essentially admitting this.)

4) "The new type." Editorial board – schwach[117]. Plekhanov – nil.

On the question of uprising see No. 62 of the *Iskra*. Leading[118].

"Purely utopian views" on the preparation of uprising.

"Are beginning to manifest themselves"...

Written between December 28, 1904 and January 11 (and 24 January) 1906.

First published in 1926 in Lenin Miscellany V

Printed from the manuscript

## Outline of the Article "1895 and 1905 (A Small Parallel)"

**1895 and 1905** (A Small Parallel)

There are really eigentlich[119] two themes here:

1) a parallel of the growth of work; 2) contemporary organizational tasks. We must divide them into two separate articles.

1. Juxtapose the scope, scale, and forms of social-democratic work then and now.

2. Scope: then only circles. Barely the first beginning of mass agitation. Very ponderous, pedagogical propaganda. Social-democrats forge their way among the Populists, Constitutionalists etc.

3. Now. Party. Ordinary mass agitation. Open, street political action. Revolutionary epoch.

4. Forms. 10–16 people (committee). 20–30 workers' circles. 100–150 maximum connections. "Readings." Self-education – the main thing.

5. Now. The organization has grown into many "tiers." St. Petersburg and Odessa [committee – districts – organizers' meetings (central circles) – groups, and then "center" and bureau. Five new tiers.]

6. The "Letter to a Comrade" was written when new tiers were being established and the "Economists" were impeding their growth. Now the ideas advocated in the "Letter to a Comrade" have actually been put into practice.

7. New tasks: γ) The abundance of tiers has nurtured a new stratum of party workers, party members. Give form to their participation. (1) Information – resolutions – inquiries – direct connection with the Central Organ. (2) An elective principle? (3) Designation or election of candidates for cooptation?

8. A second, and perhaps even more important task: to supplement the work of layering new horizontal tiers with the work of new, "vertical," so to speak, methods of influence. That is to say: the growth of the movement makes it necessary and possible to supplement this current work by tiers with appeals from the upper tiers to the masses in new forms of mass meetings. "Flying meetings" and "mass meetings," as a natural product of work across many "tiers," lead naturally to that higher form which predominates abroad and will triumph among us le lendemain de la révolution[120], namely: to "mass meetings" as the principal means of political influence on the proletariat and of social-democratic education of it.

9. Of course, the "tiers" are no less necessary for this. They (always?) will remain necessary. To "supplement," not to "replace"...

Written before January 9 (22), 1905.

Printed from the manuscript

First published in 1920 in Lenin Miscellany V

## Material for the Article: "Workers' and Bourgeois Democracy"{130}

**On Agreements with the Liberals**

1) A disputed question between the *Iskra* and *Vpered* consisted, among other things, in whether agreements are needed with conditions or without conditions — thus the *Iskra* formulates it in its 2nd letter to party organizations.

2) To sort out this question, let us recall that both sides admit the necessity of agreements. What is the actual difference?

3) According to the *Iskra*, an agreement without conditions means handing over the interests of the proletariat to the bourgeoisie.

Ergo [121] α) The *Iskra* relies on conditions.

β) The *Iskra* forgets about the struggle of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie as well.

4) According to the *Iskra*, the force is the bourgeoisie (this is true).

# An agreement is impossible with the zemtsy ("scorpions")

("they do not recognize universal suffrage").

An agreement is needed with the far left – the radical intelligentsia.

5) But the intelligentsia is powerless, and the behavior of the bourgeoisie does not depend on it!!

This is – the fundamental confusion of the *Iskra*.

6) In our view, agreements are needed. But their essence is not verbal conditions, not deals about the future, not expectations of the bourgeoisie (we believe in no expectations whatever), – but real participation in struggle (demonstrations, uprising, elections etc.). We help not because we expect the fulfillment of conditions, but because we use the favorable moment to strike at the enemy (the moment is favorable because against the enemy, tsarism, even the zemtsy rise up), because we choose preferably the progressive bourgeoisie before the reactionary autocracy.

7) Can we say that we are ready for an "agreement" without conditions?

No, because our condition consists in actual participation in struggle.

The *Iskra*'s new condition – in the promise to stand for universal suffrage, for workers (" = to be on the side of social-democracy") etc.

8) We support bourgeois democrats always, when they struggle even for small progress.

The *Iskra* supports bourgeois democrats always, when they promise fairly substantial progress.

Which of these two tactics accords with the interests of the proletariat?

______________________

# Cite the 2nd letter.

Written in January, before the 11th (24th), 1905.

First published in 1926 in Lenin Miscellany V

Printed from the manuscript

## Theses for the Article "The First Lessons"

**The First Lessons**

1) Certain conclusions. The first wave has passed. A second is inevitable tomorrow.

Conclusions from the first.

* See this volume, p. 260. Ed.

5) The significance of organization. "The rear of revolution." Tailism. The preparatory class.

* See Works, 5th ed., vol. 6, p. 116. Ed.

– — their task: mutual unity

* By contrast. Ed.

**Boldness, once again boldness, always boldness – organization, and again organization.{131} Ed.

Written at the end of January 1905.

## Materials for the Article "New Tasks and New Forces"[122]

**1. Notes for the Article "Mobilization of the Army of the Proletariat"**

**1**

{ { Revolution is war } }

For No. 6 – should we not write an editorial on the theme: Trial mobilization. Mobilization of the army of the proletariat.

**2**

It would be important to note in the article on mobilization of proletarian forces (the title, perhaps, is unsuitable, as too general, almost standardly general, does not express the transition of the proletarian movement into revolution) the following:

1) A gigantic expansion of the base of the revolution is given by the gigantic agitational role of January 9th. Many auxiliary, additional functions can be assigned to new, incoming forces, and the purely (conscious) revolutionary elements can devote themselves more to the most pressing revolutionary tasks.

2) An expansion of the base for organization: a mass of auxiliary circles must be created and can be created for uprising, for revolution.

3) The practical aim – the overthrow of the government – should be practically discussed and elucidated already as the immediate aim, as "tomorrow's demonstration."

Written at the end of January 1905.

First published in 1931 in Lenin Miscellany XVI

Printed from the manuscript

**2. Outline of the Article "The Burning Question of the Day"{132}

**The Burning Question of the Day**

1. A small balance sheet of great events. The beginning of revolution (No. 4){133} – uprising (No. 5) – the designation of uprising (No. 6).

2. The burning question of the day = uprising. Its condition: supporting the fire. Combustible material?

3. "Expansion of the base of the revolution": agitation among urban paupers and the peasantry (the agitational significance of Gapon, as a type of evolution).

4. The significance of organization grows especially in such moments: the letter of a comrade from Russia in the section "From the Party"{134}. Not to back away from the task of "organizing the revolution" and carrying out (and designating) uprising, but to emphasize precisely these tasks and to prepare for them.

5. "Organizational work of social-democracy" by Struve in No. 63. Fairy tales. Contra "What Is To Be Done?". The general significance of "the falling away of work."

6. And now a terrible expansion of the movement. Unknown channels, countless (unforeseeable) allies, countless comrades, friends, and sympathizers.

7. "War time." Hundreds of circles, a tenfold multiplication of diverse tasks, learning from events, learning in war, the heightened significance of leadership, organization of leaders...

Written in February, after the 15th (28th), 1905.

First published in 1926 in Lenin Miscellany V

Printed from the manuscript

**3. Outline of the Reworking of the Article "The Burning Question of the Day"**

Outline after p. 12 M.S[123].

1. The expansion of the movement and the liberation of the revolutionary from semi-legal functions. Cultural worker. Striker. {Legal Marxist.}

2. Now. The letter of Gusev in No. 8. Popular agitation, the street conquered by freedom. Legal press about universal suffrage.

3. The extreme absurdity of the slogan: "workers' spontaneity." Social-democratic spontaneity.

4. Are we falling behind? No, it is not so much that, as the true relationship of our party to the class and classes is being revealed. The role of the party as the vanguard of the class, educator, organizer, acquires heightened significance. Until now, almost only we spoke; now hundreds of other voices. Tant mieux![124]

5. "War time." Hundreds of circles = have created new channels for new streams. The scope of revolutionary work. Widely attracted circles enter the party and attach themselves to the party. Events teach. Do not fear youth. Struggle teaches. The political grouping of a stormy epoch teaches. From the right they teach.

Written in February, after the 15th (28th), 1905.

First published in 1926 in Lenin Miscellany V

Printed from the manuscript

**4. Notes and Outline of the Article "New Tasks and New Forces"**

Not the burning question of the day, but "New Tasks, New Forces"

The article is not fully thought through, not fully matured{135}. Therefore, there is no clear development of a strictly defined idea. These are – newspaper sketches, silhouettes, a conversation, "thoughts and notes," not an article.

Legalization and Struve § 8–11

III The general process of differentiation of the social-democrat from the cultural worker, striker (13–14).

Preparatory work and finish.

New theme

New Tasks and New Forces

1. Transitions. Three upsurges.

2. Their common characteristic:

a) liberation from work – concentration on social-democratic functions.

b) new forces, new scope

c) tailism, as a fact, inertia, and as a theory.

3. The present features of tailism: Martyno­v, "unleash the revolution," spontaneity, and not social-democratic spontaneity. Party and class etc.

4. Liberation from work. Struve and legality. (No. 63 of "*Osvobozhdenie*")

5. Another liberation from work. The expansion of the movement. New education. In battle.

6. New dimensions of organization and people do not exist.

Written in February, before the 23rd (March 8th), 1905.

First published in 1926 in Lenin Miscellany V

Printed from the manuscript

## Outline of the Article "The Proletariat and the Peasantry"[125]

**The Proletariat and the Peasantry** "Social-Democracy and the Revolutionary Movement of the Peasantry."

143 In referring to X + Y, V. I. Lenin has in mind the pamphlet "On the Agrarian Program," Geneva, 1903, signed "Iks," and the article "On the Agrarian Program of the Socialist-Revolutionaries," published in No. 77 of the *Iskra* from November 5, 1904, signed "Igrek." – 409.

The position of social-democracy. K. Kautsky.

(1) Neutrality.

[ Inexact, but there is a very correct idea. ] (2) "Revolution" will not stop before expropriation.

What classes can be the real bearer of this "revolution"? The proletariat and the poorest peasantry.

Ergo[126], K. Kautsky thus assumes a dictatorship of the proletariat and the peasant masses. Such is generally the condition of our minimum program.

Reactionary ideas of the new-*Iskra*-ists concerning revolutionary dictatorship.

(α) Proletarian uprising. Then a temporary government and the seizure of power!!

(β) A revolutionary perished in power prematurely. (Petrushkin citations.)

(γ) "Spontaneous" dictatorship of the proletariat.

(δ) "Opposition party of the future." Ergo, a tailist opposition to revolution!!

(ε) They evaded the direct answer to Gapon.

The resolution of the congress on support for the revolutionary peasant movement. A class party and a class standpoint.

Always push forward revolutionary democracy, without merging with it, while preserving a critical position, arming oneself against reactionary democracy.

A class party and a class standpoint does not mean tailism, – our class is an opposition party – (Martynovism).

– the definition of the tasks of revolutionary democracy and hegemony in the sense of anticipating historical contradictions of classes etc.

Written in March, before the 10th (23rd), 1905.

First published in 1926 in Lenin Miscellany V

Printed from the manuscript