RECORD OF L. MARTOV'S REPORT ON ARMED UPRISING.
[End of June 1905] 1
Martov:
1. Not on the topic. Almost independent of the question of the δ [bour-
geo]isie and the proletariat.
2. Didn't finish us off last time 2. Didn't win back positions.
3. Spills water... 1) conspiracy...
    2) provisional government...
    3} "armed] uprising]"
The same rock can be rebuilt.
A.)
1) democratic union of the proletariat
and peasantry...
democratic res- lesser public.
I
Viks
2)
next to it — struggle for socia[l revolutio]n. J
B)
liberationists: minimal demands of democratism.
*
Between them: Bolsheviks. . . extreme opposition . . .
I
l' It is possible to ^ Referent turned out to be <fw between me
< to build a con- J and Struve. Str[iwel himself placed himself alongside
( struction ' the bulk of them.
Against: armed uprising?
-j- provisional government?
Foreword ("pettifoggers") 3
Yes or no?
Is it necessary?
LAWYERLY
inevitably = necessary.
*
The side numbering was done by Lenin with a colored pencil, ap
parently, before his speech. Ed.

RECORD OF L. MARTOV'S REPORT ON ARMED
UPRISING

NOTHING NEW
Socialists - Revolutionopers ???
Special interests of the S.D. in the uprising are not specified in the re
solution. II I'm not saying this for "criticism". ||
Question:
Can the entire activity of the party be subordinated to the upris-
ing?
Revolutionary] provisional] government:
is it necessary after the uprising the participation in the provisional
government...
opposition press, you'll crush
When did we call for staying out of the way? Jaurès participation
in
provisional government] = complicity in the crime . ..
I Lenin has no dialectics | eternal struggle for socialism
/%^'%/%/%^%/%/%/%/%/х/х/х/Х/"%/%/% ^%/%,'х^^'%/%/х/^%/^^'хг^^%^х,х/ж/ж,х/ж/х,х/%/х/%/т/х/%^%/ж/%/х/%/%/%/%/%/%/%*'%/%/х,'% /%/Х/%/%/%*
You will not find this formula in Marx and Engels
X V V X V V ^ A ^ V V V V V V 4 ^ ^ ,V V V 'V V V X ^ \ ^ ^ V W V ^ 'V V V V V V V V V 'V V V \ ^ V V V V 'V V V W V V V V V V V 'W 1 , ^ ж/х,
ruling classes in Bourgeois REPUBLIC = Peasantry AND Proletariat. . . .
1 Lenin made a record of the main points of Martov's report in the
blank spaces of the sheets on which Lenin's own report on the topic "Armed Uprising" was written (the outline is printed in
Lenin's Collection, V, 322 - 323). The material from these records was partially used
by Lenin in the article "The Struggle of the Proletariat and the Servility of the Bourgeoisie", published in
№ 6 of "Proletary" on July 3 (June 20) (Coll. VII, 362 - 366).
An excerpt from the "Vossische Zeitung" dated June 25 is attached to the outline of the report (see the present Collection, 290). These two dates make it possible to date
the report to the last days of June 1905.
2 In a letter from N. K. Krupskaya to the S.D. organizations in Russia, dated
June 1, 1905, it was reported: "Recently in Geneva there was a report by Leshsha about the congress. The Mensheviks came. Martov read his co-report".

3 The word "pettifoggers" is taken from Plekhanov's reply to M. Lyadov in D° 67
of "Iskra" dated June 14 (1), 1904.


TO THE MOMENT *.
In No. 15 of "Proletary", as an example of so-called "revolutionary self-government" (confused by "Iskra" with
the slogan of popular uprising), the resolute behavior of the Smolensk Duma, which recognized as illegal
the quartering of Cossacks in the city, stopped issuing them money,
organized a city militia to protect the population and addressed a proclamation to the soldiers against violence against citizens. As a further illustration of the same idea and to
characterize the moment being experienced, we cite the following resolution taken by the Kerch Duma regarding the recent pogrom in the city according to "L'Humanité".
The Duma decided: 1) to express to the Jewish population its
regret for the losses they suffered (killed and wounded)
and material losses; 2) to establish two scholarships at the local gymnasium in memory of the students killed during the unrest;
3) in view of the fact that local authorities proved incapable and
unwilling to protect the lives and property of the population,
immediately stop issuing aid from city funds for the maintenance of the police; 4) to divide among the poor Jews,
most affected by the unrest, the sum of 1,500 rubles;
5) to express sympathy to the head of the port, the only one of the
local officials who, with great energy and humanity, prevented further massacres; 6) to bring
to the attention of the Minister of the Interior the unlawful conduct
of the authorities during the unrest and demand a Senate investigation.
Since the Kerch Duma arbitrarily expands the
[September 1905]
* See Coll. VIII, 173. Ed.

TO THE MOMENT

framework of Duma competence assigned to it by law, since it
participates in the general revolutionary life of the entire state,
it is embarking on the path of truly "revolutionary self-government." But where are the guarantees that this self-
government will turn into "popular" self-government? And should we, the S.-D.'s, highlight this "piece of revolution" as the main slogan of agitation, or preach a complete and decisive victory of the revolution, impossible without an uprising?

The note "To the Moment", published in No. 18 of "Proletary", 26 (13)
September 1906, undoubtedly belongs to Lenin (the manuscript of the article
has not been preserved). A number of considerations lead to this conclusion. First of all, in the note, an entire paragraph is taken from Lenin's article "In the Tail of the Monarchist Bourgeoisie" (Coll. VIII, 173). Then, the events of August 2 in Smolensk, mentioned in the note, are not only used in Lenin's article, but also frequently occur in his plans for articles (see, for example, Lenin's Collection V, 357 and 399). Further, in the note we read: "And should we, the S.-D.'s, highlight this "piece of revolution" as the main slogan of the revolution or preach the complete and decisive victory of the revolution, impossible without an uprising." In Lenin's Collection V on p. 399 it says: "Are pieces suitable for the slogan", on p. 400: "pieces and all". Finally, let us compare another place from the note with Lenin's corresponding reasoning in the article "In the Tail of the Monarchist Bourgeoisie". In the note "To the Moment" it says: "But where is the guarantee that this self-government will turn into "popular" self-government?". In the article we read: "Can the truly popular self-government of the city of Smolensk be considered secured until the revolutionary army has won a decisive victory over the Tsar's army?".

[October 1905]
Letter from the backwoods, calling everyone from abroad to Russia (Proletary] No. 19), elicited a response from comrade "Revolutionary", who addressed the editors of Proletary with a letter from Bern. Comrade "Revolutionary" insists on the importance of theory in the movement, on the need to study seriously, etc. We, of course, fully agree with him [and there] spoke about this, and the meaning of our
reservation regarding the letter from the backwoods was precisely such. Comrade "Revolutionary" advises the party to establish somewhere, for example, in Geneva, something like a university, so that young people can study seriously. Plans of this kind have arisen more than once, but their implementation encounters too many practical difficulties.
1 The note was published in the "From Public Life" section in No. 22 of "Proletary" dated 24 (11) October 1905.
The title is by Lenin.
2 Refers to the "Open Letter to Foreign Comrades", published in JVs 19 of "Proletary" on October 3, 1905. In this
letter from "workers in the village of three Volga provinces" there is an appeal to comrades who have gone abroad to devote more strength and people to work in Russia. The letter is accompanied by an editorial note (possibly written by Lenin). The note says: "Without sharing the too sharp opinion of the authors about the uselessness of foreign "learning", we think, however, that it is necessary to remind the foreign countries and the entire party about the Russian backwoods more often".
FOREIGN YOUTH AND THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION K
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