«THE EUROPEAN WAR AND EUROPEAN SOCIALISM»
3. Two I[nternationale]s
I
(S.-N. M. and O.R.S.)*
4. Peace [ag[ainst] w[ar]] or civil] w[ar] [ag[ainst]
n[a]t[ional]] (K. J.)*
Themes:
A) Ch[aract]er of the w[ar] (objective-historical) (1 — 5)/*
B) The teaching of social[is]m on the “fatherl[an]d” (6 — 12).
C) Practical] conduct of social[ists] in the present] war
(13 — 21).
D) Collapse of the I[nternationa]le (22 — 27).
E) Tas[ks] and slog[ans] of r[e]v[o]l[utionary] S[ocial] D[emocracy]*(28— 35).
* NOTES TO THE PLAN OF THE PAMPHLET.
20 — 15 million] p[eop]le, drawn] into the w[a]r in all countr[ies]
100 billion marks (50 billion rouble[s])
C[ost] of the war: “Golos” No. 3: 70 billion Fr[ancs] a
year (excluding Japan).
Germ[any] 45 m[illio]n frs. a day 16 bill[io]n 1
a year 61
I
Kautsky reckons resolutely with all and every possible] consequence of the war, — except the revolutionary]
movements of the prolet[aria]t. Every movement is taken into account, but it is tacitly
assumed that the prolet[aria]t will not m o v e otherwise than
within the framework permitted by the Prussian Junkers!!!
The meeting of the ISB took place in Brussels on July 29, 1914, i.e., immediately before the very outbreak of the war. The Bureau adopted a resolution on convening an international congress in Paris on August 9 on the question
“War and the Proletariat,” and also issued an appeal to the proletariat
of all countries “to intensify the demonstration against war, in favor of peace, and in
favor of the arbitration of the Austro-Serbian conflict.” This congress, in connection with the development of military operations, did not take place. At the meeting of the bureau, V. Adler declared that he did not believe in the possibility of a European war.
Lenin also speaks of this declaration by Adler in the article “Dead Chauvinism and Living Socialism” (Works, Vol. XVIII, p. 79).
* Latin letters — see the points of the plan listed above. Ed.
In parentheses Lenin designated the points of the synopsis. Ed.

2 4
2 Lenin has in mind an article by the former Italian minister L.
Luzzatti in one of the Italian newspapers. “In this article, the Italian politician rejoices that the great victor in the war has turned out to be... the fatherland, the concept of the fatherland, and repeats: one must remember Cicero’s words that
‘the greatest calamity is civil war’” (quoted from the record of Lenin’s lecture in Lausanne; see Works, Vol. XVIII, p. 52).
3 Lenin has in mind here the following quotation from the “Communist
Manifesto”: “The workers have no fatherland. One cannot take from them what they do not have. Striving first of all to conquer political supremacy, to organize themselves into one national class, to constitute themselves as a nation, the proletariat still remains national, although not at all in the sense in which the bourgeoisie understands this word.”
4 1790— 1814 — the epoch of national wars, which began with the wars
of the period of the Great French Revolution.
1859 — the Austro-Italian-French war.
1866 — the Austro-Italian war and the Austro-Prussian war.
1870— 1871 — the Franco-Prussian war.
6 Lenin emphasizes here the circumstance that in the epoch of imperialism, national wars are also possible, as, for example, in the
case of a war between India or China and Japan. In this latter case (“conscious proletarians [of India or China]... could not follow any other path
than the national one, since their countries have not yet formed into national states” (quoted from the record of a correspondent of “Golos”;
see Works, Vol. XVIII, p. 51).
•
Lenin has in mind the well-known book by J. Jaurès: “L'organisation
socialiste en France. L'Armée nouvelle.” Paris. 1911 (“The Socialist
Organization in France. The New Army”). Its Russian translation (by K. M. Adaridi) was published by the Petrograd Department of the Main Administration
of Military Educational Institutions, 1919. In Chapter X of this book (“Social and
Moral Incentives. The Army, the Fatherland, and the Proletariat”), Jaurès writes:
“I have never attached serious importance to the paradox directed against the idea of the fatherland. The fatherland does not represent an outlived
idea: the latter has only changed and deepened. I have always held
the conviction that the proletariat will never sympathize with the doctrine of
the renunciation of nationality... The proletariat, having refused to defend
national independence, and with it its own free development,
will never be able to defeat capitalism, and if, in addition to the oppression of the latter,
it also falls under the dominion of a conqueror, then it loses
all desire even to raise its head... The truth consists in the
following: wherever a fatherland exists, i.e., a historical group
conscious of its continuity and cohesion, any encroachment
against the freedom and independence of this fatherland will be an encroachment
against civilization and a return to barbarism” (pp. 236 — 237 of the Russian
translation).
7Lenin has in mind the article by G. Wendel “Jaurès” in No. 19 of “Neue
Zeit” of August 21, 1914. See extracts from this article in the materials for
the pamphlet on p. 45. The indicated issue of “Neue Zeit” with Lenin’s markings in this article is kept in the Institute’s archive.

“THE EUROPEAN WAR AND EUROPEAN SOCIALISM”
2 5
8 In his article “Patriotism, War and Social Democracy” (Russian
translation, “Rabotnik” publishing house, 1906, p. 17), Kautsky wrote the
following: “The distinction between an offensive and a defensive war in general and
in most cases is very dubious.” Bebel, however, in his speech
at the commission of the Stuttgart Congress (August 18 — 24, 1907) on
the question “Militarism and International Conflicts,” declared that the assertion
that it is sometimes difficult to distinguish a defensive war from an
offensive one, he considered completely incorrect. “Now the matter stands differently:
an informed and observant politician will always know about the preparation for a military catastrophe. The politics of secret cabinets has outlived its
age” (“Internationaler Sozialisten Kongress,” Stuttgart, 1907, p. 82). This
provoked an objection from K. Kautsky, who in his speech at the Essen Party
Congress of the German S.-D. Party (September 15 — 21, 1907) on the question of
war declared: “Bebel believes that we have now advanced much
further than in 1870, and now in any case we would supposedly be able
to establish with precision whether it is a matter of a real or only an imaginary
offensive war. I would not take responsibility for this.
I would not guarantee that we could in every case already make
such a distinction, that we would always know whether this or that
government is pulling the wool over our eyes, or whether it is really defending the interests of the nation
against an offensive war” (“Protokoll über die Verhandlungen des
Parteitages der Sozialdemokratischen Partei Deutschlands. Abgehalten zu
Essen a. d. Ruhr.” Berlin. 1907, p. 261). These quotations, by all indications,
are what Lenin has in mind.
9 The text of the resolution adopted by the Basel Congress of 1912, into
which the indicated quotations from the resolution of the Stuttgart Congress were incorporated,
see in the appendix to Vol. XVIII of Lenin’s Works, p. 408.
10 Quotation from K. Kautsky’s article “Die Sozialdemokratie im Kriege”
(“Social Democracy in Wartime”) in No. 1 of “Neue Zeit” of October 2,
1914 (I. Band). Lenin subjected this same article to sharp criticism in his
article: “Dead Chauvinism and Living Socialism” (Works, Vol. XVIII, pp. 75 — 76).
11 Lenin has in mind the editorial by G. Wendel “Europa in Feuersgefahr”
(“Europe in Danger of Fire”) in No. 18 of “Neue Zeit” of July 31,
1914 (see here Lenin’s extracts from this article on p. 47).
The indicated issue of “Neue Zeit” with Lenin’s markings in this article is kept in the Institute’s archive.
12 On July 25, 1914, after the Austrian ultimatum to Serbia was published,
“Vorwärts” in No. 200 published an editorial “Ultimatum”
(“The Ultimatum”), in which it wrote: “Irresponsible circles, having
influence at court and gaining the upper hand there, want war.
They want war — this has been heard for weeks in the wild cry of the black-and-yellow
venal press... Because the blood of Franz Ferdinand and his wife was shed by the shots of a mad fanatic, the blood of thousands of workers and peasants must be shed, a monstrous
crime must be committed... The Austrian ultimatum to Serbia — this is the fuse by means
of which Europe will be set alight from all four sides. This ultimatum,
both in form and in its demands... is outrageous. It is a crime of the chauvinist press of Germany that it has diligently

2 6 incited its loyal ally in its bellicose
aspirations.”
For a characterization of the position of “Vorwärts” after the declaration of war, see
below, note 51.
13 “Leipziger Volkszeitung” (“Leipzig People’s Newspaper”)—organ of the
left wing of the German S.-D., founded in 1894; edited for a
long time by Fr. Mehring and Rosa Luxemburg, and then by Paul Levi.
At present, the organ of the “left” wing of the Social-Fascists.
Lenin has in mind here the notice “Verdächtige Tyrannentöter” (“Suspicious
Tyrannicides”) in the supplement to No. 174 of “Leipziger Volkszeitung”
of July 31, 1914. The article states that the German government
is only deceiving the people when it declares that its main goal is the struggle
against tsarist despotism, which it has in fact always supported,
and that the bourgeois newspapers are trying in vain to prove to the proletariat,
by means of arbitrary quoting of Marx, Engels, Bebel, and others,
that the war against Russia is a war of liberation. The newspaper also declares
that “the war of central and western Europe against Russia is no longer
a war for revolution, but rather a war against revolution.”
An article of analogous content, “Der Kampf gegen den Zarismus”
(“The Struggle against Tsarism”), was published in No. 209 of “Vorwärts” of
August 3, 1914.
14 Lenin has in mind the editorial “Vandalen” (“Vandals”) in No. 200
of “Volksrecht” of September 5, 1914 (see p. 51).
15 At the beginning of the war, a group of Russian socialists (Bolsheviks, Mensheviks, and Socialist-Revolutionaries), living at that time in Paris, totaling 80 people, enlisted as “volunteers” in the French army.
This group
published a declaration on August 21, 1914, in which it attempted to justify
its step by the alleged necessity, in the name of the triumph of socialism,
of fighting against the feudal-autocratic governments of
Germany and Austria, whose victory over the Western democratic states
would lead to the consolidation and strengthening of international militarism —
this main obstacle to the victorious development of international
socialism. Plekhanov justified this chauvinist act of the Russian socialists by “moral discipline” before the French comrades. Before
the volunteers’ departure for the front, Plekhanov delivered a farewell speech to them in this same spirit.
“Golos”—a daily newspaper of the internationalist wing of the Mensheviks, published in Paris from September 13, 1914, to January 17, 1915
(see Lenin’s Works, Vol. XVIII, note 12, p. 423).
In No. 9 of “Golos” of September 22, 1914, the text of the social-chauvinist declaration of Polish socialists is given, signed by Leder,
M. Kon, and Zenenbaum, originally published in “L'Humanité.”
In the declaration, Leder and others explain their decision to enlist as volunteers in the French army by “the desire to serve French democracy, and not the ally of tsarist Russia.” The declaration ends with the following
words: “By enlisting as volunteers in the republican army, we firmly
hope that French democracy and, mainly, French socialism will make all the efforts promised on the eve of the war in order to

"THE EUROPEAN WAR AND EUROPEAN SOCIALISM"

2 7 this war has served the benefit not of monarchs and the bourgeoisie, but the benefit of
the democracy of all nations, freely disposing of their own destinies."
18 *Sovremennoye Slovo* — a daily popular organ of the Kadet
Party, published in Petersburg from 1907 to 1918, essentially
a cheaper edition of the newspaper *Rech*.
Lenin is referring to the notice "G. V. Plekhanov and the War," published
in No. 2374 of *Sovremennoye Slovo* of (5 September) 23 August
1914 (see p. 114).
17 Lenin is referring to the "Press Review" in No. 3 of *Golos* of 15 September
1914, in the part that cites an excerpt from Guesde's article
"Notre devoir" ("Our Duty") in No. 3802 of *L'Humanité* of 14 September 1914.
In the article, Guesde declares that the French socialists are fulfilling
the duty of self-sacrifice, regarding "both rich and poor, and men
of science and men of labour, standing under fire in expectation of victory or death,
as brothers of one and the same fatherland, as children of France, the France
of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen." When the war ends, "the socialist
party will once again begin to fulfil the role predetermined for it by its historical
mission with all the greater consistency and proud consciousness
that it set no conditions for its temporary collaboration with other
classes and parties defending the country." *Golos* accompanies the cited
excerpt with the following remark: "This is the position that *Vorwärts* defines as the political duty of socialists to be
together with the people in the tragic moment of its existence. This is the same
position that G. V. Plekhanov also adopted in clarifying the tasks of Russian
socialists in the period of the war."
18 Lenin is referring to the article by E. Smirnov (Gurevich) "The War and
European Democracy," published in No. 202 of *Russkiye Vedomosti*
of (16) 3 September 1914. Justifying the entry of Jules Guesde, Marcel
Sembat, and Vandervelde into bourgeois ministries, Smirnov considers that
"social democracy defends, on the one hand, its homelands from the threat
of enslavement, and on the other, civilization, culture, progress from
the crude onslaught of the ideologues of the armoured fist." Smirnov
also declares that the position of social democracy in the future "will have to
undergo a revision" on the question of its attitude toward contemporary
society. "By the entry... of delegates [of the proletariat] into the ministry, they
strive to ensure that the people, the whole people, take conscious
part in the war... in a word, that the war be in the full sense
a people's war," and that "nothing so organizes, nothing so disciplines
democracy as conscious mass participation in the common cause."
A similar position was held by P. Maslov, who, in his
patriotism-imbued letter to the editors of *Russkiye Vedomosti*
(No. 207 of (23) 10 September 1914) "The War and Trade Treaties," tried
in every way to prove the economic benefits for the Russian working
class in the event of Russia's victory over Germany.
19 See Lenin's excerpts from Vaillant's articles in *L'Humanité*, p. 97.
20 Lenin is referring to the article by Compère-Morel "Les commissaires à
la ration" ("The People's Commissars") in No. 3788 of *L'Humanité* of 31 August
1914 (see p. 67).

2 8
21 In the pages of *La Guerre Sociale*, G. Hervé published a series of articles
in which he cynically argued the necessity of an alliance between "democratic"
France and tsarist Russia in the interests of civilization. In one of
his articles, Hervé wrote: "But since we cannot do without the tsar, we
shall try, with the support of free England and democratic Italy,
if it enters the scene, to cleanse the tsar of tsarism. But he is already being cleansed,
our ally!
He has made promises to Poland, he has begun to implement equal rights for Jews in Russia. He has banned the sale of spirits in Russia during
the war.
He has already been working so well for several weeks that recently I completely forgot myself and even shouted: 'Long live the tsar!', because
it seemed to me that he was freeing himself from tsarism" (cited
from No. 8 of *Golos* of 20 September 1914).
22 Hyndman, even before the war, had shifted to open defence of imperialism, which provoked sharp attacks from the German Social-Democratic press,
in particular from *Neue Zeit*.
23 On 13 August 1914, the official organ of the British Independent
Party, *Labour Leader*, published a pacifist
in content manifesto of the National Council of the party against
the war (the manifesto was reprinted in Russian in No. 23 of *Golos* of
9 October 1914). At the beginning of the war, Keir Hardie and MacDonald held
an anti-chauvinist position.
This refers to the article by E. Bernstein in No. 232 of *Vorwärts* of 26
August 1914, "Abrechnung mit Russland" ("Settling Accounts with Russia"). Arbitrarily
seizing upon individual excerpts from Engels's article "Savoy,
Nice and the Rhine," citing, in particular, the passage that speaks of the threat
(in 1859) of a Franco-Russian alliance to Germany, Bernstein attempted in this
work of Engels to find justification for the position adopted by German Social Democracy in
the imperialist war (see Lenin's excerpts from Engels's article, p. 41).
Lenin is referring to Engels's article "Der Sozialismus in Deutschland" ("Socialism in Germany") in *Neue Zeit*, X. Jahrgang, 1891–1892,
1. Band, No. 19, p. 580. This article, imbued with a profound revolutionary
spirit and containing the famous phrase: "Shoot first, gentlemen bourgeois!", was "interpreted" in every way by the social-chauvinist press of Germany for its own purposes.
Mehring's protest, of 12 September, published in the form of a letter in
the newspaper *Vorwärts* No. 250 of 13 September 1914, was provoked by the polemic
that unfolded around the manifesto of the French and Belgian
socialists and the reply of the Parteivorstand. The latter served as a pretext for
sharp attacks by German Social-Democratic newspapers, especially the *Hamburger Echo*, on the French and Belgian socialists. The German
Social-Democratic press attempted to justify its social-patriotic position
by the necessity of struggle against France and Russia, tendentiously commenting
on individual excerpts from the above-mentioned article by Engels. Mehring
writes on this matter: "The Executive of the German Social-Democratic Party, in its
reply to the appeal of the Executive Committee of the International Socialist
Bureau to the German people, kept within the bounds of a forced
defence, especially in the words that for a fruitful examination
of the question of the policy of individual powers on the eve of the declaration of war

"THE EUROPEAN WAR AND EUROPEAN SOCIALISM"
2 9 there is nowhere sufficient material. However, a part of the party press oversteps
the necessary bounds, attempting to reinforce the Executive's reply with certain
phrases torn from an article by Friedrich Engels, published
more than 20 years ago in *Neue Zeit*. These phrases, supposedly fitting
to the last word the contemporary situation, are meant to fully justify
the position of Social Democracy in the present world war.
One must resolutely protest against this argumentation. What
Engels expected and desired in the event of a simultaneous war of the French
and Russians against Germany, he repeated after 1859 more than once in the most unambiguous
manner. Today, for understandable reasons, this cannot be expressed
even by a hint. One can only say that the condition from which
Engels draws his conclusions is not only not present in its entirety, but is not even
partially realized; rather, its direct opposite exists.
This would immediately become quite clear even to the superficial reader if it were
now possible to publish this article or articles by Engels in full."
28 *Hamburger Echo* ("Hamburg Echo") — a daily Social-Democratic newspaper,
published in Hamburg. Edited during the war by J. Reitze.
Closest collaborators — Haenisch, Lensch, and other "pillars" of the revisionist
*Sozialistische Monatshefte*.
Lenin is referring to the editorial "Eine notwendige Erklärung" ("A
Necessary Explanation") in No. 211 of *Hamburger Echo* of 10 September
1914, which also arbitrarily cites Engels's article: "Socialism
in Germany" (see p. 67).
Lenin is referring to the notice in *Vorwärts* No. 249 of 12 September
1914, "Die Auffassung der italienischen Sozialisten" ("The Viewpoint of the Italian
Socialists"), which gives an account of Südekum's negotiations
with the Italian socialists Della Seta, Lazzari, and Zerbini.
Lenin is referring to the following phrase from the "Letter of a German
Socialist" — "Reply to Fischer" — to the latter's article "Vandalen" in
No. 206 of *Volksrecht* of 5 September 1914: "You defend the violation
of Belgian neutrality with the arguments of Bethmann-Hollweg" (see Lenin's excerpts
from Fischer's article and the letter, p. 61).
29 *Sozialistische Monatshefte* ("Socialist Monthly") — a journal,
organ of the German revisionists. During the war, the journal held
a sharply pronounced social-imperialist position.
Lenin refers here to the following passage from J. Bloch's article
"Der Krieg und die Sozialdemokratie" ("The War and Social Democracy"), in
No. 16 of *S. M.* of 13 August 1914: "The violation of Belgium's neutrality,
morally justifiable, although it was guaranteed by international
law, was nevertheless a violation of law, and England thereby obtained
a pretext that allowed it to carry out its plans, worked out long before,
while giving this the appearance of defending the right."
30 This refers to the notice printed in the "Press Review" in No. 12
of *Golos* of 25 September 1914. This notice summarized a letter by K. Liebknecht published
in the left Social-Democratic newspaper *Bremer Bürger-Zeitung*, shedding
light on the question of the vote on credits in the Social-Democratic faction of the Reichstag.
*Bremer Bürger-Zeitung* ("Bremen Citizens' Newspaper") — a Social-Democratic
newspaper, organ of the group of "left radicals."

32 This refers to the position taken by the Social-Democratic newspaper "Volksblatt" ("People's Paper"), published in the city of Halle. In No. 220 of September 19, 1914, this newspaper published an article titled "Parteipflichten" ("Party Duties"), which called for international solidarity. Sharply polemicizing with the "Hamburger Echo," which defended the position of the Executive of the German Social-Democratic Party in connection with the latter's response to the manifesto of the French and Belgian socialists and considered it necessary to influence the opinion of non-German members of the International by means of 42-centimeter guns, the newspaper cited the words of the "Communist Manifesto" and declared:
"The threads binding the International have been temporarily severed, and the call for international solidarity is drowned out by the thunder of cannons. But we assure our foreign comrades from the depths of our hearts that not all German Social-Democrats think as the 'Hamburger Echo' does, that many—perhaps the majority—ardently desire to extend their hand to them again, to explain certain things to them, and to obtain their forgiveness for certain things"...

33 Lenin is referring to the editorial "Die zertrümmerte Internationale" ("The Shattered International") in No. 211 of the "Bremer Bürger-Zeitung" of September 10, 1914 (see p. 83).

34 Lenin is referring to the following concluding quotation from Mehring's letter of protest (see note 25 above): "It is sad enough that, in the collapse of the International that has occurred, we have not been able to prevent this kind of fruitless and disgusting dispute."

35 "Volksrecht" ("People's Right") — a Swiss Social-Democratic newspaper published in Zurich. During the war years, it maintained an internationalist position and was edited by Nobs. The newspaper featured contributions from F. Platten, V. Grimm, and others. Individual articles by Russian Social-Democrats, including Lenin, were also published in its pages.
Here Lenin is referring to the editorial "Zwei Internationalen" ("Two Internationals") in No. 211 of "Volksrecht" of September 11, 1914 (see p. 58).

36 Lenin here refers to the open letter from L. Martov to Gustave Hervé, published in No. 12 of "Golos" of September 25, 1914. Martov protested against V. Burtsev's assertion in his letter, published in the newspaper "Times" and then reprinted in "La Guerre Sociale," that in Russia "all parties, without exception, supported the government, without even demanding from it definite obligations regarding their most crying needs."
Citing the refusal of the Russian Social-Democratic faction of the Fourth State Duma to vote for war credits, Yu. Martov declared that the Russian socialists hoped that "their irreconcilable conduct (like that of our comrades, the Serbian socialists) will be approved by the future sessions of the International, restored and freed from deserters of socialism."

37 This refers to the manifesto of the French and Belgian delegation to the ISB to the German people, published in No. 3794 of "L'Humanité" of September 6, 1914 (see p. 73). The German Parteivorstand responded to this manifesto with a resolute protest (see "Vorwärts" No. 247 of September 10, 1914), objecting in particular to the ISB's appeal to the German people without the knowledge of the Central Committee of the German Social-Democratic Party. The protest indicated that the causes leading to the war were presented by the French and Belgian

((THE EUROPEAN WAR AND EUROPEAN SOCIALISM))
31 socialists "in the spirit of the French government," and emphasized the one-sidedness and lack of objectivity in the appeal, since it said nothing about the threat to the German people from Russian despotism, i.e., about the fact that most concerns the German people.
In conclusion, the Central Committee of the German Social-Democratic Party also protested against the intention of the ISB, with the support of the French socialists, to inform the Social-Democratic parties of neutral countries about the atrocities allegedly committed by German soldiers, whereas the latter, consisting of ¾ members of the German Social-Democratic Party, schooled by this party and the German trade unions, could not be barbarians. "In speaking of this, the International Socialist Bureau overlooks the facts of atrocities committed by the Belgians and Russians."

28 In the fable "The Cuckoo and the Rooster," Krylov ridiculed the publishers of the newspaper "Northern Bee," Grech and Bulgarin, who praised each other at every convenient opportunity.

39 On behalf of the Central Committee of the German Social-Democratic Party, A. Südekum—one of its leaders—traveled on a special mission to Italy with the aim of winning Italian socialists over to Germany's side. Südekum's conversation with representatives of the Italian Socialist Party (Della Seta, Lazzari, and Zerbini) was recorded in minutes and published in "Avanti!", and then reprinted with commentary in various socialist press outlets of European countries. A Russian translation was published with censorship excisions in the Menshevik organ "Nasha Zarya" (Nos. 7-8-9 for 1914). The name Südekum, as that of an ardent social-patriot, became a byword during the war.

40 In 1910, at the Copenhagen Congress, Lenin convened a private meeting of left elements of the Second International as a counterweight to its opportunist elements. The meeting did not yield substantial results. As can be seen from the list of participants in the Copenhagen meeting (see the plan of the pamphlet, p. 22), only individual representatives of it remained faithful to internationalism; the majority of them, with the outbreak of the world war, took the path of undisguised social-patriotism.
Only fragmentary information about the Copenhagen meeting exists in the literature. See Zinoviev, Collected Works, Vol. XV, p. 252, and the article by D. Blagoev in the Bulgarian Social-Democratic organ "Novo Vreme," Books VIII and IX for 1910.

41 By the "Danish resolution," Lenin means his "Theses on the War" (see p. 10). Lenin uses this name for purposes of conspiracy: thus, on his copy of the theses, he inscribed: "Copy of an appeal issued in Denmark." Lenin here has in mind § 4 of the theses, which speaks of the collapse of the Second International.

42 With regard to the war, the Serbian Social-Democrats adopted an internationalist position from the very beginning. During the discussion of the question of war credits in the "Skupshtina" (parliament), the Social-Democratic deputies (Lapčević and Kaclerović) voted against appropriations for the army.

43 See Lenin's excerpts on p. 61.

44 After England declared war on Germany, Trevelyan—State Secretary of the English Ministry of Education—in an open letter to his constituents in Elland (Yorkshire), set forth his point of view

32 on the war in the following words: "In my opinion, we should not take sides in this dispute; the interests of our own nation must stand above all else, and these interests are peace" (quoted from the note "Englands Politik" ("English Policy") in No. 216 of "Volksrecht" of September 17, 1914).

45 Lenin is referring to the editorial by F. Oppenheimer, "Neu Rom und Neu Karthago" ("New Rome and New Carthage"), in No. 254 I (Morgenblatt) of the "Frankfurter Zeitung" of September 13, 1914 (see p. 85).

46 Lenin is referring to K. Kautsky's pamphlet "Der Weg zur Macht. Politische Betrachtungen über das Hineinwachsen in die Revolution." Verlag Buchhandlung Vorwärts. Berlin. 1909 ("The Road to Power. Political Reflections on Growing into the Revolution." Vorwärts Publishing House. Berlin. 1909), in that part where Kautsky speaks of revolution in connection with war and the tasks of Social-Democracy, as well as of the banality of the theory of "peaceful growing into socialism." Lenin also uses this pamphlet in his article "Dead Chauvinism and Living Socialism" (Works, Vol. XVIII, pp. 74-75) (see also p. 36).

47 At the beginning of the war, the Central Committee of the Social-Democracy of the Latvian Territory and the Riga Committee issued and distributed proclamations against the war. The bourgeois press: "Sovremennoye Slovo" of (September 3) August 21, 1914, and "Birzhevye Vedomosti" of (October 2) September 19, 1914, called them provocative leaflets fabricated by the Germans (see p. 114).

48 At the beginning of the war, the Petersburg Committee of the RSDLP issued several leaflets against the war (Lenin's Works, Vol. XVIII, note 15, p. 423).

49 "Russkoye Znamya"—organ of the Union of the Russian People, a Black Hundred newspaper that, during the war, oriented itself toward a separate peace with Germany; it was published by A. I. Dubrovin.
Lenin here refers to the editorial in No. 195 of "Russkoye Znamya" of (September 12) August 30, 1914, which speaks of the distribution in Petersburg of a proclamation by the Petersburg Committee of the RSDLP against the war. "Russkoye Znamya" declared that the proclamation was not published abroad, but was issued by Jews under the supposed mark of the St. Petersburg Committee of the RSDLP, because the workers "rose up as one to defend the fatherland." In the same editorial, among other things, it was reported that K. Liebknecht had been sent "as a volunteer to the front."

50 Lenin is referring to the following excerpts from K. Kautsky's article "Prospects for Peace" in Nos. 18 and 19 of "Golos" of October 2 and 3, 1914:
"A Latin proverb says: if you want peace, prepare for war. In a certain sense, this is true, but it must, however, be stipulated that not every preparation for war ensures peace. On the contrary, it is precisely because of such preparations that peace can be endangered. Conversely, one can boldly assert that peace must be prepared already during wartime. In any case, war can only be an episode, while peace is the normal state of civil society. War is waged not for victory's sake alone, but in order to achieve a favorable peace.
Even he who considers war an expedient means for the life of nations will still consider only that war happy which leads to a better situation than before during peacetime."

... On the other hand, however, even those who refuse to regard war as a means for resolving questions, once war has already broken out, will have to think about ending it with an advantageous peace.

But what kind of peace should be considered advantageous? What is "good" for some is "death" for others. In any case, for the broad masses, peace is advantageous only when it contains a guarantee of solidity and durability and in no way disrupts or harms the mutual peaceful coexistence of peoples... (Column 1.)

... "it would be... an undesirable step backward if any of the large national states participating in the war were to wish to use a possible victory to annex the possessions of other nationalities and thus transform itself from a national state into a state of nationalities. This would be a great misfortune not only for the vanquished but also for the victors.

But it would also be a violation of the independence of nationalities, for the defense of which each of the large civilized states entered the war. Each of them, after all, asserts that it only wants to defend its own independence and integrity. This, however, does not mean that every change in the map of Europe must contradict this principle.

Where any nationalities are oppressed by a foreign power, the defeat of that power can, of course, lead to the independence of these nationalities. If, for example, in the event of Russia's defeat, the inhabitants of Poland, the Baltic region, or Finland were allowed to decide the question of their state-legal status themselves, without any external pressure whatsoever—this would be in full accordance with the aspirations of democracy. The same applies if the war were to lead to the independence of Egypt and Persia. Such consequences of the war would cause no regret among any of the participating peoples, at least among the democratic strata. They would be welcomed as a guarantee of peace and as a step forward on the path of progress." (Column 4.)

In No. 264 of *Vorwärts* of September 27, 1914, an article was published titled "Germany and Abroad," in which the timid idea was expressed that German and French workers had been drawn into the war against their will and that "the German working class will fight, as far as circumstances permit, against adventurist attempts to conquer other peoples." The commander of the Brandenburg military district, General von Kessel, banned the publication of *Vorwärts* after this article appeared. Social-Democratic deputies Haase and Fischer, appearing before von Kessel, gave a written undertaking on the condition that *Vorwärts* would henceforth not touch upon the themes of "class hatred and class struggle." On October 1, *Vorwärts* reappeared, with Kessel's order for the resumption of publication under the above conditions printed in large type on the front page.

Lenin is referring to the notice "W. C. Modell 70," published in No. 227 of *Vorwärts* of August 21, 1914. In the notice, an unknown author describes the devices used by soldiers of the German army in the war of 1870 for attending to their natural needs.