## 1. Report on the Current Moment

There is no need to dwell long on the political situation. The political question now directly approaches the military question. It is far too clear that Kerensky has drawn in the Kornilovists; he has no one else to lean upon. In Moscow they took the Kremlin, but the outlying areas where workers and the poorest population live are not in their power. At the front there is no one behind Kerensky. Even vacillating elements, such as, for example, members of the railway union, are speaking out in favor of the decree on peace and on land.

The overwhelming majority of peasants, soldiers, and workers stands for a policy of peace.

This is not the policy of the Bolsheviks, not a "party" policy at all, but the policy of workers, soldiers, and peasants—that is, of the majority of the people. We are not implementing the Bolshevik program; in the land question our program is taken entirely from peasant mandates.

Our fault is that the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks departed. We offered them to share power, but they want to wait until the struggle with Kerensky is over.

We invited everyone to participate in the government. The Left Socialist-Revolutionaries{16} declared that they wanted to support the policy of the Soviet government. They did not even dare declare disagreement with the program of the new government.

In the provinces they believe newspapers like "Delo Naroda."{17} Here everyone knows that the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks departed because they remained in the minority. The Petrograd garrison knows this. It knows that we wanted a Soviet coalition government. We excluded no one from the Soviet. If they did not want joint work, so much the worse for them. The soldier and peasant masses will not follow the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries. I have no doubt that at any worker and soldier meeting nine-tenths would speak out for us.

Kerensky's attempt is as pitiful an adventure as Kornilov's attempt. But the moment now is difficult. Energetic measures are necessary to establish order in food supply, to put an end to the calamities of war. We cannot wait and cannot tolerate Kerensky's uprising for even one day. If the Kornilovists organize a new offensive, they will be answered as we answered the cadet uprising today. Let the cadets blame themselves. We took power almost without bloodshed. If there were casualties, they were only on our side. The entire people desired precisely the policy that the new government is conducting. It took it not from the Bolsheviks, but from soldiers at the front, from peasants in the countryside, and from workers in the cities.

The decree on workers' control must appear in the coming days. I repeat: the political situation has now come down to the military question. We cannot tolerate Kerensky's victory: then there will be neither peace, nor land, nor freedom. I have no doubt that the Petrograd soldiers and workers who have just completed their victorious uprising will be able to suppress the Kornilovists. We had shortcomings. There is no denying this. Because of them we lost some things. But these shortcomings can be eliminated. Without losing even one hour, not one minute, we must organize ourselves, establish a headquarters—this must be done today itself. Once organized, we will be able to ensure victory for ourselves in a few days, perhaps even sooner.

The government created by the will of workers, soldiers, and peasants' deputies will not tolerate mockery from the Kornilovists.

The task of politics and the military task: organization of headquarters, concentration of material forces, provision of soldiers with everything necessary; this must be done without losing even one hour, not one minute, so that everything continues as victoriously as it has so far.

## 2. Statement on the Question of Arming the Units

An end has been put to the period of great disorganization. A Chief of Staff has been appointed. This will be announced. The period of vacillation has passed. The absence of military order and communications was felt by us very acutely. Now it has been established that there is much unity and enthusiasm in the units. You yourselves must take action, yourselves verify each action—whether what was assigned was done, whether contact was made with worker organizations, etc. The workers will help you in this. Allow me to give you one piece of advice: through a control commission or through representatives of the regiments, verify each report, relying on no one, whether orders have been carried out, whether information about supplies is correct. Take action yourselves, verify everything yourselves, account for every supply, every step—this is the best guarantee of success.

## 3. Statement on the Question of Establishing Order in the City

I fully subscribe to the opinion expressed: the workers should take upon themselves a portion of the labor of guarding the city. In this joint work soldiers will teach workers how to handle weapons. Our task, which we must not lose sight of for a moment, is the universal arming of the people and the abolition of the standing army. If the working population is drawn in, the work will be easier. The proposal of comrades to meet every day is practical. It is true that the Russian Revolution is giving much that is new, which no other revolution has had. Such an organ as the Soviets of workers and soldiers' deputies did not exist. You must merge with the workers; they will give you everything that the bourgeoisie has provided poorly up until now. Each unit must concern itself together with the worker organization to ensure that everything necessary for this war of yours is stored up, without waiting for orders from above. This task must be undertaken independently starting tonight itself. Let them not wait for directives from headquarters; let the unit itself make proposals. You have a means such as the bourgeoisie never had: they have only one means—to buy, but you can make contact with the workers themselves who produce all this.

"Pravda" No. 174, November 13 (October 31), 1917

Printed from the text of the newspaper "Pravda"