# Letter to the Secretary of the English Committee of "Labour Representation" R. MacDonald with notification of receipt of money
# Source: Lenin Miscellany XVI, p. 59

TO THE ARTICLE "NEW TASKS AND NEW FORCES"

* TO THE ARTICLE "NEW TASKS AND NEW FORCES"
FEBRUARY - MARCH 1903, GENEVA.
While drafting the content plan for L$ 5 "Vperyod" and reviewing
correspondence received from the field regarding the unfolding revolutionary events in Russia (see above, p. 45), Lenin
came to the idea of developing the topic "Mobilization of the Army of the Proletariat." The rough outline of the content of this topic, printed
below under the number I, was the first stage in the development of the article
"New Tasks and New Forces," published in No. 9 of "Vperyod"
on March 8, 1905 (Works, Vol. VIII, pp. 442-450). Document under
the number II – theses of the main points of the topic. Further stages
of work on the article are recorded in seven documents, published
in Lenin Miscellany V, pp. 95-445. The most developed and complete
plan, which is apparently the last stage of work before writing the article, is printed here under the letter "Ö". Document
"o" is also reflected in the article (see Works, Vol. VIA,
p. 350).
a.
NOTES FOR THE ARTICLE TOPIC.
I.*

"Revolution is war."
For No. 6, shouldn't we write an editorial on the topic: Triple
Mobilization (Mobilization of the Army of the Proletariat).
Proletarian solidarity...
I
Masses (hundreds of thousands!) of strikers...
II
Speed of transition of the movement to other cities...
etc. etc.
:
½ million
1) Strike – thousands
2) Demonstration – thousands
3) Armed clashes (regiments)
4) Killed
5) Wounded"
*
The entry is made on one sheet (at the end) with a plan for
5 "Vperyod" (see above, p. 45). Ed.

II.*
It would be important to note in the article about the mobilization of proletarian
forces (the name, perhaps, is not suitable, because it is too general,
almost stereotypically general, does not express the transition of proletarian
movement into revolution) the following:
1) The tremendous expansion of the base of the revolution is given by the gigantic
agitational role of social-democrats. Many auxiliary, additional functions can be shifted to new, newly arrived forces and purely
(conscious) revolutionary elements can devote themselves more to
more urgent revolutionary tasks.
2) Expansion of the base for organization: a mass of auxiliary
circles should be created and can be created for the insurrection, for the revolution.
3) Practical
goal - overthrowing the government - should be practically discussed and clarified already as
the immediate goal, as "tomorrow's demonstration".
(J.
13 35
• EXTRACT FROM AULAR'S BOOK.
Aulard. p. 781.
En 1793, au temps des prétendus «géants», Mme Roland écrivait dans ses Mémoires: «La France élait comme épuisée d'hommes:
c’est une chose vraiment surprenante que leur disette dans cette
révolution: il n‘y a guère eu que des pygmées» (Oeuvres, édition
Chapagneux, t. II, p. 86).*
Aulard thinks, that this is a pessimistic illusion.
There was a middle generation (1789-1793). Then perhaps, after
the terror, lower than average: many were killed, which Napoleon could take advantage of.
*
The entry is made on one sheet with an excerpt from "Vossische Zeitung"
(see above, p. 55). Ed.
** _ Aulard, p. 781. In 1793, in the time of the so-called "giants,"
Madame Roland wrote in her "Memoirs": "France was as if
deprived of people:
it is truly surprising the lack of people during the revolution: everything is
pygmy around" (Collected Works, publ.
Champagneux, part II,
p. 86)". Ed.

TO THE ARTICLE "NEW TASKS AND NEW FORCES" in.
1136
• NEW TASKS AND NEW FORCES.
1. A new higher stage of the movement.
2. Insurrection is a task. Some aspects.
3. Fire. Smolders everywhere. Inflammable material.
4. Especially among the propertied. The lower classes
too.
5. Semi-conscious agitation. This is not ignorant - another
time.
6. Forces are decupled. Organization. Don't retreat.
7. The expansion of the movement is given. Organization = task.
Marxism.
8. Freedom from the tendencies of Rabocheye Delo.
9. Freedom from the organizational work of the new Iskra social-democrats.
10. Errors of Freedom - What to do?
(9 - 10 -
11).
11. Freedom from work.
12. "Legalization" of other kinds by expanding the movement.
13. Culturist. Striker - social-democrat. ------- ad

14. Preparatory work, literacy - is our business.
15. Growth of demand (Gusev) - competition of liberals.
16. Ergo the Party leads the class, social-democrats, self-activity,
organization ------- ad

17. Wartime. Decuples
the composition. Teach in battle.
18. Teach in battle --------------------------------------------

(18)
19. Results: expanded movement
a different scope of work different training different sizes of organization
20. Practical ways of creating expanded
sizes of organization (20) (21)
21. There is a mass of people and there are no people (21-22)
(19
1-2. Three rises
3. Present rise: organizational tasks
4. Struve's mistake

o. New training par excellence*
6. New scope of work and size of organization.
7. Freedom from work;
expansion of cadres, attraction of new forces
8. some are fighting
8. others are parliamenting*

The article "The Proletariat and Bourgeois Democracy" was
published unsigned in No. 46(2) of "Vperyod" of March
1905. The manuscript received by the archive of the Lenin Institute
establishes the authorship of the article as Lenin.
The introductory part to the leaflet given in the article was written
by Lenin in the free space at the end of the leaflet, typed on a
typewriter.

THE PROLETARIAT AND BOURGEOIS DEMOCRACY.
[March 1905, Geneva.]
We have already pointed out what inexcusable shortsightedness
distinguishes the judgment of the new-Iskraists, that moderate Russian
liberalism is mortally wounded, that the proletariat is recognized in
the role of vanguard by our democracy. On the contrary, it is precisely now
that bourgeois democracy is especially strengthening** (taking in tow,
taking control of the workers' movement), precisely now, therefore, it is extremely
harmful, the revived by the new-Iskraists Rabocheye Delo-ism. Here is
an interesting leaflet, distributed in Russia and giving valuable
material on this issue:
"Recently, there has been a tendency of the bourgeoisie to
organize, but an even more significant fact is the appeal of
bourgeois democracy to the worker. The democrats want to

* - pre-eminently. Ed.
** On the back of the manuscript page are numerical calculations that do not
relate to the content of the plan. Ed.
*** The word "strengthening" in the manuscript was corrected by an unknown hand to:
"straining forces to"; and so it was printed. Ed.

THE PROLETARIAT AND BOURGEOIS DEMOCRACY
to come forward as leaders of the economic and political struggle
of the proletariat. "We are, in our convictions, strictly speaking, Social-Democrats," they say, "but Social-Democracy, in its
party discords, has not understood the importance of the present moment and
proved incapable of leading the workers' movement, and we want to do this." From the further speeches of these new "S.-D. at heart" it
becomes clear that they, without developing an independent program,*
will only explain and answer the requests addressed to them by
workers. Literature should meet the same need and not be of a party nature at all. So these ("pure
S.D.", dissatisfied with the tactics and present behavior of the committee,
turned themselves to forms of "listening" long rejected by history, to the forms of the blessed memory of Economism. Considering
themselves S.D., considering themselves true expressers of the aspirations
of the working class, these gentlemen do not understand or do not want to understand
that the workers' movement will achieve significant results only
if it is headed by a united workers' party, if the proletariat is aware of its class separateness and understands that the cause
of its real liberation should be the cause of its own hands, and not the hands of the bourgeois democracy, discrediting the actions of the
workers' party. These "strictly speaking"
S.D.,
supposedly Marxists, should have understood what depravity they bring
into the working masses, seeking to show that some "Democrats" (and not S.D.), consisting exclusively of the bourgeois
intelligentsia, must show the workers the path to freedom and
socialism.
However, it seems, they have completely forgotten about the latter, carried away
by the politicking of the present day. Little by little, elements
of opportunism are being transferred by them to the workers' movement. The workers stop striving to create their own party, relying on the intelligentsia. Why do these new friends of the working class
allow and even encourage such phenomena? An honest answer
to this is given by the "Democrats" themselves: "Before, our group
worked only among the intelligentsia," they say, "but recent
events have forced us to turn to the workers as well."
Gentlemen democratic skimmers, calling themselves
S.D. in "principle," turned their benevolent attention to the proletarian movement only when the masses took to the streets,
and the pavements were stained with the blood of thousands of workers. And then they,
acting as true friends of the working class, with hypocri-