ceded their place to others so that others could get some sustenance. Of course, we must struggle against prejudices here.

When concessionaires come to us, we must moderate our trade unions so that they do not make excessive demands. You know that the usual contract terms are short. In Europe there are no conditions for long-term contracts. The usual term is 6 months. Thus, workers can get some sustenance, obtain American shoes and clothing, and then leave and give place to others.

Is it absolutely impossible for us to organize matters thus: worked for half a year, got some sustenance, received American shoes and clothing—now give up your place to others? Of course, this will be difficult. It requires greater organization and discipline than we have, but it is not impossible. If we managed to hold back workers for three years of terrible famine against the invasion of foreign capital, will we not manage here? I am perfectly aware of what difficulties will be encountered on this path. And therefore I say that a concession does not mean the advent of peace between classes. A concession is the continuation of war between classes. If previously the war consisted in my starving you out so that you receive nothing, then now I say I want to give a pair of shoes, but so that workers work for half a year. And we will fight so that workers receive shoes—all of them. We do not renounce strikes; all this remains in our hands if we are only rational and endeavor to emphasize now that which can lure capitalists to us.

Here they say it is very frightening that he will come and will overcome us, but I assert that this is not frightening and that for raising productivity it is desirable that he come, because he has an excellently organized rear, beautifully equipped factories from which we can order needed parts rather than buy on the free market—because on the free market there is only trash. At first-class factories orders are scheduled years in advance. Even if we paid with our gold, we would still get nothing, while a syndicate member will get everything. And we do not begrudge paying him extra, so long as we obtain improvement for at least a small part of the workers and peasants, because every additional product will go in exchange for grain to the peasants, thus will create a stable relationship between the working class and the peasantry.

Thus, I conclude with a request that the trade unionists abandon questions of principle, abandon disputes. All this is empty disputation, all this is scholasticism. It must be cast aside. All attention must be directed to those practical conditions of concession contracts from which we, if we are not foolish, will extract benefit for ourselves. Trade unionists and party leaders must here demonstrate their resourcefulness and their practical knowledge of conditions, about which we cannot and will not speak in print, because capitalists keep watch over the Russian press, just as we did not speak during the Brest treaty about what instructions were given to comrade Ioffe. In practice we will direct attention to those practical methods from which we can extract benefit for improving the situation of workers and peasants. Every such improvement has enormous significance for us. It is to this that trade unionists should direct their attention. There must be neither friction nor prejudice remaining. This is difficult work. Now no one yet wants to conclude concessions with us. Everyone is waiting for us to present impossible demands.

Therefore on our part we must absolutely direct all efforts toward concluding several such agreements. Of course, we will make a number of mistakes. This is a new undertaking. Until now not a single socialist republic has concluded any concessions with capitalists. But we need the trade unionists to help us. There is enormous room here for interpretation and pressure up to and including strikes, which remain in our hands.

¹ See note 2 on p. 169.

² Lenin has in mind the "Plan for the Electrification of the RSFSR. Introduction to the Report to the Eighth Congress of Soviets of the State Commission for the Electrification of Russia." Gostechizdat. Moscow. 1920.

³ D. Ryazanov and A. Shlyapnikov conducted demagogic agitation among trade unionists against concessions. Lenin's address to the Fraction put an end to vacillation among some trade union workers on this question. Shlyapnikov and Ryazanov, foreseeing that their demagogic activity would be exposed at this gathering, as indeed it was, immediately after Lenin's speech declared that they did not understand the reasons that prompted Lenin to address the Fraction of the All-Russian Central Council of Trade Unions, since there were supposedly no principled disagreements regarding concessions in the Fraction.

⁴ Notes of speeches made by Lenin on the back of excerpts from reports of specialists of NOFTLPIKON (see p. 142 of this collection).

⁵ Marshev spoke of improved supply of workers employed at concession enterprises compared to others.

⁶ See p. 150 of this collection.

⁷ Apparently Lenin has in mind M. Tomsky and A. Goltzman.

⁸ The agreement in question was concluded in Kutaisi on March 15-19, 1921, between the Georgian Revolutionary Committee and representatives of the Menshevik government of Georgia. A. Enukidze was the representative of the government of the RSFSR and presided at the conclusion of this agreement. The essence of the agreement between the Georgian Revolutionary Committee and the Menshevik government amounted to the fact that the Mensheviks gave up without a fight a part of Guria, that is, approximately 7/8 of Georgia. (The remaining districts of Georgia were occupied by forces that had risen up for the Revolutionary Committee.) On the day the agreement was concluded, a part of the revolutionarily inclined troops of the Menshevik government went over to the side of the Revolutionary Committee. By combined efforts, Turkish troops were expelled from the territory of Batumi and Adjaria. Following this, the Menshevik government fled to Constantinople.

⁹ In 1921 concession agreements for the Chiatura mines were not concluded. After the establishment of Soviet power in Transcaucasia, the manganese works [not mines] were turned over on special conditions to the organization "Chemo," which included both foreign and Russian former owners. The organization received the right to extract and process ore, as well as to export it abroad. In 1925 Chemo was liquidated, and the Chiatura mines were leased in concession to Harriman.

¹⁰ Regarding the telegram to President Harding of the USA, see below p. 190, note 1 and Lenin, Collected Works, vol. XXVI, p. 9.

¹¹ Lenin has in mind the article "On 'Left-Wing' Childishness and Petty-Bourgeois Mentality"; see Collected Works, vol. XXII, p. 523.

¹² Which pamphlet Lenin has in mind could not be established.

¹³ Lenin has in mind the book published in 1919 in Berlin: "Erich Ludendorff, Meine Kriegserinnerungen 1914-1918." In Russian it was published in 1924 under the title "My War Memoirs 1914-1918," published by the RSFSR Publishing House and Giz.