[Part 1/8]

Source: LS/v21 vol. XXI

PREFACE.

The collection contains documents of Vl. Ilyich characterizing his activity over two years: 1917 and 1918. The earliest document in time—"On the Question of the Role of the State" (plan of an article against comrade Bukharin)—was written in early 1917, still before the February coup; the latest—is dated December 31, 1918.

The greater part of the Collection is devoted to the post-October period, namely 1918—the first year of the proletarian dictatorship. The organization of Soviet power, industry and agriculture, transport and fuel, courts and revolutionary legality, questions of culture and enlightenment, banking and financial policy, foreign policy, problems of the international revolution—such are the principal questions reflected in the Collection.

Fifteen years ago, on February 24, 1918, the young Soviet republic, still not consolidated, defenseless, not yet possessing its own Red Army, was forced to accept, under the blows of mighty German imperialism, the most grievous Treaty of Brest-Litovsk. February—March 1918—was one of the most difficult and critical periods in the history of the Soviet Union. "The predator crushes and strangles and tears Russia to pieces"—Lenin wrote in those days (Works, vol. XXII, p. 376).

The party utilized the breathing space won at the cost of enormous sacrifices, absolutely necessary for the exhausted country, for "reorganization of Russia's economic structure" (XXII, 416), for the implementation of the broad system of socialist transformations designed by Lenin. Despite the exceptional gravity of the external and internal situation of the republic in spring 1918, despite "all that abyss of defeat, dismemberment, enslavement, humiliation into which we have now been cast," Lenin expressed the deepest, unshakeable confidence that the Soviet republic would be able to overcome all obstacles in its path, would be able "to rise again from enslavement to independence" (XXII, 376), would be able to become "in the full sense of the word mighty and abundant," would be able to realize socialism. "We have," Lenin wrote on March 11, "material in natural riches, and in reserves of human forces, and in the splendid scope which the great revolution gave to popular creativity—to create a truly mighty and abundant Russia" (XXII, 376).

How to achieve this goal? "To move forward on this path (= "the path of international revolution, upon which we have embarked"), without losing heart from defeats, to gather stone by stone a solid foundation of socialist society, to work tirelessly over the creation of discipline and self-discipline, over the strengthening everywhere and always of organization, order, efficiency, coordinated cooperation of all popular forces, universal accounting and control over production and distribution of products—such is the path to the creation of military might and socialist might" (XXII, 376). Fifteen years have passed since these lines were written. Lenin's directive has been fulfilled. The Party, guided by comrade Stalin, the great continuer of Lenin's work, the brilliant architect of socialist construction, at the January plenum of the Central Committee was able to sum up the brilliant successes of the first Five-Year Plan, which secured the economic independence of the Soviet Union, its—in Lenin's words—"military might and socialist might."

The "breathing space" proved to be short-lived, but Lenin's ideas of this most interesting period, the period of the first undertaking of economic construction (ideas about raising labor productivity, about socialist competition, about accounting and control, about labor discipline, about "such plowing of the soil that no bourgeoisie whatsoever could grow upon it," etc.), retain all their enormous significance for today as well, for the period of developed socialist construction. In the sphere of agriculture, for example, Lenin already in March 1918 pointed to the necessity of "gradual but undeviating transition to collective working of the land and to large-scale socialist agriculture" (XXII, 371). The present Collection gives some new supplementary material to those remarks and thoughts of Lenin on agriculture which are reflected in his Works.

The ruin and impoverishment of peasant economy as a result of the imperialist war reached considerable proportions in 1917—18. Hence Lenin's constant concern for measures to provide the peasantry with agricultural machines, implements, and equipment (a series of decrees and resolutions on these themes), for increasing the production of agricultural implements, requisitioning of private stocks of agricultural machines, declaration of state monopoly on all agricultural machines produced in the country or imported from abroad. The supply of the peasantry with agricultural machines and implements Soviet power had to conduct on defined conditions. "The basic principle of distribution of agricultural machines, etc.," Lenin wrote in April 1918, "should be, on the one hand and in the first place, the assurance of the interests of agricultural production, the working of all land and the increase of productivity of agriculture, and on the other hand, the supply of agricultural machines, etc., first and foremost to the laboring and poorest part of the rural population; and the general goal should be the assurance of proper and sufficient grain supplies to all the population of the state." Lenin's indications concerning the necessity of working all the land, concerning the increase of productivity, that is, the harvest yield, of agriculture, and especially Lenin's requirement concerning the delivery by the peasantry of grain in the volume necessary for the country's needs, these instructions of Vl. Ilyich are especially relevant for today, when the Party emphasizes by all means the necessity for kolkhozes to deliver grain to the state as their first-priority obligation, and directs particular attention to the necessity of struggle for increasing harvest yield. In one of the documents from an earlier period (December 1917), also concerning the supply of peasants with agricultural machines, Lenin corrects a proposed plan submitted to him, in which it was recommended simply to "distribute" machines among the peasants; instead of this Lenin transfers the right to "dispose of" the machines to local organs of Soviet power (including volost land committees), and emphasizes that "ownership of the machines remains with the state."

Questions connected with industry, with the necessity of its development and raising to proper heights, always stood in the front rank with Vl. Ilyich. Immediately after the October coup he conducts the decision on creation of the Supreme Council of the National Economy. Vl. Ilyich devoted much attention to the complex question, demanding considerable effort, of the immediate conversion of military industry to work satisfying the economic needs of the country. In a resolution adopted by the Council of People's Commissars at Lenin's proposal on December 12, 1917, it was indicated that "especially urgent is the production of agricultural implements, machines, the production and repair of locomotives." A month later Lenin conducts the decision on the necessity to "immediately begin the conversion of metallurgical factories to work on repair and reinforcement of railroad materials, and likewise to the production of goods suitable in exchange for grain, etc." The Collection reflects Lenin's work on carrying through state monopoly on leather, cloth, metal, work on the nationalization of enterprises, work in the sphere of railroad and water transport.

However modest were our economic successes in the first year of Soviet power, in conditions of bitter civil war, nevertheless the proletarian dictatorship already had certain achievements in overcoming economic ruin and replacing capitalism with the socialist order. Lenin considered it necessary to widely popularize—in connection with the first anniversary of the October coup—the results of our activity in the sphere of industry, the results of the work of the Supreme Council: "This is important both for Europe and for America. To recount clearly, simply, with facts: (a) the participation of workers' organizations, (b) not syndicalist but precisely communist (Marxist) character of construction (that is, of the new social structure, order), (c) the subjugation (that is, the breaking of resistance) of capitalists, (d) practical successes (we registered all manufactures: figures) 5—10 best examples."

Along with measures to raise industry and agriculture, it is necessary to note Lenin's struggle against the penetration of kulak and generally anti-Soviet elements into local organs of Soviet power. Proposing to give one of the districts of Tambov Province a 172-million-ruble loan, Lenin motivated this proposal as follows: "An extremely instructive example of an exemplary district where in all Soviet organs they have actually displaced the kulaks. In my view, such a district should be given assistance first and foremost." Lenin was always very attentive to all indications from the local population concerning the presence of anti-Soviet elements in Soviet organs. When a teacher from Tver Province, a certain V. S. Ivanova, appealed to Vl. Ilyich with a complaint about abuses of authority in one of the volosts, and pointed out that former and present Black Hundreds had penetrated into the local committee of the poor, Lenin immediately issued an order to the chairman of the Tver Provincial Executive Committee to investigate the matter: "Begin the check carefully, so that there is no early disclosure, so that you can completely expose and convict them. If it turns out to be true, you must publicly expel these Black Hundreds and publish a leaflet throughout the volost and district, for it is essential to accustom the population to the fact that reasonable complaints have serious significance and lead to serious results." As a rule, not a single complaint received by the Council of People's Commissars or personally in Lenin's name was left without investigation.

Lenin was implacable toward violations of revolutionary legality, arbitrariness, and tyranny. He demanded especially merciless reprisals against bribe-takers and was indignant at the mild sentences which our judges sometimes handed down. "Instead of shooting bribe-takers, to hand down such mockingly weak and lenient sentences is a shameful act for a communist and revolutionary. Such comrades must be prosecuted by the court of public opinion and expelled from the Party." Lenin devoted much attention to questions of properly setting up work in courts and revolutionary tribunals, and the Collection reflects his activity in this sphere as well. Vl. Ilyich was not satisfied with minor reforms in the judicial department, and he demanded "the creation of a truly revolutionary, swift and mercilessly stern court toward counter-revolutionaries, hooligans, slackers, and disorganizers." In another place Lenin speaks of a strict court toward "violators of discipline." Our Party has always devoted considerable attention to the struggle for labor discipline, against slackers and parasites. In the basic provisions of economic policy written by Lenin in April 1918, on this question there is such a point: "Recognition as absolutely necessary and urgent the most merciless measures of struggle against chaos, disorder and idleness, the most decisive and draconian measures of raising discipline and self-discipline of workers and peasants."

Lenin attached great agitational and propagandistic significance to the removal of old monuments in Moscow and Petrograd and their replacement with new ones, corresponding to the spirit of the proletarian dictatorship and to the revolutionary epoch in general. He also considered it necessary to adorn the public buildings of both cities with "good quotations and inscriptions." The work moved slowly due to red tape and the unwieldiness of Soviet institutions. "There are no busts of Marx for the street, for propaganda with inscriptions on the streets nothing has been done," Lenin was indignant in a note to comrade Lunacharsky. On the basis of the red tape of Soviet organs responsible for the work, there arose a correspondence between Lenin and the People's Commissariat of Enlightenment and the then presidium of the Moscow Soviet: both these institutions did nothing to adorn Moscow with busts for the anniversary of the October coup. The presidium blamed everything on the People's Commissariat of Enlightenment and even recorded in the minutes that it was removing itself from responsibility for the failure of the work. In response to the red tape and negligence of the People's Commissariat of Enlightenment, Lenin responded with the following telegram to the People's Commissar (who was then in Petrograd): "I declare a reprimand for criminal and negligent treatment, I demand the sending to me of the names of all responsible persons for their prosecution. Shame on saboteurs and blockheads." As for the extract from the minutes of the Moscow Soviet presidium which he received, Lenin replied to it with a remarkable letter. It is not large in volume, less than one page, but so passionate, so lashing could only Ilyich write, wrathfully falling upon Soviet workers who did not fulfill their duty, did not do the work entrusted to them. "If the People's Commissariat of Enlightenment does not answer you and does not fulfill its duty toward you, then you are obliged to complain, and with documents. ...When did you complain? Where is the copy? Where are the documents and evidence? And in my opinion the entire presidium and Vinogradova* should be put in jail for a week for inactivity. If the People's Commissariat of Enlightenment 'does not give out busts' (when did you demand them? from whom? the copy and document? when did you lodge a complaint?),—you should have fought for your right. But to 'remove yourself from responsibility'—that is the manner of capricious young ladies and foolish Russian intellectuals." The letter ends with the following words: "Forgive my forthright expression of my opinion and accept a communist greeting from one hoping that you will be taught a lesson by jail for governmental inactivity, and from deeply indignant Lenin."

From the mass of Vl. Ilyich's remarks (of 1918), concerning the most diverse questions, let us note here only the following of his indications: the necessity of economical use of fuel, the organization for this purpose of "popular agitation and propaganda about the importance of conserving fuel"; the role of banks in the Soviet state ("banking policy, not limiting itself to the nationalization of banks, must gradually but undeviatingly be directed toward the transformation of banks into a single apparatus of bookkeeping and regulation of the socially organized economic life of the entire country as a whole"); the requirement of decisive measures for collection of income tax; "the creation of mobile groups of controllers in all spheres of economic life"; in the sphere of industry "the undeviating requirement of preliminary plans and estimates, weekly reports and actual increase in labor productivity." Also interesting are Vl. Ilyich's notes on the procedure for preparing sessions of the Council of People's Commissars.**

The policy of the Soviet republic was always determined by and is determined by the interests of the international proletarian revolution. "We are fighting not only for the victory of socialism in Russia but also throughout the world" (from the plan of the speech at the First Congress on Enlightenment). When in autumn 1918 the revolution began in Germany, the inevitability of which Vl. Ilyich had foreseen, he takes all measures to mobilize the attention of the broad masses to the events occurring in Germany, calls upon workers and peasants to prepare broad assistance to the German revolutionary proletariat ("things have 'accelerated' so in Germany that we cannot lag behind"), and at the same time restrains those getting carried away, speaks against "rushing ahead" (this against Kamenev, who even before the crisis in Germany proposed to begin negotiations about a revision of Brest). In a directive letter of October 1, Lenin outlines the tactics of the Soviet republic toward the German revolution: "We will all die to help German workers in the movement forward of the revolution begun in Germany. Conclusion: 1) tenfold more effort in obtaining grain (clear all reserves both for us and for German workers), 2) tenfold more enrollments in the army. We should have an army of 3 million by spring to help the international workers' revolution." The revolutionary situation in Germany made the struggle against the "vulgarest opportunism" of Kautsky especially urgent, "replacing the point of view of the dictatorship of the proletariat with vulgar social-liberalism in the spirit of Bernstein and other opportunists." Lenin therefore insisted on the necessity precisely in Germany, the center of developing revolutionary events, precisely on the part of the "left" (Spartacists and others) of a coming out against Kautsky's vulgarization of Marxism.

Each new "Lenin Collection," extracting from archives still unpublished documents of Lenin, representing in itself a most precious contribution to the treasury of Marxist-Leninist thought, gives in the hands of Bolsheviks a new weapon in the struggle for the victory of the general line of our Party, for the complete triumph of socialism in the Soviet Union and throughout the world.

The basic materials of the Collection (post-October period) have been prepared by comrade E. B. Novitskaya. In the preparation of the Collection the following comrades also took part: M. I. Glasser (pp. 10—30), N. A. Podvoyskaya (pp. 31—87), M. A. Avilova (pp. 204—215, 273—284), N. G. Sennikovsky (pp. 285—309).

February 22, 1933.
Vl. Sorin.

MATERIALS FOR THE PAMPHLET
"THE STATE AND REVOLUTION"
JANUARY—AUGUST 1917

The series of documents published here under the general heading "Materials for the pamphlet 'The State and Revolution'" represents the successive stages of development by Lenin of the excerpts and notes on the state which he collected in a "notebook with a blue cover" (see "Marxism on the State," Lenin Collection XIV, pp. 497—583).

The first document in this series—the plan of the article "On the Question of the Role of the State"—has the closest relation to the pamphlet "The State and Revolution." This article, directed against comrade P. Bukharin, in response to an article sent by the latter in the second half of 1916 to the editorial office of the Collection "Social-Democrat," "On the Theory of Imperialist State,"* was planned by Lenin while still abroad, during the period of his direct work on the writings of Marx and Engels on the state (January—February 1917). In "The Bolshevik" No. 22 for 1952 there was published the correspondence of the editorial office of the Collection "Social-Democrat" with comrade P. Bukharin, from which it is evident that, regarding extremely negatively the views of P. Bukharin on the state, Lenin at first did not intend at all to publish his article in the Collection "Social-Democrat." Later Lenin changed his intention and decided to place comrade Bukharin's article, but with his own response to it. In a letter to A. Kollontai of February 17, 1917, Lenin informs her that he had almost prepared the material for an article on the question of Marxism's relation to the state, and further writes: "Oh, too bad—we have no money! We would have published Collection Social-Democrat No. 3 (all the material is ready) and No. 4 (Bukharin's article, which we at first rejected, and my article on the state)!" (Works, vol. XXIX, p. 294). Even earlier, in December 1916, examining and criticizing in a note "Internationale der Jugend"* the article of P. Bukharin "The Imperialist Predatory State," written by Bukharin after the editorial office of the Collection "Social-Democrat" rejected his first article and published in the journal "Jugend-Internationale" under the signature "Nota Bene," Lenin promised to return to the question of the state and the relation to it of revolutionary social-democracy in a special article (Works, vol. XIX, p. 296). Comparison of the plan of the article "On the Question of the Role of the State" with the articles of P. Bukharin and Lenin's note "Internationale der Jugend" leaves no doubt that this is precisely that article against Bukharin which was intended by Lenin for No. 4 of the Collection "Social-Democrat." The sheet with the plan was inserted in the notebook "Marxism on the State." As evident from this plan, Lenin did not intend to use completely all the material he had collected in the notebook; sharpening the article against anarchist tendencies in the interpretation of the question of the state, he apparently intended to use in it mainly that part of these materials devoted to the polemic of Marx and Engels with the anarchists.

The manuscript of the article "On the Question of the Role of the State" has not been found to this day. Apparently the article remained unwritten due to lack of time; it is also possible that Lenin deliberately postponed it in view of the absence of money for the publication of No. 4 of the Collection "Social-Democrat" (see above, letter to A. Kollontai).

Lenin returned to work on the materials of the notebook "Marxism on the State," as is known, already after the February revolution, hiding in the July days in a hut at Razliv station. The 1917 revolution gave Lenin new, rich additional material for theoretical work on the question of the state. This question, in connection with the Bolsheviks' struggle for the victory of the proletarian dictatorship, acquired special importance not only in the theoretical but also in the practical-political respect. It is clear, therefore, that the entire plan of this work had to be substantially changed by him.

In the plan of the preface to the pamphlet "The State and Revolution" Lenin indicates as the reason for its writing disputes over the delimitation of Marxism and anarchism, thus linking it with the previous polemic with P. Bukharin. The excerpts and notes from the notebook "Marxism on the State," proving the incorrect formulation of the question on the state by P. Bukharin, in one form or another were used first in the plans for the pamphlet, and then in the pamphlet itself. The analysis of the plans and comparison of the pamphlet with the materials of the notebook "Marxism on the State" show thus that the divergence of comrade Bukharin with Lenin on the question of the state was by no means "sublated" in 1917, as some comrades have asserted. In fact, the pamphlet "The State and Revolution," giving a devastating critique of the opportunistic distortions of Marx's teaching on the state, is at the same time in a certain respect directed also against the incorrect, semi-anarchist views of "left communists" (comrade Bukharin and others) on this question.

All the remaining plans and sketches printed here were written by Lenin already after the February revolution, before the beginning of work on the pamphlet. This is indicated by the reference in all plans, including the most initial sketch, to the experience of the revolutions of 1905 and 1917. In the first two sketches of the plan Lenin groups the material of the notebook "Marxism on the State," and in the third, the most detailed, principal plan of the pamphlet, in each paragraph he indicates the corresponding pages of the notebook (cf. Lenin Collected Works XIV, pp. 208—209).

ON THE QUESTION OF THE ROLE OF THE STATE
[January—February 1917]

[Communist] or social d[emocrat]?
S[ocialis]m and comm[un]ism. Complete communality of articles of consumption (or at least the necessary ones)
D[emocra]cy is also a g[o]v[ernmen]t. Absterben** ...
("Dying away" of st[a]te.
Why not Abschaffung*** and not Sprengung****?
"Allmahliches Einschlafen"***** of one function after another.
Without democracy = without governance of people.
"The roots of statehood in the souls of workers"?
Opp[ortun]ism and r[evolutionary] s[ocial-] d[emocra]cy.
Dictat[u]re of the pr[oletaria]t.
("Use" of state against b[ourgeoi]sie.
Resistance to its attempts at restoration.
R[evolutionary] wars.
Introduction and defense of democracy.
Role of democracy:
Educ[ation] of masses
Transition of them to new order
Form of social revolution: unions of 1905.
Imp[erialis]m: g[o]v[ernmen]t and economic organizations of cap[itali]sts. "State-cap[itali]st trusts"...
1870*)
* Title given by Lenin. Ed.
** dying away. Ed.
*** abolition. Ed.
**** blowing up. Ed.
***** gradual falling asleep. Ed.

LENIN COLLECTION

Dem[ocratic] ref[orm]s of imp[erialists] and social r[e]v[o]lution.
M[ar]x in 1844 ("Nachlass," II V[ol], p. * 50, end of penultimate paragraph).
Nothing but opposition of socialism to politics.
Against purely politi[cal] radicalism of Ruge. Before 1847!
Eng[els] ("On Authority"** on rev[olution]... (+)
on organization... (+)
M[ar]x (ibidem***) ("N[ew] T[ime], 32, II, 1913—4))on political influence and str[uggle] for conc[essions]"
—on rev[olutionary] u[se] of state power...
Two directions in politics (politics is participation in the affairs of the g[over]nm[ent], direction of the state, determination of forms, tasks, content of the activity of the g[over]nm[ent]), opp[ortun]ist[ic] and rev[olutionary],
or two directions in relation to "statehood"?
Democracy of reformists and democracy of revolution. Two different contents: m[ass] and mass. Pacification of the mass? assistance in the str[uggle] of the mass? Subordination of the mass to the authority of leaders? uprising against leaders?
"Lower mass" in Engels v[ersus]* "mass" under opportunist leaders.
Comes down to revolution v[ersus] opportunism.

PLANS OF THE PAMPHLET

1870³

PLANS OF THE PAMPHLET
JULY—AUGUST 1917

I.

Teaching of m[arxis]m on the state.
Should one choose the historico-dogmatic (a) order of exposition or the logical (B)?
(a) Development of the views (chronological) of M[ar]x and Eng[els]. 1847, 1848, 1852, April 12, 1871, 1872, 1873, 1875, 1878 (A[nti-]D[ühring]), 1891 (Cr[itique of] Erf[urt] pr[ogram]), (189_: preface to B[ürgerkrieg]*) 1894, (1895)
(B) St[a]te in [pre]class[less] society...
} in
st[a]te in class society...
introduction
Ent[fremdung]**; How does the b[ourgeoi]sie rule in democratic r[epublic]?
Eng[els] 1887. Eng[els] 1894 (Origin)
St[a]te and r[evolution] (and s[ocialism]).
1847 and 1848.
1852: experience of Fr[ench] r[evolutions]
Experience of the Commune. . . 1871; 1872; 1875; 1875.
Tr[ansition] from cap[itali]sm to s[ocialis]m:
ec[onomi]c[ally]: Cr[itique of Gotha]
pr[ogram]
2 Phases of c[ommunis]t[ic] s[ociet]y

[K[arl] K[autsky] v[ersus] M[ateri]al[ist] IV) 12. (K) and worse than nil).

Experience of 1905 and 1917. "Soviets"...
* On Civil War. Ed.
** Alienation. Ed.
*** nothing. Ed.

II.

Approx[imately]:
I. Intr[oduction]. St[a]te in pre-class and class s[ociet]y. What is st[a]te?
II. Most modern st[a]te.
Democratic republic and stock exchange.
Arm[ament] and w[ar]s.
III. "Dying away of st[a]te."
Comprehensiveness of this concept.
IV. 1847 and 1848: "Theory."
V. 1852: lessons of Fr[ench] history and Fr[ench] r[evolution]s.
VI. Experience of C[ommune]. ("Finally discovered").
ad VI:
letter of April 12, 1871.
1872.
Preface to the Communist M[anifo]sto June 21, 1872. 1873. 1875.
VII. Ec[onomi]cs of the tr[ansition]al stage from cap[italis]m to c[ommunis]m.
VIII. Political tr[ansition] from st[a]te to "non-st[a]te"
IX. Oblivion and vulgarization of Marxism.
Pl[ek]hanov 1894 and after. K. K[autsky] 1912 and later.
X. Experience of 1905 and 1917.
Possibly more cautiously: X. Conclusion (experience of 1905 and 1917).

* approximately. Ed.
** "Finally discovered." Ed.

III.

PLAN OF THE PAMPHLET:
TEACHING OF MARXISM ON THE STATE
(p. ...)

PREFACE: Theoretical importance and relevance of the question.

1. INTRODUCTION.
Citation from Origin*: pre-class society without st[a]te and class s[ociet]y with st[a]te.
What is the st[a]te? (This alone the opp[ortun]ists and Kautsky-ites "know"—p. 36; 37—38)

2. MOST MODERN STATE:
Democratic republic and stock exchange (Eng[els], in Origin)—p. 37.
arm[ament] and w[ar]s (Eng[els] in A[nti-]D[ühring]!)
Imp[erialis]m: "g[o]v[ernmen]t-cap[itali]st tr[us]ts." State monopol[ies].
(+Eng[els] on Planlosigkeit** ...

3. "DYING AWAY OF STATE."
This is concept, not a cr[itique] of "free p[eo]ple's st[a]te" (which Eng[els] forgot in A[nti-]D[ühring])—p. 38—39.
III = general conclusions. Well-known. As general, does not concern the question of revolution, forms and ways of dying away.
Allows opportunist[ic] interpretation:
|| "dying away" versus "breaking" ||
Compare "dying away" and citation from A[nti-]D[ühring]. Panegyric of violent r[evolution].
[Perhaps] Combine 1—3, as [General-theor]et[ical] views of M[arxis]m on "st[a]te"? "Class s[ociet]y and st[a]te" (p. 2)****

Concrete development of views of M[ar]x and Eng[els]:
4. 1847 (Mi[sery of] Ph[ilosoph]y)—p. 22, and 1848 (C[ommunist] M[anifes]to)—p. 22—25.

Famous passage: "st[a]te, i.e. org[anize]d [as a] ruling c[las]s of the proletaria[t]"....
How org[anize]d?

5. 1852: Lessons of Fr[ench] history and Fr[ench] r[evolution]s ("smash the machine")... p. 2—3—4.
(Eng[els] on "classicality"; hist[ory] of Fr[ance]: p. 4).

6. Experience of C[ommune]:
(a) Preface to the C[ommunist] M[anifes]to June 24, 1872.—p. 1.
(B) p. U. (B). B[ernsteen] on "doctrin[aire] dem[ocra]tism"
(u) April 12, 1871. (M[ar]x's L[ette]r to Kugelmann—p. U—2.
(8) (May 30?) May 28, 1871.
Civil W[ar]—p. 27—28—29—30—31.
—(1872: "On the H[ousin]g Qu[estion]" p. 25: "abolition of st[a]te." P. 25—24—25—26).
(Dictator[shi]p of proletaria[t]: p. 26).

7. Distortion by B[ernstei]n and evasive dodges of Kautsky ("cannot simply seize")...

8. 1873 (against an[arch]ists; —p. 39—40—41—42.

9. 1875. Ec[onomi]c bases of the transform[ation] of st[a]te into non-st[a]te.
(M[ar]x in Cr[itique of] G[otha] Pr[ogram])—p. 15—16—17—18—19.

10. 1875. Eng[els] to Bebel). (22)—p. —(1)*.
10 bis. 1891: Eng[els], Preface to 3rd ed[ition]—p. 52—53—54—55.
[Eng[els] 1887: p. 23]
Eng[els] in Crit[ique] 1891—p. 5—6—1—8.
Eng[els]: 1894: p. 59.

Chapter VI (11). [Oblivion] Vulgarization of M[arxis]m by opportunists.
(a) Pl[ek]hanov in brochure on an[arch]ism—? 1894—nil!
(B) Ka[utsky] 1902 "S[ocial] r[evolution]") and 1909 ("c[oming] to power") very poorly.
+ Kau[tsky] 1899 against B[ernstei]n.
(-) Kau[tsky] v[ersus] P[anneko]ek 1912 and later. —15—14—45—16—17.
(o) "P[reparation]" of r[evolution]. Quid est?** (cf. Engels 1894—5, p. 10—11—12.)
NB + 47.
[-+ 21 in a letter Eng[els] and Bebel]*
Especi[ally] NB:
"We seem more moderate than we are" Kau[tsky].
P. 41.
Revolutionary tradition.
"Messianism"?
No, accounting for 1905—1917
[-+ (p. 20 "revolutionary mass")]-
[-+special sheet: Kau[tsky]: "Over Night"*).

Ad 8, ch. VI. Add:
"The Frenchman will start, the German will finish": Eng[els]: June 2, 1891: p. 41—42.
(Ch. VI ad 8). Eng[els] on peaceful path (preface 1895): p. 11 (NB: +p. 21).

Ch[apter] VII (12). Experience of 1905 and 1917.
S[oviets]. Quid est? [cf. 1905 and 1906, res[olutions] of B[olshev]iks]
Same type as C[ommune].
Distorted by S[ocialist] R[evolution]aries and Me[nshev]iks.
NB
"The Frenchman will start, the German will finish". P. 44—42... (cf. Spectator 1915—6)...
Or to ch[apter] VII?
Transition to s[ocialis]m in concrete forms of transition (NB)...

Chapter VII:
1. (a) 1905. Res[olutions] of B[olshev]iks 1906.
Nothing in West-European literature on the st[a]te.

2. (B) 1915: Theses of "S[ocial-]D[emocra]t)".
3. (u) 1917.
[ —power.
Experience. —militia.
{ —Tr[ansition] to s[ocialis]m.

4. (8) Relation of S[ocialist] R[evolution]aries and Me[nshev]iks.
5. (e) My prediction in June 1917 at C[ongress of] S[oviets].
6. (C) Experience July and August 1917.
7. September 1917.
8. "Messianism"? Who will "start"?

9. Eng[els] on "preparation" of r[evolution].
Revolutionary tradition.

Ch[apter] VIII (13). Conclusion.
Necessity of ch[ange] of pr[ogram] of S[ocial]-D[emocrats].
[Steps toward this by S[ocialist] L[abor] P[arty]*]—out!
Project of pr[ogram] R[ussian] S[ocial-]D[emocra]t[ic] W[orkers'] P[arty] in April and May 1917.

NOTES TO THE PLAN OF THE PAMPHLET.

Should we not add a chapter (or §§ to Ch. VII): concretization of the tasks of the proletarian revolution by the experience of the Russian revolution of 1917? This is necessary!
Develop Ch[apter] VII.
II
We must add: RELATION TO ANARCHISM.
"Whose" Commune? When, how and in what is st[a]te not needed?
This can be included in the commentary to Engels's article against anarchists of 1873.
On the question of "messianism": "What is economically formally false can be world-historically correct," preface of Eng[els] to "Mi[sery of] Ph[ilosoph]y," Russian tr[anslation] by S. Alekseev, 3rd ed[ition], "New W[orld]," Spb. 1906, p. 7—8: "However, what is formally false from the point of view of economic science, can be completely correct from the point of view of world history."
..."In a formal economic error there can be concealed very real economic content" (p. 8).

PLANS FOR THE DIVISION OF THE PAMPHLET INTO CHAPTERS

a.

[One] m[ay] [be] able to combine §§ 1—3 as Introduction (or section I?): "General-theoretical views of M[arxis]m on the st[a]te"; that which until now they have only wanted to know—opportunists and Kautsky-ites). Then: Concrete development of the views of M[ar]x and Eng[els] on the role of the st[a]te in r[evolution] and in tr[ansition] to s[ocialis]m: (a) 1847 and 1848, as an outline; (B) 1852, as a summary of the experience of France; (u) experience of 1871 = the main thing and (8) "résumé" of 1891 ((1891—1847 = 47 years)).

b.

Ch[apter] I. Well-known [aspects] in the views of M[ar]x and Eng[els] on the st[a]te.
II. Results of the experience 1789—1851.
III. Experience of 1871.
IV. How does the st[a]te begin to die away?*
Approx[imately]: Teaching of M[arxis]m on the st[a]te (and the tasks of our r[evolution]).
Preface.
Ch. I. General-theoret[ical] (and that's the word) (General?) views of M[ar]x and Eng[els] on the st[a]te.
Ch. II. Concrete development of these views: experience 1848—1852.
Ch. III. Experience of the Paris C[ommune].
Whose C[ommune]? anarchists and s[ocial-]d[emocrats]?
Ch. IV. Ec[onomi]c bases of the transform[ation] of st[a]te into non-st[a]te (§ 6, 9—10).
Ch. V. Final judgements of Eng[els] in the 1890s. (§ 10 bis)

* The sketch "b" is written in red pencil over another text. Over it are written the words: "not right," enclosed in a frame. Ed.

Ch. VI. Oblivion and vulgarization of M[arxis]m.
Ch. VII. Experience of 1905 and 1917.
Ch. VIII. Conclusion.

SKETCHES AND PLANS OF INDIVIDUAL CHAPTERS

I.

PLAN OF THE PREFACE.

Pref[ace]: a) [Reason (???): disputes over the demarc[ation] of M[arxis]m and An[arch]ism.—B) Theoret[ical] q[uestion] of first[-rate] import[ance], especi[ally] in connection with imp[erialis]m.—u) Opp[ortun]ism and relation to st[a]te.—8) "Era" of social r[evolution].—e) 1917.

II.

TO CHAPTER III.

a.

SKETCH OF CITATIONS FROM "THE CIVIL WAR" BY MARX.

I. Destru[ction] of permanent a[rmy]. (p. 28 No. 1).
Civic g[uards]: replaced by workers: (p. 28 No. 2).
P[olice] deprived of political f[unctions] and re[placed]. (p. 28 No. 4).
Same oth[er] offic[ials]. (p. 28 No. 5).
For a sala[ry]. (p. 28 No. 6)...
Loss of their privil[eges]. (p. 28 No. 7)...
Dissolution of church[es]... (p. 28 No. 8).
Judges. (p. 28 No. 9).
P. 30 No. 17.

II. C[ommune] not a parli[amentary], but a working, legisl[ative] and executing inst[itution] (p. 28 No. 3).
NB: not parli[amentary] but popular-elected: p. 29 No. 13.

III. C[ommune] = a) org[anization] of entire Fr[ance]: p. 29 No. 10.
b) centr[al] power: p. 29 No. 11.
c)"unity of the n[ation]": p. 29 No. 12.
= C[ommune] not = medieval, but modern: p. 29 No. 14: down with parasite st[a]te: p. 29—30 No. 15.
d) etc. p. 30 No. 16.

IV. V) = N[aked] and open pol[itical] form; p. 30 No. 18.

V. Cond[itions] of everything: p. 30 No. 19 and p. 31 ...

b.

FIRST SKETCH OF CHAPTER III.

1. Attempt to "smash" the g[over]nm[ent] military machine.
2. What to replace it with? Destruction of permanent a[rmy] and bureauc[racy].
3. Not parliamentary, but working.
4. How to org[anize] u[nity] of the n[ation].
5. Down with the parasite—st[a]te.
6. Finally openly.
7. Cond[itions].

b.

SECOND SKETCH OF CHAPTER III*.

Mine:
1. In what does the heroism of the Communards' attempt consist? p. 18.
2. What to replace the smashed g[over]nm[ent] [machine] with? p. 21.
3. Not parliamentary, but w[orking] inst[itutions]. Destruction of parliamentarism. p. 24.
4. How to org[anize]. Org[anization] of unity of the n[ation]. p. [25] 29.
5. [Down with] Destruction of the "parasite"—state. [p. 29] p. 32.
6. "Finally openly" political form for tr[ansition] to s[ocialis]m.

(Ad min. 10 11 Ch. III).

Approx[imately]:
Ch[apter] III. 1. In what was the Communist M[anifes]to out of date?
2. Analysis of the significance of the C[ommune]. M[ar]x.

III.

TO CHAPTER IV.

a.

PLAN OF CHAPTER IV.

Ch[apter] IV.
1. 3[ittat]e 1872.
2. Eng[els] 1873 and M[ar]x.
3. *) Eng[els] 1875.
Dictator[shi]p [of proletaria]t. Differ[ence] from an[arch]ism. C[ommune] was not a st[a]te in the proper s[ense].
4. 3[ittat]e 1891.
Ch[apter] IV. § 4.
Eng[els] 1891. Cr[itique of] Pr[ogram].
§ 4. Crit[ique] of [draft of] Erfurt Pr[ogram].
5. Eng[els] 1891, Preface.
6. Eng[els] 1894: against democracy.

b.

SKETCH OF CITATIONS FROM ENGELS ON THE NECESSARY QUESTION.

Eng[els] 1872
1) Expropriation of houses and apartments.
2) "Immediately help."
3) Hiring will remain.
4) Dictator[shi]p of proletaria[t].
5) "Abolition of st[a]te"...

IV.

PLANS OF CHAPTER VII
UNWRITTEN.

a.

1. New "p[eo]ple's creativity" in Russian revolution: S[oviets].
2. Lessons of 1905.
3. Eve of r[evolution] 1917. Th[eses] 1915.
4. Experience of revolution 1917. S[oviets] and their role.
III—IV. Beginning and perspectives.
5. Prostitution of S[oviets] by Me[nshev]iks and S[ocialist-] R[evolution]aries. Decline of S[oviets].
V—VIII. Decline.
6. Kornilov affair. IX. Betrayal of leaders of first rank.

b.

Ch[apter] VII. E[xperience of] Russian r[evolution] 1905 and 1917. p. 85†. New "p[eo]ple's creativity" in r[evolution]. Quid est? (Pl[ek]hanov 1906)

2. Lessons of 1905. (Res[olutions] of Me[nshev]iks and B[olshev]iks 1906).
3. Eve of r[evolution] 1917: Theses X 1915.
4. Experience of 1917. Mass up[surge]. S[oviets]. (Their scope and their weakness: petty-b[ourgeoi]s dep[endence]).
5. Prostitution of S[oviets] by SRs and Me[nshev]iks: militia, arming of p[eo]ple, mil[itary] dept. "Dep[artment]s." Ec[onomi]c dept. Survey 3—5. VII.
"Independence" of power from party org[anizations].
6. Kornilov affair.
Decomposition of Me[nshev]iks and SRs.
Forgery 14—19. IX.
7. "Messianism." Who will start? [move this to "Conclusion"?]

CONTENT OF THE PAMPHLET.

The title should be: "The State and Revolution."
Subtitle: Teaching of Marxism on the state and the tasks of the proletariat in the revolution.

Orig[inal]:
Pref[ace]: (p. 1);
Ch[apter] I. —(p. 2)
Or thus:
§ 1. St[a]te—prod[uct] of
(p. 2) Ch[apter] I. [T]he st[a]te irreconcilability in
pre-class and in class s[ociety].

# MATERIALS FROM THE ALL-RUSSIAN CONFERENCE OF THE RSDLP(B)

## TABLE OF CONTENTS

§ 2. [The St]ate — Special "detach[ments of] ar[med] m[en]" and [material] app[urtenances], prisons, etc., p. 5. [Note] (public force — armed men).

§ 3. The [st]ate [and the stock exchange] — instrument of exploitation of the oppressed class — p. 5.

§ 4. The "withering away" of the state and violent rev[olution], p. 8—11.

**Chapter II. The State and Revolution. The Experience of 1848—1851. Pages 11—48.**

1. On the eve of revolution, p. 11
2. The results of revolution, p. 44. "The state is an organization by means of which the ruling class rules the proletariat." It is necessary to smash the state machine of the bourgeoisie.

**Chapter III. The State and Revolution. The Experience of the Paris Commune. Marx's Analysis. Pages 18—31.**

The common society. Class society and the state.

One of the sources of opportunistic distortion of Marxism: "withering away." This = "sociology."

**Chapter IV. [Continuation]**

**Chapter V. The Concrete Historical Development of the Teaching of M[arx] and E[ngels] on the State.**

1. The Experience of 1848—1852.

Concrete "politics"
The Tasks of Revolution

**Ch. III. Continuation**

2. The Experience of the Paris Commune.

---

### LENIN COLLECTION

1. In what consists the heroism of the attempt by the Communards? — p. 18.

2. What should replace the smashed state m[achine]? — p. 21.

3. The destruction of parliamentarism: p. 24.

4. Org[anization of] the unity of the nation: p. 29.

5. The destruction of the parasite—the state—pp. 29, 32—34.

**Ch. IV. [Continuation]. Additional Expl[anations] of E[ngels]... pp. 31—51.**

1. "The Housing Question"... p. 34.

2. Polem[ic] with an[arch]ists... p. 39.

3. Letter to B[ebel]: p. 39.

4. Cr[itique] of the project of the Erfurth Pr[ogram]: pp. 40—49.

5. Preface of 1891 to Marx's "Civil War": pp. 46—50.

6. Engels on the "overcoming" of democracy: pp. 50—52.

**Ch. V. The Economic Foundations of the Withering Away of the State.**

Pages 52—70.

[May be?]

II. a. Marx 1871 and 1872, 1873. 1872: [Marx] and [Engels].

P. Engels 1872, 1873, 1875.

**Ch. IV. [The State] and Rev[olution] III. Summary Conclusions Drawn by E[ngels] in the 90s. Additional Explanations.**

**Ch. V. Economic Foundations of the Withering Away (Destruction) of the State.**

1. The Formulation of the Question by Marx: p. 53.

2. Tr[ansition] from cap[italism] to [communism]: p. 55.

3. [Lower First Phase of communist] society: p. 59.

4. Higher Phase of communist society: pp. 69—70.

**Ch. VI. The Vulgarization of Marxism by Opportunists: pp. 70—84.**

1. Plekhanov's Polemic with Anarchists:
pp. 70—71.

2. Kautsky's Polemic with Opportunists:
pp. 71—70.

3. Kautsky's Polemic with Pannekoek: pp. 70—84.

**Ch. VII. The Experience of Russian Revolutions of 1905 and 1917. pp. 85—**

---

### MATERIALS AND DOCUMENTS

**MATERIALS FOR A SPEECH AT THE GATHERING OF BOLSHEVIKS AT THE KSHESINSKAYA PALACE NIGHT OF [17 (4)] APRIL 1917.**

*(I. 1917; II. 1917-1918)*

I. Passage through Germany.
2. The Civil War.
3. Separate Peace (Stockholm Conference).

BRIEF SUMMARY OF THE MEETING.

Assessed the moment and worked out [a] pl[atform]. "Revolutionary practicality."

The question... "New" situation.

"Revolutionary armed forces."

Agitation: propaganda, preparation.

"Possibly we shall have to be in the minority."

[Transition] — to the 2nd revolution
— to power of the proletariat
— to socialism.

Renewal of the International.
International and Capital.

[One word not deciphered; resembles: "overthrow." Ed.]

---

## OUTLINE OF THESES ON POLITICAL TASKS.

[First days after arrival in Russia.]

(1) Economic collapse threatens. Therefore to eliminate the bourgeoisie is an error.

(This is a bourgeois conclusion. The nearer the collapse, the more urgent is the elimination of the bourgeoisie).

(2) The proletariat is not organized, weak, unconscious.

True. Therefore the entire task is to fight against the dark bourgeois leaders so-called s.d. (Ch[keidze], Ts[ereteli], St[eklof]), who lull the masses, instilling in them confidence in the bourgeoisie.

Not unification with these petty bourgeois (Ch[keidze], St[eklof], Ts[ereteli]), but development of this social democracy arousing the revolution of the proletariat.

(3) The revolution is bourgeois at this stage. Therefore there is no need for "socialist experiment."

(This reasoning is thoroughly bourgeois. No one speaks of "socialist experiment." The concrete, Marxist position requires now not only an accounting of classes, but of institutions.

The gentlemen stranglers of revolution with a sweet phrase (Ch[keidze], Ts[ereteli], St[eklof]) drag the revolution backward from the Soviets of Workers' Deputies to "the sole authority" of the bourgeoisie, to the ordinary bourgeois parliamentary republic.

We must skillfully, carefully, by clarifying minds lead the proletariat and the poorest peasantry forward, from "dual power" to full power of the Soviets of Workers' Deputies, and this is precisely the Commune in the sense of Marx, in the sense of the experience of 1871.

The question is not how fast to go, but whither to go.

The question is not whether the workers are prepared, but how and to what to prepare them.

Since the manifestos and appeals of the Soviet of Workers' Deputies on war, etc., are the emptiest and most lying petty-bourgeois chatter, merely lulling the people, our task above all, as I have said, is in clarifying minds, in saving the masses from bourgeois influence of Ch[keidze], St[eklof], Ts[ereteli] and Co.

---

## OUTLINE OF AN UNIDENTIFIED SPEECH AT A RALLY

The "revolutionary armed forces" of Soviets of Workers' Deputies, i.e., Ch[keidze], Ts[ereteli] and St[eklof], is a hundred times more harmful because concealed by sweet phrases, a chauvinistic tendency, an attempt to reconcile the masses with the Temp[orary] R[evolutionary] G[overnment].

The stupid, unconscious masses, deceived by messrs. Ch[keidze], Ts[ereteli], St[eklof] and Co., do not understand that war is the continuation of politics, that wars are waged by governments. It is necessary to explain that the "people" can stop the war or change its char[acter] only by changing the class char[acter] of the government.

---

## OUTLINE OF AN UNIDENTIFIED SPEECH AT A RALLY

[25 (12) April 1917]

The revolution has been decided by the Petrograd workers.

The revolution has not stopped; it is only now beginning.

Petrograd has awakened Russia. Petrograd has freed it. A great deed of the Petrograd workers.

Subsequently power will be taken by the Soviet of Soldiers' and Workers' Deputies and will deliver us from war and the power of capital!

What the Petrograd workers began will be continued at the front by the fraternization of soldiers.

Fraternal unions of workers of all countries.

Revolutionary union.

Long live the Russian revolution!

Long live the worldwide socialist revolution!

April 25, 1917.

N. Lenin.

---

## FOR THE REPORT ON THE CURRENT MOMENT AT THE PETROGRAD CITYWIDE CONFERENCE OF THE RSDLP(B)

*April 15 (?)* *1917*

---

## FOR THE REPORT ON THE CURRENT MOMENT

[Continuation of notes]

With Lenin: "Revolutionary pr[agmatism]," struggle against phrase...

"In a short time the bourgeoisness of the rev[olution] is exhausted"...

[In... "Referendum and plebiscite — that is where Russia is going"???

The bourgeoisie could reproach Lenin in opportunism....

= Referendum???

"The overthrow of capital was in his theses, but not in the speech"...

We [must] demand that the government renounce annexations, but not [demand] to the government, but to the rev[olutionary] [people]" (NB)

On banks (??? nil) ... "International institution" (? nil?).

Yakovlev: ... "The rev[olutionary] proletariat is marking time"...

Naumov: (Vyborg district): What is to be done? Where to appeal? (to whom to demand, where to appeal?... and to the Masses

NB [!] one must w[rite] about something...

How to end the war? Something is lacking, [they] do not understand.

Practice is lacking (with Lenin)—

"The masses give no action"—

Safarov: "Liberal pacifism"—

Letrikovskii: "Only cultural-educational work"...

Would the masses follow the Soviet of Workers' Deputies without contact of the latter with the Temp[orary] Government?

Presiidko: Disarmament! or socialist revolution? Don't know. In Europe closer to disarmament. In Europe — socialism, we have none.

One cannot replace local self-government organs: with Soviets!!

There is no sense to rew[orking] kre[styansky] and sold[atsky] deputies. No reason.

Undefined — Communal [?]. Unsuccessful example.

---

**Kalinin:**

I am an old bol[shevik]. Old forms of bolshevism are not a brake... I am a conservative.

With Lenin there is not an iota of departure from old bol[shevism].

Spontaneous order — an old truth—

He has analysis, but not method, not approach...

**Sergei:**

Three old whales and new ones [?]

refusal of annexations
+ placing of expenditures on capitalists
rev[olutionary] democratic] dictate "for 12 months" is an impossible thing. But how to make it so completely? That is the whole question.

(Difference of Lenin from Trotsky?)

The root of things is not in the unconsciousness of the masses and insufficient organization, but in the inevitability of defensism.

Is it possible to complete the bourgeois-democratic revolution the way we thought before? No.

What would he (Soviet of Workers' Deputies) start doing, being in power?

Socialist overturn? No.

Commune?

"Not a radical-democratic party to demand"

**Antonina:**

Temp[orary] Government = bourgeoisie + part of landowners.

The peasantry does not hold to the Temp[orary] Government only by illusions, but also by fear of the rural proletariat.

**Ivanov:** "Bolsheviks of all countries"—

**Filipp:**

---

## DRAFT OF CONCLUDING REMARKS.

Old bol[shevism]: Presiidko and Kalinin.

Local self-government and Constituent A[ssembly] ("Commune").

Ogel'stev, Ustalov, Goloshchekin. Ed.

---

## MATERIALS OF THE ALL-RUSSIAN CONFERENCE OF THE RSDLP(B)

"mobilize the masses"...

..."peace without annexation"— (fraternization).

What would the Soviet of Workers' Deputies start doing?

Soviet of workers' deputies and Trotskyism?

If in Europe the left [take power], then I am for it.

---

## MATERIALS OF THE ALL-RUSSIAN APRIL CONFERENCE OF THE RSDLP(B)

**7—12 (31 May—24—25 April) 1917**

---

## PRELIMINARY DRAFT OF CHANGES TO THE PARTY PROGRAM OF THE R.S.D.L.P.

At the end of the principled part of the program (after the words: "from the standpoint of the proletariat") insert:

World capitalism has reached at the present time — approximately from the beginning of the 20th century — the stage of imperialism. Imperialism, or the era of financial capital, is such a highly developed capitalist economy that monopolistic unions of capitalists — syndicates, cartels, trusts — have acquired decisive significance; the banking capital of enormous concentration has merged with industrial capital, the export of capital to foreign countries has developed to very great dimensions, the entire world has already been divided territorially among the wealthiest countries and the economic division of the world has begun among international trusts.

[Wars] Imperialist wars — that is, wars for dominance over the world, for markets for banking capital, for the strangulation of small and weak nationalities — are inevitable in such a state of affairs. And precisely such is the [war] first great imperialist war of 1914—1917.

[How with [unions]] And the extraordinarily high stage of development of world capitalism in general, and the replacement of free competition with monopolistic capitalism, [and the completion of the division of the world,] {and the preparation by banks, as well as by unions of capitalists, of the apparatus for public regulation of the process of production and distribution of products,} and the horrors, calamities, ruin, (degradation,) engendered by the imperialist war — all this makes the now-attained stage of development (of capitalism) an era of proletarian, socialist revolution.

This era has begun.

Only the proletarian, socialist revolution can extricate humanity from the impasse created by imperialism and imperialist wars. However great the difficulties of the revolution and (possible) temporary failures or waves of counter-revolution, — the final victory of the proletariat is inevitable.

On the agenda of the era being lived through is therefore placed, by virtue of objective conditions, the all-sided (immediate) preparation of the proletariat for revolution and a decisive break with the bourgeois distortion of socialism which has triumphed in the official s.-d. parties in the form of the current of social-chauvinism (i.e., socialism in words, chauvinism in deeds, or the concealment under the slogan "defense of the fatherland" of the defense of capitalist interests in imperialist wars), and as well in the form of the current of "center" (i.e., unprincipled, helpless wavering between social-chauvinism and revolutionary-internationalist proletarian struggle)] (the conquest of political power for [immediate] implementation of economic and political measures constituting the content of the socialist revolution.)

(The fulfillment of this task, requiring the fullest confidence, the closest fraternal union and immediate unity of revolutionary action of the working class of all advanced countries, is impossible without an immediate and *principled* break with the bourgeois distortion of socialism which [has triumphed] gained victory in the upper echelons of the enormous majority of Official s.-d. parties. Such a distortion is, on the one hand, the current of social-chauvinism, socialism in words, chauvinism in deeds, concealment under the slogan "defense of the fatherland" of the plundering interests of "its own" national bourgeoisie, and on the other hand equally widespread and international [direction] current of the so-c[alled] "center," standing for unity with social-chauvinists, for the preservation or correction of the bankrupt 2nd International, wavering between social-chauvinism and the revolutionary-internationalist struggle of the proletariat for the implementation of the socialist order.)

[The experience of the Russian revolutions of 1905 and 1917, which created Soviets of Workers' Deputies and a number of similar organizations, thereby confirmed the experience of the Paris Commune, consisting in the fact that the proletariat needs a state for the transitional period to socialism, but this state must not be a state of the usual type, but the immediate mass and universally-general organization of armed workers, replacing the former instruments of power: the standing army, police and bureaucracy. The clarification to the proletariat of the tasks of such a state — capable both of consolidating the conquests of the revolution in general and of ensuring the most peaceful and planned transition to socialism — must constitute one of the principal tasks of the proletarian party alongside the struggle against those who have distorted Marxism and betrayed socialism on the question of the dictatorship of the proletariat, representatives of the bankrupt 2nd 1889—1914 International.

Monopolistic capitalism, which during the war at particular speed is growing in a number of advanced countries into state-monopolistic capitalism, signifies a gigantic socialization of production and consequently complete preparation of the objective conditions for the creation of a socialist society.]

In the program-minimum, all the beginning (from the words: "On the road" and until § 1) strike out and replace with the following:

In the moment being lived through by Russia [before the party], when the Temporary Government, belonging to the class of landowners and capitalists and enjoying the confidence — though necessarily precarious — of broad masses of petty-bourgeois population, has undertaken to convene a Constituent Assembly, — before the party of the proletariat stands the immediate task of struggle for the state structure best ensuring both the economic development and the rights of the people in general, and the possibility of the most [easy] (painless) transition to socialism in particular.

The Party struggles and helps the popular masses immediately to struggle for a democratic republic, [implementing it] (beginning implementation of freedoms) by the spontaneous organization of the masses (from below) and thereby achieving not a bourgeois-parliamentary republic, in which [remain the old organs of oppression of the masses: police, standing army, bureaucracy] (especially are secured both the dominion of capitalists, [and violence is ensured] and the possibility of applying violence against the masses [through] by means of the preservation of the old organs of oppression of the masses: police, standing army, bureaucracy), — but rather a more democratic proletarian-peasant republic, in which it is impossible, inadmissible to preserve these organs of oppression, and state power belongs directly to the armed — universally — workers and peasants themselves.

§ 1. All supreme state power should belong to the representatives of the people, elected and subject to recall at any time by the people and constituting one popular assembly, one chamber.

§ 2 — add:

proportional representation in all elections; the replaceability of all without exception delegates and elected officials at any time by decision of the majority of their electors.

§ 3 — add:

the absence of any supervision or control from above over the decisions and actions of regional and local self-government bodies.

§ [blank] 9 change thus:

the right of free separation and of the formation of its own state for all nations comprising the state. The Republic of the Russian people should attract other peoples or nationalities not by violence, but exclusively by voluntary agreement for the creation of a common state. The unity and fraternal union of workers of all countries is incompatible with either direct or indirect violence against other nationalities.

§ 11 — change thus:

the electivity of judges and all officials, both in the civil service and in the army, by the people; the replaceability of all of them at any time by decision of the majority of their electors; pay to all officials of the state not exceeding the pay of a good worker, 300—500 rubles, depending on the number of family members and their earnings; unconditional prohibition for officials to combine with their salary income from other sources.

§ 12 — [add] change thus:

the replacement of police and standing army with the universal arming of the people: workers and employees must receive pay from capitalists for the time devoted to public service in the all-people's militia.

[Other] political parts, § 5 and other economic parts must be, as well as the entire economic part, reviewed separately by commissions of workers of the trade union movement and pedagogues [participating].

---

After the Financial section of the program (after the words: "on income and inheritances") insert:

The high stage of capitalist development, already attained in banking and in trust-organized branches of industry, on the one hand, and on the other hand the ruin created by the imperialist war and everywhere evoking the demand for state and public control over production and distribution of the most important products, impels the party to demand [immediate] the nationalization of banks, syndicates, trusts, etc.

The agrarian program must be replaced by an agrarian resolution (see its text separately or be reworked in accordance with it).

The end of the program (the last two paragraphs, from the words: "Striving for the achievement of") strike out entirely.

---

## TO THE PROGRAM. IMPROVED VARIANT

The Party of the proletariat cannot [limit] (limit its strivings) to a bourgeois-parliamentary democratic republic, which everywhere in the world preserves and seeks to perpetuate monarchic instruments of oppression of the masses, namely: police, standing army, privileged bureaucracy.

The Party struggles for a more democratic proletarian-peasant republic, in which police and standing army are completely eliminated and replaced by the universal arming of the people, a universal militia; all officials, without any exception, become not only elected but also subject to recall at any time at the demand of the majority of their electors; pay to all without exception officials is determined at a level not exceeding [a good] the average pay of a good worker [an unconditional prohibition for officials to combine with their salary income from other sources]; parliamentary-representative institutions are gradually replaced by councils of representatives of the people (from various classes and professions or from various places), legislating at one and the same time and implementing their laws.

---

## RECORD OF REPORTS FROM THE LOCALITIES.

[8 May (25 April) 1917]

Factual reports:

1) Moscow...
2) Gelendzhik —
3) R[ailway]-D[epot]... Factory Bel...
4) N[izhny]-Novgorod... (immediate armistice)...
5) Morshansk
| 35,000 inhabitants
| 28,000 soldiers
57 = Soviet of Workers' Deputies
| 10,000 soldiers

6) Don[sky] region

132 Soviet of Workers' Deputies | jointly
48 Soviet of Soldiers' Deputies
| ~100-~
| up to 50,000 | bolsheviks
5—6 | 5,000 | mensheviks
after flour

7) Voronezh region:

Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies (s.d.—bolsheviks and mensheviks—n s.r.)
and the food question
and militia
and the 8-hour working day introduced (with great difficulty)
troops rebelled against the 8-hour working day
2 shifts of 8 hours
overtime eliminated

Insist on unification. I am for unification only with internationalists, not Potresov and K°.

I am on principle not against, but will it be implemented? Communists instead of social-democrats.

"To follow the Soviet of Workers' Deputies in Piter I shall not agree"...

Militia with pay from the factory
32 s.d. mensheviks and bolsheviks equally
before the revolution 200

8) Vologda artillery factory...
2,500 workers in the factory
9-hour working day and will become 8-hour working day.

Wages: women 1 ruble—2.50
men 1—2—4—4.50
Production has not decreased
Overtime only in exceptional cases

Party intelligentsia did not support us.

28 members of Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies

(Sukhonskii)

Executive Committee
1 s.r. — Internationalist
1 bolshevik
1 s.d. of undetermined "excessively leftist shade"

Peasants consider our factory more than committees.

Arg-a-ngels: S.-d. = chauvinist.
S.d. group 10 persons (bolsheviks) before the revolution
9 — — after
to secretaries of blue-uniformed origin"...

Nizhny-Novgorod Savelyev

Tomsk:

Soviet of Soldiers' Deputies guardianship of soldiers for s.-d. work

---

## DRAFT RESOLUTION ON THE AGRARIAN QUESTION.

The existence of landlord land-ownership in Russia is the material bulwark of the power of serf-owning landowners and a guarantee of the possibility of restoring the monarchy. This land-ownership inevitably condemns the overwhelming majority of Russia's population, the peasantry, to poverty, bondage and degradation, and the entire country to backwardness in all spheres of life.

Peasant land-ownership in Russia, both as allotment (communal and household), and private (rented and purchased land), from bottom to top, throughout, is entangled in old, semi-feudal ties and relations, the division of peasants into categories inherited from the time of serfdom, fragmented holdings, etc., and so on. The necessity of breaking all these antiquated and harmful partitions, the necessity of "unsplitting" the land, of restructuring all relations of land-ownership and agriculture anew in accordance with the new conditions of all-Russian and worldwide economy forms the material foundation of the peasantry's strivings toward the nationalization of all lands in the state.

However petty-bourgeois utopias all the Populist parties and groups may clothe the struggle of peasant masses against feudal landlord land-ownership and against all feudal bonds of all land-ownership and land-use in Russia in general — the struggle itself expresses a thoroughly bourgeois-democratic, [but] unconditionally progressive and economically necessary striving for a decisive break with all these bonds.

The nationalization of land, being a bourgeois measure, signifies the greatest possible and conceivable freedom in capitalist society of class struggle and of land-use from all non-bourgeois appendages. Moreover, the nationalization of land, as the abolition of private property in land, would in practice constitute such a mighty blow to private property in all means of production in general that the party of the proletariat must render every assistance to such a transformation.

On the other hand, the well-to-do peasantry of Russia has long since created the elements of peasant bourgeoisie, and the Stolypin agrarian reform has undoubtedly strengthened, multiplied, and consolidated these elements. On the other pole of the village the agricultural wage laborers, proletarians, and the mass of semi-proletarian peasantry near to them have equally strengthened, multiplied.

The more decisively and consistently the break-up and elimination of landlord land-ownership, the more decisively and consistently the bourgeois-democratic transformation of Russia in general, the greater the force and speed with which class struggle will develop among the agricultural proletariat against well-to-do peasantry (peasant bourgeoisie).

Depending on whether the urban proletariat will succeed in leading the rural [proletariat] and joining to itself the mass of semi-proletarians of the village, or whether this mass will follow peasant bourgeoisie, tending toward union with Guchkov, Milyukov, capitalists and landowners and toward counter-revolution in general — depending on this will be determined the fate and outcome of the Russian revolution, insofar as the beginning proletarian revolution in Europe does not exert upon our country its immediate, mighty influence.

Proceeding from such a class position and correlation of forces, the conference resolves:

1) The Party of the proletariat [supports] struggles with all its might for the immediate and complete confiscation of all landlord lands in Russia, (as well as state, church, cabinet and other lands).

[3] 2) The Party decisively comes out for the immediate transition of all lands into the hands of the peasantry, organized in Soviets of Peasants' Deputies or in other, truly fully democratically elected and completely independent of landowners and officials organs of local self-government.

[2] 3) The Party of the proletariat demands the nationalization of all lands in the state; signifying the transfer of the right of property in all lands into the hands of the state, nationalization [should] transfers the right of disposition of land into the hands of local democratic institutions.

4) The Party must decisively struggle both against the Temporary Government, which through Shingarev's utterances and by its collective pronouncements imposes upon the peasants "voluntary agreement with landowners," i.e., in effect the landlord character of the reform, and threatens the peasants with punishment for "self-rule," i.e., by transition to violence on the part of the minority of the population (landowners and capitalists) against the majority — and against the petty-bourgeois wavering of the majority of Populists and Mensheviks, counseling the peasants not to take all the land until the Constituent Assembly.

5) The Party advises peasants to take land in an organized manner, absolutely not permitting the slightest damage to property and taking care to increase production.

6) All agrarian transformations in general can be successful and lasting only with the complete democratization of the entire state, that is, on the one hand, with the destruction of police, standing army and effectively privileged bureaucracy, and on the other hand with the broadest possible local self-government, completely free from supervision and guardianship from above.

7) It is necessary immediately and everywhere to proceed to the separate and independent organization of the agricultural proletariat both in the form of Soviets [of Agricultural] Deputies of agricultural workers (as well as special Soviets of Deputies of semi-proletarian peasantry), and in the form of organization of proletarian groups or fractions in general Soviets of Peasants' Deputies, in all organs of local and citywide management, etc., and so on.

8) The Party should support the initiative of those peasant committees which in a number of localities of Russia transfer to the hands of the peasantry organized in these committees the landlord, living and dead, inventory for [public] public-regulated use in the cultivation of all lands.

[8] 9) The Party of the proletariat should advise the proletarians and semi-proletarians of the village to strive for the formation from each landlord estate of a sufficiently large model farm, which would be conducted at public expense by Soviets [of Agricultural] Deputies of agricultural workers under the guidance of agronomists and with the application of the best technical means.

---

## DRAFT RESOLUTION ON THE NATIONAL QUESTION.

(ADOPTED BY THE RESOLUTION COMMISSION).

The policy of national oppression, being a heritage of autocracy and monarchy, is maintained by landowners, capitalists and petty bourgeoisie [for the purposes of strengthening] (in the interests of preserving) their class privileges and of dividing workers of different nationalities. Contemporary imperialism, intensifying strivings for the subjugation of weak peoples, is a new factor in the intensification of national oppression.

Insofar as it is achievable in capitalist society to eliminate national oppression, this is possible only with a consistently-democratic republican arrangement (and administration) of the state, ensuring complete equality of rights of all nations and languages [abolition of a mandatory state language].

All nations comprising [the state] (Russia) should be recognized as having the right of free separation and of the formation of an independent state. The denial of such a right and the failure to adopt measures guaranteeing its practical implementation are equivalent to support of a policy of conquest or annexation. Only [such a policy of the proletariat recognition] (recognition

[Part 3/8] by the proletariat) ensures full solidarity of workers of different nations and facilitates genuinely democratic rapprochement of nations.

The [contemporary] conflict arising at present between Finland and the Russian Temporary government particularly vividly demonstrates that the denial of the right to free separation [leads] to the [return of tsarist methods] direct continuation of tsarist policy.

The question of the right of a nation to free separation must not be confused with the question of the expediency of separation of one or another nation at one or another moment. This latter question the party of the proletariat must decide in each individual case completely independently, from the point of view of the interests of the entire social development and the interests of the class struggle of the proletariat for socialism.

The Party demands broad regional autonomy, the abolition of supervision from above, the abolition of a compulsory state language and the determination of the boundaries of self-governing and autonomous regions on the basis of accounting by the local population itself of economic and everyday conditions, national composition of the population, etc.

The party of the proletariat decisively rejects the so-called "cultural-national autonomy," i.e., the removal from state jurisdiction of school affairs, etc., and its transfer into the hands of a kind of national diets. Workers living in one locality and even working in the same enterprises—this plan* artificially divides according to belonging to one or another "national culture," i.e., strengthens the connection (of workers) with the bourgeois culture of separate nations, [instead of strengthening] whereas the task [of the proletariat] (of social democracy) consists in strengthening the international culture of the world proletariat.

The Party demands the inclusion in the constitution of a fundamental law declaring invalid any privileges of one nation, any violations of the rights of national minorities.

The interests of the working class demand the merger of workers of all nationalities of Russia into unified proletarian organizations—political, professional, cooperative-educational, etc. Only such a merger of workers of various nationalities in unified organizations gives the proletariat the possibility of conducting victorious struggle against international capital and against bourgeois nationalism.

On May 12 (April 29), 1917, at the All-Russian Conference, I. V. Stalin spoke as reporter on the national question and G. L. Pyatakov as co-reporter. I. V. Stalin defended the "Draft Resolution on the National Question" written by Lenin and adopted by the resolutions commission, and then by the conference. G. L. Pyatakov read aloud a draft resolution written in the spirit of "left communism" (denial of the right of nations to self-determination) and adopted by a "special section" on the national question.

As a result of the work of the resolutions commission, Lenin introduced several editorial amendments into the resolution (see enclosed in square brackets ()). The title and one amendment in the text (see footnotes) were written by I. V. Stalin.

At the top of the resolution manuscript, a note was made in an unknown hand: "Resolution of Comrade Stalin. Appendix 3 to Protocol No. 17."

DRAFT RESOLUTION ON THE CURRENT MOMENT A.

But it would be the greatest error, and in practice even a complete transition to the side of the bourgeoisie, to deduce from this the necessity of support [of the government of capitalists, or the admissibility of reducing one's activity to the level of the petty bourgeoisie] of the bourgeoisie by the [working] class, or the necessity of limiting one's activity within the bounds acceptable to the petty bourgeoisie, or the renunciation of the leading role of the proletariat in explaining to the people the urgency of a number of practically ripened steps toward socialism.

Such steps are, in the first place, the nationalization of land. [Both the objective position of landholding in Russia and the rapid growth of consciousness among peasants, everywhere coming to the conviction of the necessity of such transformation, serve as a guarantee of its substantiality.] Such a measure, not directly going beyond the bounds of the bourgeois order, would at the same time be a powerful blow to private property in the means of production and [would inevitably] thereby strengthen the influence of the socialist proletariat on the semi-proletarians of the countryside [and on certain strata of the petty bourgeoisie].

Such measures are, in the second place, the merger of all banks into a single state bank, then the transition into the hands of the state of all insurance business and all the largest syndicates of capitalists, syndicates partly already standing (for example, the sugar-producers' syndicate) under the control of landlord and capitalist state.]

Such measures are furthermore the establishment of state control over all banks, with their merger into a unified [state] central bank, as well as over insurance institutions and the largest syndicates of capitalists (for example, the sugar-producers' syndicate, Produgol', Prodamet, etc.) with gradual transition to more just, [income-based]] progressive taxation of income [according to norms capable of] and property. Such measures are economically fully ripened [practically...*] technically absolutely capable of being implemented immediately, politically may meet the support of the overwhelming majority of peasants, [benefiting] benefiting from these transformations in all respects.

The Soviets of Workers, Soldiers [and], Peasants and other Deputies, now covering Russia with an ever-thickening network, could also** along with the aforementioned measures proceed to the implementation of universal labor obligation, inasmuch as the character of these institutions guarantees, on the one hand, the transition to all these new transformations only to the extent of conscious, firm assimilation of their practical necessity by the overwhelming majority of the people, and on the other hand the character of these institutions guarantees not police-bureaucratic implementation of transformations, but the voluntary participation of organized and armed masses of the proletariat and peasantry in regulating their own economy.

All the aforementioned and similar measures can and should be not only discussed and prepared for [implementation] implementation on a nationwide scale on the condition of the transition of all power to the proletariat and semi-proletariat, but also implemented by local revolutionary organs of national power, when such possibility presents itself.

In the implementation of the named measures, extraordinary prudence and caution are necessary, the winning of a solid majority of the population and its conscious conviction in the practical [feasibility] preparedness of one or another measure, but it is precisely in this direction that the attention and efforts of the conscious vanguard of the working masses, obligated to help the peasant masses find a way out of the created ruin, should be directed.

On May 7 (April 24), Lenin spoke at the All-Russian Conference with a report on the current moment. Noting the broad scope of the theme, Lenin divides the latter into three major questions: 1) assessment of the political situation in Russia; 2) attitude toward war and 3) the international situation. "I am to present to you a draft resolution on all these questions, but with the caveat that in view of the extreme lack of forces we have, and also in view of the political crisis that has arisen here in Petrograd, we were unable not only to discuss the resolution, but also to communicate it in time to the localities. Thus, I repeat, this is only preliminary drafts, facilitating work in the commission and allowing it to concentrate on certain most essential questions" (Works, vol. XX, p. 240).

The part of the resolution on the current moment printed here is part of the first of those three "preliminary draft" resolutions of which Lenin speaks.

The document is a copy printed on a typewriter. Only the end of the copy has been preserved, beginning from page 3. In this copy, by hand, in ink, chemical and ordinary pencils, Lenin introduced a series of amendments. Evidently, these amendments were introduced as a result of the work of the resolutions commission, selected at the same conference session and consisting of 7 persons: Lenin, Stalin, Zinoviev, Kamenev, Bubnov, Baturin, Nogtin.

Lenin's hand-written amendments are printed in bold face, crossed-out passages—in small type. Divergence with the resolution adopted by the conference and printed in No. 13 of "Soldatskaya Pravda" is noted in the footnote.

ORDER OF PUBLICATION OF RESOLUTIONS OF THE ALL-RUSSIAN 
APRIL CONFERENCE.

[May 13 (April 30) or May 14, 1917]

1) on war—
2) on the Temporary Government (amendments)*

3) Agrarian
4) On Borgbjerg
5) On the coalition ministry—printed in "Pravda."
+
I
+

In the manuscript, against this point, an unknown hand made the note: "get in the secretariat"; further appended: "Amendments made in No. 42. G. Boki." Ed.

6) National
7) On unification
8) International
9) On the current moment (socialism)
10) On the program*.
11) On Soviets...** 

_____

1 Lenin apparently intended to publish simultaneously all resolutions of the All-Russian April Conference in "Pravda." But in view of the fact that part of the resolution had already been published in "Pravda" during the work of the conference, in their entirety they were printed only in a special supplement to "Soldatskaya Pravda" No. 13, 16 (3) May 1917, under the heading "Resolutions of the All-Russian Conference of the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party, held April 24-29, 1917."

The arrangement of resolutions corresponds to the order indicated by Lenin.

2 Resolutions of the All-Russian April Conference were printed in "Pravda": "On Borgbjerg's Proposal"—No. 41, May 9 (April 26); "On Attitude Toward the Temporary Government"—No. 42, May 10 (April 27); "On War" and "On the Coalition Ministry"—No. 44, May 12 (April 29); "On the Agrarian Question"—No. 45, May 13 (April 30); "On Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies," "On the Unification of Internationalists Against the Petty-Bourgeois Defensist Bloc" and "The Situation in the International and the Tasks of the RSDLP"—No. 46, May 15 (2).

Resolutions: "On the Current Moment" and "On the Revision of the Party Program" were not printed in "Pravda."

UNFINISHED AUTOBIOGRAPHY.

[May 1917]

Comrades! The Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies has forwarded to me your letter of April 24, 1917. In this letter you ask what my origin is, where I was, whether I was exiled, and for what? How did I return to Russia and what actions I undertake at the present moment—i.e., are these actions useful or harmful to you?

I reply to all these questions except the last, inasmuch as only you yourselves can judge whether my actions are useful or harmful to you.

My name is Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov.

I was born in Simbirsk on April 10, 1870. In the spring of 1887, my elder brother Alexander was executed by Alexander III for an attempt (March 1, 1887) on his life. In December 1887, I was arrested for the first time and expelled from Kazan University for student unrest; then I was exiled from Kazan.

In December 1895, I was arrested a second time for social-democratic propaganda among workers in Petersburg.

TWO LETTERS TO K. RADEK

TO STOCKHOLM

Tov. Radek.

May 29, 1917.

Dear friend! I am writing you my first letter, No. 1, and ask you to reply whether you received it. Try to send as soon as possible Bulletin No. 1 (Pravda bulletin)—then reply regarding whether you have an answer from Geneva from Karpinsky (I asked him to send me the end—"conclusion"—of the book on the agrarian question—and both articles: Yury's, "Pyotr Kievskiy's"*, and my article on self-determination).

I fully agree with you that Zimmerwald has become a complete brake, that we must break with it as quickly as possible (you know that I disagreed with the conference on this point). We must do everything to accelerate a meeting of the left, an international one, and only the left. Write what you can do for this: we will send money (a known sum of about 3-4 thousand rubles) soon.

If we could have an international meeting of the left soon, the Third International would be founded.

Can we count on the Scandinavian left? Have you enlightened Hoglund and Co.? Can we hope to get the English and Americans? Why not issue, from your Stockholm trio in the name of the CC, plus from the Poles, plus from "Arbeiterpolitik," plus from Hoglund and Co., an immediate international appeal for a meeting of only the left (see the list in our resolution) on an international scale?

Write what you are undertaking.

Excuse me for writing rarely: I'm terribly busy. I hope you have been told everything by now.

I shake your hand firmly. Your Lenin.

II.

June 17, 1917.

Dear Radek! Because of illness I could not follow telegrams the last few days. Therefore I have an unclear picture of Zimmerwald affairs.

If it is true that the muddled, pitiful Grimm (no wonder we have always not trusted this ministerial scoundrel!) has handed over all Zimmerwald affairs to the left Swedes and that the latter are calling a Zimmerwald conference in the next few days, then I—personally from myself (I am writing all this only from myself)—would most urgently caution against getting entangled with Zimmerwald.

"It would be good to capture Zimmerwald International now," said Grigory today.

In my opinion, this is archly opportunistic and harmful tactics.

"Capture" Zimmerwald? That is, to take upon ourselves a dead weight of the Italian party (Kautskyans and pacifists), Swiss Greulich and Co., the American Socialist Party (even worse!), various Peluso, Ledebour adherents, etc., etc.

This would mean throwing overboard all our principles, forgetting everything we wrote and said against the center, getting entangled and disgracing ourselves.

No, if the left Swedes have taken Zimmerwald into their hands and if they want to get entangled, we must give them an ultimatum: either they declare at the very first Zimmerwald conference Zimmerwald dissolved and found the Third International, or we are leaving.

One way or another, we must bury the filthy ("Grimm's": still Grimm's) Zimmerwald by all means and establish our genuine Third International only from the left, only against the Kautskyans. Better a small fish than a large cockroach.

Read this letter to Orlovsky and Ganetsky. Best greetings.

Excuse the brevity: I'm ill.

Here it looks most like the eve of the June days of 1848. The Mensheviks and SRs have surrendered and are surrendering everything to the Cadets (=Cavanacs). Qui vivra verra*.

Your Lenin.

___________

1 K. Radek at that time was part of the Foreign Bureau of the CC of the RSDLP(b), organized by Lenin during his passage to Russia through Stockholm and consisting of K. Radek, V. Vorovskiy, Y. Ganetskiy.

2 The "Pravda" Bulletin No. 1 came out in Stockholm on June 16 (3). From June 16 (3) to November 16 (3), a total of 33 issues were published. The bulletin was published for informational purposes under the name: "Russische Korrespondenz," "Prawda." Herausgegeben von der auslandischen Vertretung des Zentralkomitees der Russ. Soz. Dem. Arbeiterpartei (Bolschewiki). Erscheint in Stockholm. 2 Mai wochentlich.

3 The reference is to the "Conclusion" to the book: V. Ilyin (N. Lenin) "The Agrarian Program of Social-Democracy in the First Russian Revolution of 1905-7," Petrograd 1917. The book was written at the end of 1907, printed in Petersburg at that time, but destroyed by tsarist censorship. Before leaving abroad for Russia, Lenin instructed V. A. Karpinsky to send a copy of this book's manuscript with a request to retype it (see Lenin Collection XIII, p. 262). Upon arrival in Russia, Lenin found one copy of the destroyed book, which was missing the end of the "Conclusion" (see letter to V. A. Karpinsky of April 12, 1917, from Petrograd in "Proletarian Revolution" No. 9 (21), 1923. According to V. A. Karpinsky's testimony, he did not receive the manuscript of the "Agrarian Program." The "Conclusion" was placed in the book "Agrarian Program" without the end. The complete "Conclusion" was first published only in 1924 in "Proletarian Revolution" No. 5 (28), pp. 166-172.

Lenin asked V. A. Karpinsky to send the manuscript of the "Conclusion," the manuscript of the article by Pyotr Kievskiy (G. L. Pyatakov): "The Proletariat and the Right of Nations to Self-Determination in the Era of Finance Capital," written in July 1916, and the manuscript of Lenin's article "On a Caricature of Marxism and 'Imperialist Economism,'" written in response to G. L. Pyatakov's article. Both articles were supposed to be printed in No. 3 of "Collection of Social-Democrat."

Lenin's article "On a Caricature of Marxism" was published only in 1924 in the journal "Zvezda" (see Lenin, Works, vol. XIX, p. 191).

4 The point of the resolution of the All-Russian April Conference "The Situation in the International and the Tasks of the RSDLP" reads: "Our party remains in the Zimmerwald bloc, setting itself the task of defending there the tactics of the Zimmerwald left, and instructs the CC to proceed immediately to steps toward founding the Third International." In place of this point, Lenin proposed the following formulation: "we remain [in the Zimmerwald bloc] only for informational purposes." Lenin's amendment did not pass, and he voted (alone) against the resolution as a whole (see "Afterword" to the pamphlet "The Tasks of the Proletariat in Our Revolution," Works, vol. XX, p. 444).

5 "Arbeiterpolitik" ("Workers' Politics")—a journal published by the left wing of German social-democracy in Bremen from 1916 to 1918.

6 Point 3 of the resolution "The Situation in the International and the Tasks of the RSDLP" see Lenin, Works, vol. XX, p. 621.

On "Grimm's case," expelled from Russia by Kerensky, see Lenin, Works, vol. XX, p. 686.

ARTICLES FROM "PRAVDA"
JUNE-JULY 1917

Until the July days, i.e., until the transition to underground, Vl. Ilyich wrote leading articles in "Pravda" almost daily. In these articles, which represented a development of the line indicated by the party at the April conference and which put on the agenda the struggle of the working class for proletarian dictatorship, for socialism, Lenin, systematically responding to the burning issues of the day, gave analysis of the changes occurring in the course of the revolution and in the correlation of class forces, step by step traced and exposed the counter-revolutionary character of the policy of the Menshevik-SR bloc and formulated general and particular tasks of the working class in application to the given concrete-historical situation. All of Lenin's articles aimed, as they say, at one point: outside proletarian revolution there is no way out of imperialist war and economic ruin; without the overthrow of capitalists and complete break with the Mensheviks and SRs supporting them, the victory of counter-revolution and return to the old are inevitable—this is what each article of Vm. Ilyich told the workers and peasants.

Lenin's articles in "Pravda"—a model of his leading of the masses, a model of posing before them all the fundamental questions of the revolution. The language of Lenin's articles, generally always simple and clear, in 1917, when Bolshevik revolutionary propaganda and agitation was directed immediately at millions, achieves special clarity and expressiveness. Each article of Lenin of this period is not only an invaluable political document but also a masterpiece of agitational art.

The overwhelming majority of Lenin's articles from "Pravda" before the July period are unsigned (of 426 articles printed in Volume XX of the Works, only 44 are signed). The four new articles reproduced below are also unsigned, which for a long time were not known to be Lenin's. Careful study of these articles from the point of view of theme, posing of questions, argumentation, style, and detailed comparison with the remaining works both of Lenin and of other prominent publicists of "Pravda" in 1917, leaves not the slightest doubt that the author of all four articles is Lenin. The attribution of the articles to Vl. Ilyich is also confirmed by members of the editorial board of "Pravda" in 1917. The new articles constitute an organic whole with Lenin's works in 1917, which entered Volume XX of his Works. Some of the articles ("Whom Are You Laughing At?", "The Foreign Policy of the Russian Revolution") develop, deepen, illuminate from new angles the positions expressed by Lenin in his own works written several days earlier: in the remaining two articles, on the contrary, thoughts are expressed for the first time which are then only confirmed in subsequent works of Volume XX (see, for example, the article "Ruling and Responsible Parties," cf. Volume XX, pp. 554, 564).

In the works of Vl. Ilyich, it has been repeatedly noted that there is a constancy of certain formulations, epithets, and literary turns of phrase. From this point of view, one cannot fail to note that in the new articles from "Pravda" we find scarcely expressed before in such a form by Lenin precisely in 1917 very characteristic of him and full of deep meaning words about the "class truth" of the enemy (cf. the same thought in vol. XXVII, p. 245, in the well-known remarks concerning Ustrya­lov) and about politics, as that "field of human relations which deals not with units but with millions" (an analogous formulation see vol. XXIV, p. 447).

The newly found articles of Vl. Ilyich appeared in "Pravda" shortly before the July days, in the period of ever-growing revolutionizing of the masses and their readiness for decisive struggle with the capitalists, whose rule the Menshevik-SR bloc tried to save by creating a "coalition government." The basic content of the articles is the exposure of the counter-revolutionary role of the Mensheviks and SRs, who supported imperialist bourgeoisie in all spheres of foreign and domestic policy (continuation of the predatory war in the name of seizing others' lands and peoples; preparation for an offensive on our front; protection of capitalists' income and profits from workers' control; great-power oppression of Finland, Ukraine, etc.). Lenin shows that the Mensheviks and SRs, hypocritically condemning imperialists, actually concluded with them an "alliance for stopping the revolution." Contrasting the conciliatory, counter-revolutionary policy of the Mensheviks and SRs with the line of our party, Lenin in one of the articles, defining the "foreign policy of the Russian revolution," points out that the victorious proletariat will conduct revolutionary struggle against all imperialists. "Are there allies for such a struggle?"—asks Lenin and answers this question thus: "There are. The oppressed classes of Europe, the proletariat, first of all; the peoples oppressed by imperialism, the peoples of Asia, as our neighbors, first of all...In alliance with the revolutionaries of the advanced countries and with all oppressed peoples against all and every imperialists—such is the foreign policy of the proletariat." This program was fully implemented by the proletariat victorious in October.

The four articles printed below were printed consecutively in Nos. 72, 74, 84, and 85 of "Pravda" of June 16 (3), 19 (6), June 27 (14), and July 4 (June 21) 1917.

I.

WHOM ARE YOU LAUGHING AT? AT YOURSELVES!

[June 16 (3), 1917]

"King Constantine (of Greece) signed the abdication act under pressure from allied diplomacy,"—so writes the newspaper of the former foreign minister in the Temporary "revolutionary" government, Mr. Milyukov, regarding the abdication.

The sinning allied diplomats, first having incited the Venizelist (Venizelos—former minister of Constantine, who went into the service of English capital) movement, splitting off parts of the army, forcibly seizing part of Greek territory, finally, "by pressure" forcing the abdication of the "lawful" monarch, i.e., forcing a revolution from above. What kind of "pressure" this was and is, everyone knows: they pressed by hunger, Greece was blockaded by the warships of Anglo-French and Russian imperialists, Greece was left without bread. The "pressure" on Greece was of the very same order as was recently applied in Russia, if the newspapers are to be believed, by dark peasants of one backwater, condemning a citizen accused by them of insulting the Christian religion to death by starvation.

Dark peasants in a semi-wild corner of Russia starved a "criminal" to death. The "civilized" imperialists of England, France, Russia and others starved an entire country, an entire people, in order to "force by pressure" it to change its policy.

There it is,—the reality of imperialist war. There it is,—the real situation of international relations in the time we are living through. And the gentlemen SRs laugh at this...This is really very, very funny...

The "Case of the People," the ministerial newspaper of the Kerenskys, Chernovs and Co., publishes a laughing editorial under the heading: "Self-Determination of Greece." The mockery of the SRs at Greece's "self-determination" would be excellent if it were sincere.

Sincerity in politics means not that Messrs. Kerensky, Chernov and Co. should prove their personal sincerity,—we readily grant this and it is not a matter of this at all. Sincerity in politics, i.e., in that sphere of human relations which deals not with units but with millions,—sincerity in politics is fully verifiable correspondence between word and deed.

The editorial of "Case of the People" is insincere because it is precisely the party of socialist-revolutionaries, it is precisely Kerensky and Chernov, as its leaders, who support the ministry of suffocation...excuse me, the ministry of "self-determination" of Greece, together with citizens Tsereteli and Skobélev.

..."It is clear to everyone,"—writes "Case of the People,"—"that there is no essential difference between the predatory attack of imperialist Germany on Belgium, Austria—on Serbia, and the present 'advance into the depths of Greece' by the allied governments."

Yes, this is clear, and it is not at all "ethics," as the SRs think, but pure politics. Predatory attack—that is what you are participating in, gentlemen SRs, gentlemen Mensheviks, through your participation in the government. Predatory attack is a fact; "pressure by allied diplomacy"—by all allied, meaning also Russian—was being applied, obviously, even after the entry into the ministry of Chernov and Tsereteli and Co.

And the platforms of "peace without annexations"? And the "demands" of "revolutionary democracy" from the new government? And the declarations? Is it still not clear that all these platforms, declarations, promises, statements, solemn pledges, pledged oaths and so forth and so on—are nothing but mockery of the people?

You are laughing at yourselves, gentlemen SRs and Mensheviks! At your own policy of trust in capitalists and in the government of capitalists! At your own role as eloquent, verbose, ministers-titled servants of capitalism and imperialism!

II.

AN ALLIANCE FOR STOPPING THE REVOLUTION.

[June 19 (6), 1917]

Far from everyone understands that the new coalition government is precisely such an alliance of capitalists with the leaders of the Populists and Mensheviks. It is possible that even the ministers belonging to these latter parties do not understand this. And yet it is a fact.

And this fact was revealed with particular clarity on Sunday, June 4, when reports appeared in the morning press of the speeches of Milyukov and Maklakov at a meeting of third-duma counter-revolutionaries (the so-called, by the tradition of Nicholas Romanov and Stolypin-the-Hangman, "State Duma"), and in the evening at the All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Soldiers' and Workers' Deputies, the ministers Tsereteli and others spoke in defense of the government, in defense of the policy of offensive.

Milyukov and Maklakov, like all worthy leaders of capitalists and counter-revolution—men of action, excellently understanding the meaning of class struggle when it concerns their class. They therefore posed the question of the offensive with complete clarity, not wasting a moment on the emptiest chatter about the offensive from a strategic point of view, chatter with which Tsereteli deceived himself and others.

No, the Cadets know where the crayfish spend the winter. They know that the question of offensive is not at all posed by life as a strategic question now, but as a political one, as a question of the turning point of all Russian revolution. It is precisely politically that the Cadets posed it in the "State Duma," as the Bolsheviks and internationalists in general had posed it the evening before on Saturday, in their written statement to the presidium of the Soviet congress.

"The fate of Russia is in its hands,"—proclaimed the well-known helper of Stolypin-the-Hangman Maklakov—"and this fate will be decided very soon" (correct! correct!). "If we really succeed in advancing and conducting war not only by resolutions, not only by speeches at rallies and banners which are carried through the city, but to conduct war also seriously, as we conducted it before" (listen! listen! these are the historical words of the leader of capitalists: "as we conducted it before"!), "then very quickly complete healing of Russia will set in."

These are remarkable words which should be memorized and thought through many times. Remarkable in that they speak class truth. Milyukov repeated it, somewhat differently, reproaching the Petrograd Soviet, "why is there nothing said in (its) statement about offensive,"—emphasizing that Italian imperialists posed "one modest" (the irony of Mr. Milyukov!) "question: will you advance or not? And they also did not receive" (from the Petrograd Soviet) "a definite answer." Maklakov expressed thereby his "deep respect" for Kerensky, and Milyukov clarified this:

"I am very afraid,"—said Milyukov,—"that what has been set up by our" (correct! our, i.e., in the hands of capitalists! "military minister, will fall apart again from here, and that we have lost the last moment, when to the question of our allies, are we advancing or not, we could still" (note this "still"!) "give an answer satisfactory both for us and for them,"

"Both for us and for them"—both for Russians and for Anglo-French and other imperialists! An advance "could still" "satisfy" them, i.e., help throttle Persia, Albania, Greece, Mesopotamia, preserving all the plunder seized from the Germans and seizing the plunder seized by German brigands. That is the essence. That is the class truth about the political significance of offensive. To satisfy the appetites of the imperialists of Russia, England, etc., to drag out the imperialist, acquisitive war, to go down the road not of peace without annexations (this road is possible only with the continuation of revolution), but of war for annexations.

Such is the essence of offensive from the point of view of foreign policy. And Maklakov in the historical phrase cited above defined this essence from the point of view of domestic policy. "Complete healing of Russia" in the mouth of Maklakov means complete victory of counter-revolution. Whoever has not forgotten the beautiful speeches of Maklakov from the epoch of 1905 and 1907-1913, would receive confirmation of such an assessment from almost each of his speeches.

To conduct war, "as we conducted it before," — "we," i.e., capitalists with the tsar at their head!— to conduct this war of imperialists means to "heal Russia," i.e., to ensure victory of capitalists and landowners.

This is class truth.

An advance, with all possible outcomes from the military point of view, means politically the strengthening of the spirit of imperialism, the mood of imperialism, the intoxication with imperialism, the strengthening of the old, unchanged, commanding staff of the army ("to conduct war as we conducted it before"), the strengthening of the basic positions of counter-revolution.

Completely independently of whether they wish this or not, whether they are conscious of it or not, Tsereteli and Kerensky, Skobélev and Chernov—not as individuals, but as leaders of parties of Populists and Mensheviks—supported counter-revolution, crossed—in this decisive moment—to its side, took up a position within an alliance for stopping the revolution and for continuing war "as we conducted it before."

One must not be deceived about this.

III.

THE FOREIGN POLICY OF THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION.

[June 27 (14), 1917]

There is no more erroneous and more harmful idea than the separation of foreign from domestic policy. Precisely during time of war does the monstrous untruth of such a separation become even more monstrous. And on the part of the bourgeoisie everything possible and everything impossible is done to inspire and support this idea. Ignorance of the masses of the population concerning foreign policy is immeasurably more widespread than ignorance in the sphere of domestic affairs. The "secret" of diplomatic relations is strictly observed in the freest capitalist countries, in the most democratic republics.

Deception of the masses of the people is worked out artistically with regard to the "affairs" of foreign policy, and our revolution pays threefold for this deception. Millions of copies of bourgeois newspapers spread the poison of deception everywhere.

With one or the other of the two gigantically-rich and gigantically-strong groups of imperialist predators—thus poses the fundamental question of contemporary foreign policy by capitalist reality. Thus is this question posed by the class of capitalists. Thus the question is posed, of course, also by the broad petty-bourgeois mass, retaining old capitalist views and prejudices.

To one whose thought does not go beyond the bounds of capitalist relations, it is incomprehensible that the working class, if it is conscious, cannot stand for any group of imperialist predators. On the contrary, it is incomprehensible to the worker the accusations directed against socialists of inclination toward a separate peace with the Germans or of actual service to such a peace, directed against socialists who have remained true to the fraternal alliance of workers of all countries against capitalists of all countries. In no case can such socialists (consequently, and the Bolsheviks among them) go for any separate peace between capitalists. Neither a separate peace with German capitalists, nor an alliance with Anglo-French and other imperialists—here lies the foundation of the foreign policy of conscious proletariat.

Rising up against this program, fearing a break with "England and France," our Mensheviks and SRs actually conduct a capitalist program of foreign policy, decorating this program with flowers of innocent eloquence like "revision of treaties," statements in favor of "peace without annexations," etc. All these good wishes are doomed to remain empty, because capitalist reality poses the question sharply: either subordination to imperialists of one of the groups, or revolutionary struggle against all imperialism.

Are there allies for such a struggle? There are. The oppressed classes of Europe, the proletariat, first of all; the peoples oppressed by imperialism, the peoples of Asia, as our neighbors, first of all.

Mensheviks and SRs, calling themselves "revolutionary democrats," actually conduct a counter-revolutionary and anti-democratic foreign policy. If they were revolutionaries, they would counsel Russian workers and peasants to stand at the head of all peoples oppressed by imperialism and all oppressed classes.

"Then capitalists of all other countries will unite against Russia,"—object the frightened petty-bourgeois.—This is not impossible. A "revolutionary democrat" has no right to renounce any revolutionary war. But the practical probability of such a war is small. English and German imperialists will not be able to "make peace" against revolutionary Russia. The Russian revolution, already in 1905 producing revolutions in Turkey, Persia, China, would place in a very difficult position both German and English imperialists, if it began to implement a genuinely revolutionary alliance with workers and peasants of colonial and semi-colonial countries, against despots, against khans, for the expulsion of Germans from Turkey, English from Turkey, Persia, India, Egypt, etc.

Social-chauvinists, French and Russian, love to refer to 1793 in order to cover their actual betrayal of revolution with an effective reference. It is precisely concerning what genuinely "revolutionary" democracy of Russia could and should have done with regard to oppressed and backward peoples—to appear in the spirit of 1793—that people do not want to think.

In an "alliance" with imperialists, that is, in shameful dependence on them,—such is the foreign policy of capitalists and petty-bourgeois. In alliance with the revolutionaries of advanced countries and with all oppressed peoples against all and every imperialists—such is the foreign policy of the proletariat.

IV.

RULING AND RESPONSIBLE PARTIES.

[July 1 (June 18), 1917]

The formation of a unified or federated Central Committee by the Congress of Soviets and the Executive Committee of the Peasants' Soviet—a matter of the next few days. The question has been put on the agenda and will be resolved in not more than a day or two. The petty "squabble" between the SRs and Mensheviks over the methods of forming the CC is not worthy of any attention: so petty is this struggle of two parties, equally standing on the point of view of defensism (i.e., support of predatory war) and ministerialism, i.e., support for a government of counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie.

Of enormous significance is the formation of the CC, as the final dot characterizing the newest political moment, in distinction from the preceding ones. The newest political moment is defined by the final clarification that the majority of the population right now is behind the parties of SRs and Mensheviks, standing, as is known, in a bloc with each other.

The All-Russian Peasants' Soviet and the sitting All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Soldiers' and Workers' Deputies, in connection with elections to the Petrograd district dumas, finally established that fact that the bloc of SRs and Mensheviks is the ruling party in Russia.

This bloc has definitely now a majority among the people. There cannot be doubt that it will have a majority in the newly-forming, united or federated, Central Committee of Soviets (or Council of Soviets—the name, apparently, is not yet decided).

The SRs and Mensheviks are ruling and responsible parties.

This is the fundamental fact of the newest political moment. If before the elections in Petrograd, before the Congress of Peasants, before the Congress of Soviets, the Mensheviks and SRs could hide, even with a semblance of plausibility, behind the argument that the will of the majority is unknown, that the Cadets too, perhaps, are close to the majority, etc., and so forth, then now these evasions are impossible. The fog, artificially maintained by someone, has dissipated.

You are in the majority, gentlemen SRs and Mensheviks, you are the ruling party, or rather, the ruling bloc. You are responsible.

Our main task in propaganda and agitation in general, in the campaign for elections to the Constituent Assembly, in particular, consists now in the most thorough, practical and graphic explanation to the broad masses of workers and peasants that for the policy of our country the SRs and Mensheviks are now responsible, as ruling parties. Until now it was different, because, as parties, they had not yet determined their majority and willingly posed as "opposition" under ruling Cadets. Now this is undoubtedly so: the majority is behind the SRs and Mensheviks.

They are responsible for all policy of the country.

They are now responsible for the results of a month-and-a-half of rule of the "coalition ministry."

They are responsible for the fact that in the government the majority of ministers are from the counter-revolutionary bourgeois party. Everyone knows, sees, feels, that without the consent of the Congress of Soviets and All-Russian Peasants' Soviet such ministers would not have lasted two days.

The SRs and Mensheviks are responsible for the fundamental contradictions of policy, more and more acutely and painfully making themselves felt, ever more vividly imposing themselves on the masses.

In words—"condemnation" of predatory war and "demand" for peace without annexations. In deed—continuation of precisely predatory war, in alliance with known plunderers—imperialists of England, France, etc. In deed—preparation for offensive, at the demand of these allies, in accordance with the secret predatory treaties which Nicholas II concluded in the interests of enriching Russian landowners and capitalists.

In deed—a policy of annexations, i.e., violent incorporation of peoples (Albania, Greece) into one state or into one group of imperialists,—a policy of annexations also within revolutionary (but proceeding along a counter-revolutionary path) Russia, treatment of Finland and Ukraine, as annexed peoples, not as actually free, actually equal, having an indisputable right both to autonomy and to separation.

In words—"resistance of capitalists, apparently, has been broken," as the ministry bloc member Peshekhonov boastfully declared. In deed—even the resolution of the Congress of Soviets was compelled to acknowledge that "the resistance of the propertied classes is growing" (i.e., counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie, having 10 capitalist ministers out of 16 and actual complete omnipotence in the economy of the country).

In words—promises of control and regulation and seizure of 100% profit (minister Skobélev). In deed—in a month-and-a-half nothing! Not a single business-like and serious step either against lockout-capitalists, or against the marauders of speculation and the knights of gain-making on supplies, or against the barons of cotton!

# TRANSLATIONS

[Part 4/8]

Let us not prolong this list of contradictions bearing fruit.
The ones cited are sufficient.
Ruin is advancing. Crisis is drawing near. Catastrophe is bearing down inexorably. The Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries are exhorting the capitalists, threatening to take away 100%, boasting that the resistance of the capitalists has been broken, writing resolutions and projects, projects and resolutions.
Catastrophe is advancing.
All responsibility for it will fall upon the ruling bloc of Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks.

1 A coalition government of Kadets, Mensheviks, and Socialist Revolutionaries was created on May 18 (May 5), 1917.

2 On June 16 (June 3), 1917, the Bolsheviks and the united Social-Democratic internationalists submitted a declaration to the presidium of the First All-Russian Congress of Soviets, which read as follows: "... Counter-revolutionary circles in Russia are counting on the fact that an offensive will lead to a concentration of power in the hands of military-diplomatic and capitalist groups linked to English, French, and American imperialism. The Congress cannot pass in silence over the openly prepared and comprehensively organized blow.... The Congress must give immediate resistance to the counter-revolutionary onslaught... or assume responsibility for this policy, wholly and openly. Warning the working class, the army, and the peasantry against the threat hanging over the country, we insist on the raising of the question of an offensive as the first order of business of the Congress."

3 At the First Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, taking place from June 16 (June 3) to July 7 (June 24), the Central Executive Committee was elected, in which an enormous majority belonged to Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries. The Executive Committee of the Council of Peasants' Deputies, elected at the First Congress of Peasants' Deputies in May 1917, was in the hands of the right Socialist Revolutionaries.

4 In the elections to the district dumas of Petrograd in the first half of June according to the new calendar, the bloc of Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries received a considerable majority of votes.

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## PLAN OF A LETTER TO THE FOREIGN BUREAU OF THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE RSDLP(B) FROM AUGUST 30 — SEPTEMBER 7, 1917

For W[orowsky].

[End of August 1917, Helsingfors.]

1) Br[ochure] by R[adek]
2) Br[ochure] on Cuba*

*By Y. S. Ganetsky. Ed.

V. Money
Transporting people
"    literature
Reinstein (authorized representative)
And "Schiller" . . .
5) Against St[ockholm]
"        Z[immerwwald]
6) Conference of the left
7) Campaign against Ceitlin and Br[aunschweiger] V[olks]-fr[eund] for subscriptions by Mensheviks.
8) Selection of lit[erature] here and letters
Kampf Duisb[urg]
Arb[eiter]-Pol[itik]
Demain
Weekly People, etc.
9) Leaflets and brochures.
10) [Publish in German ("The S[t]ate and R[evolution]")]
About newspapers, etc.

1 Letter to the Foreign Bureau, see Lenin, Works, Vol. XXIX, p. 357.

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## TWO LETTERS TO G. ROVIO1

[October 10 (September 27), 1917, Vyborg.]

Comrade Rovio! Be so kind as to pass on the enclosed letter to Smilga (only in person, not by mail).

The comrade conveying this letter to you is returning very soon: please send with him the remaining newspapers and if anything has arrived for me.

Did you forward what I gave you to the north for transmission to our Swedish friends? Reply through the messenger.

Best regards!

Your K. Ivanov.

---

## EXCERPTS, NOTES, RECORDS

[October 1917, Vyborg.]

Dear Comrade Rovio!

Taking this opportunity, I wish to know whether you received my letter with the enclosed letter to Smilga? and whether you passed the letter on to him?

The opportunity is returning in about two days. Please be kind enough to pass this letter to Smilga, so that he too knows that I am concerned about his receiving my letter and I await his reply.

Regards!

Your K. Ivanov.

Will you not send me a complete set of (1) "Priboy"2 and (2) "Socialist-Revolutionary" for the last 1½ weeks?

And have you sent a letter and newspapers to Switzerland through friends?

1 The letters to G. Rovio were written by Lenin from Vyborg: the first simultaneously with the letter to I. Smilga (see Lenin Coll. IV, p. 333-334), the second, apparently, somewhat later.

2 "Priboy" — a legal publishing house that emerged in January 1913 during the insurance campaign and was under the control and direction of the Central Committee of the RSDLP(b). In autumn 1914, owing to intensified persecution of the workers' press in connection with the war, the publishing house ceased operations. In 1917, the "Priboy" publishing house was resumed.

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## EXCERPTS, NOTES, RECORDS

MARCH—SEPTEMBER 1917

EXCERPTS FROM FOREIGN NEWSPAPERS

[March 21-27, 1917, Zurich.]

B[erliner] T[ageblatt], 20/3. Times of 19/3; Kerensky convinced Ch[kheidze] to renounce the leaflet "Order No. 1" (of the [Council] of [Workers] Deputies [and] soldiers), so that soldiers would not obey officers. This is provocation by the Black Hundreds!

Speech of Sk[obelev], 14/5.

N[eue] Z[üricher] Z[eitung], I. Mittag[blatt], 21. III.

From National Z[eitung], B[erlin].

Session of [State] D[uma], 14. III.

---

LENIN'S COLLECTED WORKS

Skobelev — "die sociale Gruppe und die Arbeiter haben mit den Zielen der prov[isorischen] R[e]g[ierun]g R[usland]s lediglich leichten Kontakt"... Workers demand peace. If there is war in spring, catastrophe will come. "Die Arbeiterschaft habe mit der Gesellschaft eine vorbedachte Waffenfreundschaft geschlossen, obgleich die politischen Ziele der Arbeitschaft von denen der Gesellschaft himmelweit verschieden sind"...

"Die Liberalen sollten jetzt von den unsinnigen Kriegszielen... lassen"***

"L'Humanité," 26/3.

Homo accuses B[erner] T[agwacht] of "Leninism" (sic!) for calling the French social patriots.

"Leninism" they try to reduce the value and scope of the revolution, speaking in the name of all Russian socialists (!!!?)

Il Giornale d'Italia, 27/3.

St. Petersburg, 26/3, on "two forces": the government for order, etc., C[ouncil] of W[orkers and] S[oldiers]—for "immeasurable demands" (Chkheidze with C[ouncil]).

The Times, 24/3.

1 The excerpt is taken from a dispatch "Rotterdam, 19. März" published in the "Die russische Revolution" ("Russian Revolution") section of the morning edition of the newspaper "Berliner Tageblatt" No. 144, 20. III. 1917.

2 Used by Lenin in the second "Letter from Afar" (Works, Vol. XX, p. 29); the excerpt is taken from "Neue Züricher Zeitung" No. 495, 21. III. 1917.

3 The article by Homo, "Une campagne kinthalienne" ("Kinthal Campaign") in "L'Humanité," No. 4720, 26. III. 1917.

4 The article in question is devoted to the Russian revolution, "Die Pflicht des Handelns" ("The Duty to Act") in "Berner Tagwacht," No. 66, 19. III. 1917.

*"social" (? apparently social-democratic) "group and workers have only a l i g h t c o n t a c t (light touch) with the aims of the Provisional Government" (Lenin's translation; see Works, Vol. XX, p. 29). Ed.

** In other places in the speech "liberal society." (Lenin's note. Ed.)

*** "Workers concluded with [liberal] society a premeditated armed peace, although their political aims are as different from the aims of society as heaven is from earth"...

"Liberals must now renounce the senseless aims of war." (Lenin's translation; see there. Ed.)

**** Reduce the value and significance of the revolution, speaking in the name of all Russian socialists. Ed.

---

## LETTER TO V. A. KARPINSKY

[Moscow] V. A. [K]

[March, after March 20 (7), 1917, Zurich.]

Dear V. K.!

I am sending the manuscript for copying—in 1 copy. As closely as possible, please, and on quarter sheets, not on half sheets.

If you have party funds, take from them for expenses (paper, copying, etc.); if not, write immediately how much to send.

Regards! Your Lenin.

1 Apparently, the reference is to the first "Letter from Afar."

---

## NOTE

[March 23 (10), 1917, Zurich.]

1) Organizational forces
2) Russian + Finnish
3) 4th Duma + seizure—one only
4) Change of combat tasks—organization—tactic
5) Motive force
6) Peace and socialism

---

## END OF THE MANUSCRIPT OF THE ARTICLE "THE PRANKS OF REPUBLICAN CHAUVINISTS"

[March 30 (17), 1917, Zurich.]

... [I do not even know whether the CC bureau survived, whether Kamenev and the deputies arrived in Petersburg, those who know Miron** and would eliminate*** him immediately if he took advantage of the change of persons and wormed his way back in.

* The note was written by Lenin in blue pencil on the reverse of a telegram from Ganetsky to Lenin of March 23, 1917 (Lenin's reply to Ganetsky, see Lenin Coll. XIII, p. 259). Ed.

** The provocateur M. E. Chernomazov. Ed.

*** The beginning of the phrase is taken from the published text of the article (see Lenin's Works, Vol. XX, p. 57).

I hope the reader now understands wherein consists the perfidy and basest methods of struggle of the Gutchkov-Miliukov government and their friends, who wish to cast suspicion on our party "of complicity with the old regime and the enemy." This government and its friends* hate our party and slander it because we declared already on October 13, 1915, in No. 47 of our newspaper "Sozialdemokrat" (Geneva) that we would be unconditionally against the imperialist war, even in the event that this war were conducted not by the tsarist government, but by a chauvinist-Revolutionary, chauvinist-republican Russian government.

The Gutchkov-Miliukov government is precisely such a government, because it confirmed the robber treaties of tsarism with Anglo-French imperialism and pursues robber aims (conquest of Armenia, Galicia, Constantinople, etc.) in this war***.

* Words: "and their friends" written in pencil by N. K. Krupskaya. Ed.

** Words: "and his friends" written in pencil by N. K. Krupskaya. Ed.

Treachery and baseness of the methods of struggle of the Gutchkov-Miliukov government and their friends, who seek to cast aspersions on our party, "which allegedly consists of complicity with the old regime and the enemy." This government and its friends hate our party and slander it because on October 13, 1915, in No. 47 of our newspaper "Sozial-Democrat" (Geneva), we declared that we would be unconditionally against imperialist war even in the event that this war were conducted not by the tsarist government, but by a chauvinist-revolutionary, chauvinist-republican Russian government.

The Gutchkov-Miliukov government is precisely such a government because it confirmed the predatory treaties of tsarism with Anglo-French imperialism and pursues predatory aims (conquest of Armenia, Galicia, Constantinople, etc.) in this war (see Lenin, Works, Vol. XX, p. 58). Ed.

Concerning this, however, not much can be said at present, since we must reckon with too many undefined factors. But already this gladdens our hopes that now a new factor in the politics of war emerges, which during the period of the Burgfrieden was everywhere... eliminated: revolutionary proletariat and socialism, which in Russia more than anywhere else we can expect will be guided by international rather than national viewpoints.

(S. 612)... The struggle for peace, for a speedy acceptable peace that violates no participating peoples, henceforth cannot be conducted so freely anywhere, will encounter so few obstacles nowhere as in Russia.

What becomes decisive for peace is now the question of how the Russian revolution will act back upon Europe, above all upon German social democracy. And to our regret, we must confess that even concerning this nothing definite can be said at present, in view of the disarray of our party relations.

... The clarification of the war aims of the Reich government becomes more urgent than ever, if only because the enemy in the East has become another overnight, and then because the conditions for acting upon him for peace have changed most thoroughly. The peace party currently dominates the situation in Russia; thereby it acquires decisive influence on the behavior of the Ten-Alliance. Our most urgent task is to strengthen its forces. This can be accomplished only by the Reich government as speedily as possible making known its war aims—such war aims as make possible a just peace, threatening no people, violating none. Only the prospect of such a peace would make it possible for the Russian peace party to maintain itself and prevail.

"Die Neue Zeit," No. 26, 36th year of publication, Vol. I, March 30, 1917.

Translation.

"Neue Zeit" (p. 611).

"The method recommended by Engels was now put into practice not by the Social-Democratic Party of Germany, but by the revolutionary masses of Russia...

For the present, however, nothing definite can be said about this, since we must here operate with too many undefined factors. But even this wings our hopes that now a new factor in war policy emerges, which during the period of civil peace everywhere... was eliminated: revolutionary proletariat and socialism. In Russia more than anywhere else one can expect that they will be guided by international rather than national point of view.

(p. 612)... The struggle for peace, for swift acceptable peace, not violating any of the participating peoples, henceforth nowhere can be conducted so freely, will encounter so few obstacles nowhere as in Russia.

What becomes decisive for peace is now the question: how will the Russian revolution affect Europe, above all German social democracy? To our regret, we must state that at present even about this nothing definite can be said, in view of our party disorder.

...Clarification of the war aims of the imperial government becomes more than ever pressing, if only because the opponent in the East has become another in one night, and furthermore because the conditions for acting upon him for peace have changed most thoroughly. The dominant position in Russia is now occupied by the peace party. Thanks to this, it acquires decisive influence on the behavior of the alliance of ten. Our most pressing task—strengthen its strength. This can be achieved o n l y by the imperial government as quickly as possible announcing its war aims—such war aims as make possible a just peace, threatening no people, violating no one. Only the prospect of such a peace would make it possible for the Russian peace party to strengthen itself and prevail.

"Die Neue Zeit," No. 26, 36th year of publication, Vol. I, March 30, 1917.

---

INSCRIPTIONS ON ENVELOPES AND FOLDERS

[Early April 1917, Zurich.]

I. 

Pre-revolutionary and beginning of revolution.
("Foreign and in Russia") literary material—notes.

II.

[To the archive.] To the history of recent 1915-6 socialism (especially on the agrarian question).

To send to Petersburg via (Stockholm)

Various major items, old literary material

April, after March 26 (8), 1917, [Zurich].

This is a 1917 copybook, in Zurich before the departure to Russia.

1 This copybook contains: 1) The article "Revolution in Russia and the Tasks of Workers of All Countries" (Works, Vol. XX, p. 48); 2) Letter to Y. S. Ganetsky of March 30 (17), 1917 (Works, Vol. XX, p. 52); 3) Telegram to Grimm of March 31 (18) (Lenin Coll. II, p. 378); 4) Resolution of the foreign collegium of the CC on Iksa's debt (Lenin Coll. II, p. 379); 5) Letter to Geneva of April 4 (March 22), 1917 (Lenin Coll. II, p. 380); 6) Excerpt from "Neue Zeit" (present collection, pp. 76-77); 7) Fifth Letter from Afar (Works, Vol. XX, [continues]).

III.

Old materials before revolution, 1917

IV.

To the archive (interesting...)

---

## INSCRIPTION ON A NOTEBOOK

RECORD OF TRAVEL EXPENSES

[April 2 (15), 1917]

12 products
17—18
26 crowns
736 crowns
[...]

[Apparently bedding. Ed.]

---

## LENIN'S COLLECTED WORKS

Returned A[nna] E[ugene]?
10 rubles — + 3 Finnish marks
17, 2.15 tickets
15.00 — Grigoriev
5.00 — Danico
3.40 — Coffee tea

495.85
15.00 — landlady of apartment
516.85
192.03
702.88
640
62.88

Paid to Platten 20 rubles.
191 r.
+ 1.03
192.03

Issued,
65.50

Returned to me:
9.65
495.85
472.45 krone.
192.03
— 15 [Grigoriev]
687.87
27.55

47.87

---

## PLAN OF THE BROCHURE "MATERIALS FOR REVISION OF THE PARTY PROGRAM"1

[June 1917]

Preface — p. 1*
..................4 (resolution on program revision)
§ II .... 5 (my project)
§ III ...... 13 (remarks)
§ IV ........ 17 (reply)
§ V ....... 21 (economic)
§ V ........ 25 (pedagogical)
§ VII ...... 29 Old and new program texts.

1 Lenin's brochure "Materials for Revision of the Party Program," Petrograd, 1917, judging by the date of the preface June 2 (May 20) and reference to No. 68 of "Pravda" of June 10 (May 28), was published in the second half of June (new style).

The printed plan corresponds to the arrangement of the brochure. The plan was written by Lenin in pencil at the end of the typewritten text of the "Preliminary Draft Program."

---

## LIST OF BOOKS AND INQUIRY ABOUT THE PROCEDURE FOR WORK IN THE PUBLIC LIBRARY1

[June 1917]

Neue Zeit
1891 (Critique of the Gotha Program, Marx)
1891 (Critique of the Draft of the Erfurt Program, Engels)
1912 (Polemic between Kautsky and Pannekoek on the destruction of the state)
Engels "Internationales aus dem Volksstaat"
"Ursprung der Familie"
"Anti-Dühring"
Marx: "Das Kommunistische Manifest"2

Inquiries about the P[ublic] L[ibrary]: hours, conditions (passport?), period of registration, days of opening, etc.

1 The books that Lenin intended to obtain from the Public Library, apparently in June 1917, were needed for his work on the brochure "The State and Revolution."

2 For a bibliography of the books mentioned in the list, see Lenin Coll. XIV, p. 390.

---

## LIST OF COMMISSIONS TO COMRADES BEFORE DEPARTURE TO HELSINGFORS

[August 1917, Razliv.]

Ribbon for hat (black ribbon)
Tooth powder (white, chalk)
Hair-cutting machine (with model number)
Shaving brush
Cup (metal) for shaving
Powder (soap) for shaving
Toothpicks (from feathers)
Bread
Plan of Helsingfors
Glue: small tube
[A] needle and black thread[s]
Simple envelopes
"S[ocial]-D[emocrat]" No. 47*
Red and blue pencil[s]
Pencil sharpener
Chemical pencil
Pen
My theses on the political situation (for congress)*
Polyglot, Swedish and Finnish*
Speech at congress of Soviets on war3
"Pravda," "Izvestia"
"A[nti]-D[ühring]"
"On the Assessment of 3-4. VII"?
Reinstein from Socialist Labour Party
Otto Bauer
Magazine of Spiridonova
1) Weekly: Address in Nara[nd]
2) Cipher
3) Conditional postcards**.

1 In "Sozialdemokrat" No. 47, October 13, 1915, Lenin's article was published: "Several Theses. From the Editorial Board."

2 This note shows that Lenin had prepared for the VI Congress of the party and forwarded to the CC theses "On the Political Situation."
The VI Congress took place August 8 (July 26) — August 16 (August 3). The report on the political situation was delivered by I. V. Stalin, who also proposed a resolution (see Lenin, Works, Vol. XXI, p. 472).

3 A stenographic record of Lenin's speech at the I Congress of Soviets on war, June 22 (June 9), 1917, is kept in the IMÉL archive. The stenograph was corrected by Lenin: published in Works, Vol. XX, p. 489.

* A dictionary of commonly used words and expressions. Ed.

** On this page of the manuscript, Lenin marked in pencil the dimensions of some printed edition "60 Z[eil] à 50 B[uchstaben] = 3.000 [Buchstaben]" ("60 lines at 50 letters = 3,000 letters"). Ed.

---

## DATA ON ELECTIONS TO THE PETROGRAD CITY DUMA

[September (August) 1917]

"Den'," 21/8. 1917. Figures (? are they correct?) on elections.

IN THE CITY ONLY

MAY                AUGUST

Kadets:        172 t. = 22%        104 t. = 23% — 68 t. — 10%

Bolsheviks*: 160 » = 20%        145 t. = 33% — 15 t. — 10%

Total:         791 t. = 100%      443 t. = 100% — 358 t.
                — 332              — 249

Bolsheviks: t. = 58%             194 t. = 44% — 265 t. — 60%

Including SRs: 159 t.

Data on elections to the Petrograd City Duma are taken from the newspaper "Den'" of September 6 (August 24), 1917, article by Lyssa: "Municipal Notes."

---

## ADDRESS BOOK

[April — June 1917]

Commissariat
Petr[ograd] side. Oranienbaumskaya, 15.

A r m a n d, Inessa Fedorovna. Moscow. Arbat, corner of Denezhnoe and Glazovskoe, Arbat, house 3/14, apt. 12.
Tel.: 3.14.96.
(Temporary)

Akselrod Alexander Efremovich [Azov-Don Bank]
(Russian Bank for Foreign Trade) 256 — 56
(until 1 p.m.)

Car Pool 3[winter] P[alace] 400.25.

Vl. D. Bonch-Bruevich. Khersonskaya, 5, apt. 9.
2.77 M.

"Life and Knowledge." Povarskoy, 2, apt. 10.
208.29 [7211 — 1(2)]
[in the Duma] 2.23.27

* Bolsheviks. Ed.

Badaev Alexei Egorovich. Malaya Bolotnaya, 2/3 apt. 20.
Tel. No phone.

Belenin
123.68 (Exec. Com. S.R. and S.D.)

Baramzin, Egor Vasilievich.
Oranienbaumskaya, 18, apt. 8.

Borovsky: Petr[ograd] side, Zhdanovskaya street, 1, apt. 8.
5.56.99.

Gilyarova. B. Ruzheinaya, No. 19b, apt. 21.
2/7.74.

Petrograd Garrison Headquarters
Military Telegraph
Tel[ephone]: 45.40 (Direct line to Vyborg and Pskov)

Glebov. Telephone 4.29.

Gukovsky Isidor Emmanuilovich. Shirokatya 23, apt. 8.
Telephone: 257.49 (6 p.m. to midnight)
(Secretary I.K. [Schmidt] Bokii.)

Danilevsky (driver of Exec. Com.) see Kshesinskaya, Her Palace
(Pokrovskaya st., house 11, apt. 5). Tel. 70.84.

Dzhugashvili (Stalin). Shirokatya, 16, apt. 32.

Elizarov Mark Tim. Shirokatya, house 48/9, apt. 24.
2.46.45.

" by the Volga 45 Nevsky — 45 (near Troitskoy).
12.78.

Parks: Ekaterinin[sky] Canal, 144, apt. 4 (near Alyarchin Bridge)
Tel. 4.65.79.

Izvestia S.R. and S.D. Tel. 218 — 41.
Saikovy Lane, 6 (Ligov Lane).

Editorial office of Izvestia in the Duma: 95.45. (?)

Exec. Committee S.R. and S.D. 404.06.

Karpinskaya, Olga
("Olga" Sara Ravich) [Ertelev Lane, 4.
Tel. 165.65]
(Tel. ?) Bronnitskaya
15, apt. 7. Zabalkansky 105. (Moscow District). Tel. 644.97 (3—7).

Kshesinskaya, Her Palace
Tel. 70.84 and 4.18 (Danilevsky: commandant of palace, drivers' room).

Kollontay Al. M. ([Degtyarnaya, 25, apt. 5 Tel. 252.42 (?)!
Serpukhovskaya, 13, apt. 33)
6.68.38.

Kalugin Dmitri Ivanovich (cardboard maker. Mezhdunarodnyi union)
5.79.43 (Shustov Factory).

Kudeli Praskovya Francevna
6.76.99 (11 — 5; 5 — 8 Veselovskyy)

Kozlovsky:
4.51.76 (morning until 1 p.m.).
1.19.48 (lunch)—at home (and Bronnitskaya
evening in Exec. Com. from S.D.R.K.
104.06.

Krasikov: Shpalernaya 8.
10—12 p.m. call
151.32 until 11 a.m.)

Katin-Yartsev specialist in venereal diseases Ivanovskaya 18.
Mon[day], Wed[nesday], Fri[day], Sat[urday] (5—7)
519.52.
(Wednesday call 1/15)

Krasin L. B.
Tel[ephone] 4.19.30 (mornings until 12—1 p.m.). 2—1/2: 222.98

Leshchenko Dm. Il. Lakhtkinskaya, 25/20, apt. 17.
135.54 (house telephone).

Bor'yan (Bograt) [can also be contact through Shaumyan]
V a l a k h a n y. Technical supervisor
Council of Congress of Oil Industrialists
To Bograt. To Boryan

Interdistrict Committees: 12.38 (2—6)

Poletaev. Nik. Guryevich. Peski. Mytninnskaya. 33.
654 — 17.

Pravda. [Moyka 32 (etc.)] 195.41. Ed. 619—[?]
400.23 (400.24).

Podvoysky. 4.40.48.

P r i d v o r o v Ephim Alekseich: 6th Rozhdestven[skaya], II.
apt. 12. (until 1/2 II) 21.0.12; official 121.59 (at Ura).

Prosh'yan: 1.29.

P e r v u k h i n: 22.87 (say that doctor P[ervukhin] call telephone No. 59) Okhta, Nolustrovskaya
embankment, 5. (Elisavetetinskaya Community) (about 1 hour)

Rosenfeldt: [Kirochnaya, 23, apt. 16]
[in Exec. Com.: 104.06] 266—70. Better: 1.23.68.
10 R[ozhdestven]skaya, house 6/4, apt: 7 (17?) (apt. Sadovskogo)
O. D., 223.27.

Radomyslsky. V[asilievsky] I[sland], 11th line, house 56-G.
apt. 18.

Rozmirovich El. Fed. B. Pushkarskaya, house 34, apt. 15.

Rakhia. Eyno Abramovich: 19.11 (136.80)
(R.R. Tel[ephone]: 41) (through Finland R.R. central)

Safarov. Syezzhinskyy, 24, apt. 39.

Stasova Elena Dm[itrevna] Furshtatskaya, 20.
Tel. 102 — 63
(in City Duma cafeteria C.C. 95.45).

"Soldier's Pravda," 4.10.48 (Podvoysky)

Stat. department of union of cities 68.68.

S t u c h k a: 95.45; Bассейная, 56, apt. 6.
(Peter Ivanovich sworn juryman)

S m i l g a. Shirokatya, house 10, apt. 4.

Simanovskiy (Professor) 24 — 71. Furshtatskaya, 41.
(Was at his place 12.V.1917) come in September.

Saveliev Maximilian Andreevich j* Petr[ograd] side, Mytninnskaya embankment No. 5, apt. 16*.
(Tel[ephone] in union of cities: 2.50.54)

6—8 evening or: Komarovsky. Skryabin.)

Congress of Soviets. 50.10:
(Cadet Corps)

Sulimov. Embankment of Karpovka, 25, apt. 18.
6.19.48.

Printing House "Labor." Kavalersgardskaya, 40.
4.8.34. 4.87 (or 77?)

Tarulov Yakov Nikitich. 7 Rozhdestven[skaya], 36, apt. 8.
Tel. of apt. 1.71.70 (9—10)
2.51.25 (fin. com. City Duma: 12—4).

* Error; should be: Alexandrovich. Ed.

Trotsky: [150.37 (until 11)] apt. 109.56.
M[inistry] 13.50.

Fürstenberg: — for telegrams: Saltsjöbaden, Neglinge near Stockholm, Stockholm. Neglinge.

Fedorov. Gregory Fedorovich. (Nargolovo; village Ivanovka, dacha Karpenko. "1/4")

Bureau of Central Board of F[actory]-[Plant] Committees]: 128.97 (Furshtatskaya, 40).

S. G. Shaumyan. Baku, Lower Ripotnaya, 179.

Shevelev (doctor): Manezhniy, 13.
(Monday, Wednesday, Friday, 6—7).
51.64 Wednesday about 8 o'clock.

Shlyapnikov:
Central Bureau of Professional Unions: 128.97 (Furshtat[skaya] 40)
Union of Metalworkers: 192.86 (Anichkin Palace, apt. 121].

Shotman: Alek. Vas. [Nikolaevskaya, 9, apt. 21.
(until 3.VII). Telephone: 139.53. Dental doctor Mazover
19.11 (official) 211.95 (personal]).

Garrison Headquarters (Petr[o]gr[ad])
Military Tel[ephone]: 45.40
Direct line with Vyb[urg] and Pskov

Petrograd
Poleteleistan No. 1
Field Telegraph. Station.

Shlyapnikov. Marble Palace. Tel[ephone] 580.19.

---

## THE FIRST YEAR OF PROLETARIAN DICTATORSHIP

FROM THE OCTOBER OVERTURN TO DECEMBER 1918

I. ORGANIZATION OF THE APPARATUS OF ADMINISTRATION

OCTOBER 26, 1917 — APRIL 19, 1918

---

## NOTES ON THE ORGANIZATION OF THE APPARATUS OF ADMINISTRATION

[No later than October 26, 1917]

Appointments

Chairman 
B[onch]-Br[uevich] — head of affairs
or "People's Commissar of Revolutionary Order"

General Bonch-Bruevich—check and advance the principle of advancement of leaders from below in general

Sokolnikov — Representative of worker and peasant government + ?

Immediate establishment...
of commission of people's commissars...
("Ministries and comrades of the minister")

Kamenev—Commission Chairman
of legislative recommendations

N[adezhda] K[onstantinovna]—comrade of minister (under Lunacharsky)

Organization of fraternization on all fronts...
Introduction of immediate program-minimum (with Socialist Revolutionaries and Social Democrats)

Limitation of salaries to 500 rubles per month.

2 stenographers for dictation and dictating machine

Announcement of reserves of raw materials and all products in general

"Collection of Laws and Decrees and Acts of the Government"

1 M. D. Bonch-Bruevich (b. 1870) — military worker, geodesist. After the February Revolution was appointed commandant of the garrison of the city of Pskov. In March 1917 elected member of the Executive Committee of the Pskov Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. During the October Revolution rendered assistance to Soviet power. December 2 (November 19), 1917, was appointed chief of staff of the supreme commander-in-chief. In early March 1918 was summoned by Lenin to Petrograd to assist in organizing defense against advancing Germans. In 1919—1924—chairman of the Supreme Geodetic Administration of the Supreme Council of the National Economy. At present conducts scientific and pedagogical work.

Lenin intended to call the government organ "Herald of the Workers' and Peasants' Government" and to appoint G. Y. Sokolnikov as its editor. From October 28, 1917, instead of the proposed "Herald," the "Gazette of the Temporary Workers' and Peasants' Government" began to appear, with G. E. Zinoviev appointed as editor.

---

## NOTE TO A. G. SHLICHTER

Com. Shlichter.

[First half of November 1917]

Dear comrade! I am terribly angry at you and we are all angry at you. One cannot delay and vacillate at such a moment. One cannot desert1. You are needed as minister of agriculture and must leave for here i m m e d i a t e l y. We are cursing you severely for the delay.

Until soon.

Your Lenin.

1 Regarding Lenin's letter, Comrade Shlichter reported the following: "I first learned of the CC's decision to summon me to Petrograd from a comrade (whose name I don't remember), who arrived from Petrograd several days before receiving Lenin's letter. This comrade's communication had the character of casual information and contained no concrete proposals about departing for Petrograd. And only from Lenin's letter, transmitted to me by Comrade Bubnov, did I learn that this communication corresponded to reality. Lenin's words about the inadmissibility of 'delays,' 'vacillation,' 'desertion' I could only explain by the fact that the letter was written after desertions by a number of comrades from the CC and SNK and that Ilyich, not knowing how things actually were (with the communication to me about my appointment as 'minister of agriculture')—suspected me too of 'desertion.'"

---

## TELEGRAM TO THE MOSCOW PROVINCIAL SOVIET1

[December 2 (November 19), 1917]

All power to the Soviets. Confirmations are not necessary. Your removal of one and appointment of another is law.

Written by Lenin in pencil under the following received telegram: "We request confirmation of the decree of the Provincial Council of Workers' Deputies on the removal of the provincial commissar Eyler and the confirmation of Pavel Karlovich Sternberg, elected by the provincial Council of Workers' Deputies, as provincial commissar. Provincial Council of Workers' Deputies.
Presidium of the Moscow Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies."

First published in "Rabochaya Moskva" No. 255, of November 7, 1927.

---

## NOTES ON THE AGENDA OF A COUNCIL OF PEOPLE'S COMMISSARS SESSION

[December 3 (November 20), 1917]

1) On granting a loan to the Moscow Soviet in the amount of 5,000,000 rubles.

2) Report of Dybenko.

3) Demand of the CEC for disbursement from the 5,000,000 fund — 300,000 rubles.
(Postponed until Sverdlov arrives).

4) Question of whether the plan for the organization of the Financial Department under the SNK needs to be conducted through the CEC.

5) On the protection of Smolny in connection with new warnings.

6) On the dissolution of chancelleries in the Marinsky Palace (Dunacharsky).

7) Report of Bogolepov and Kuzovkov on projects of new taxes and cuts in expenses.

8) Report of Bogolepov on the procedure for satisfying financial demands.

9) Report of Dr. Barsukov on the creation of a Committee for the Protection of Public Health.

10) Report of Stuchka on civil marriages and divorce.

11) Report of Petrovsky on the Red Guard.

12) On state monopoly of insurance.

13) On the situation of affairs in Orenburg1.

14) On postponement of the convocation of the Constituent Assembly (Stalin).

15) Sending to Arkhangelsk and Vologda.

16) Appeal to Muslims2.

17) Pass for English diplomatic courier.

18) Report of Podvoysky3.

19) Constituent Assembly, its chancellery, commission on elections, etc.

20) Disbursement of 100,000 rubles (to Peasant Congress + Petrograd Soviet for City Duma*).

Council of People's Commissars: Morning of 2/XI. Financial projects4...

1 Lenin has in mind a report of the extraordinary commissar of the Orenburg region on the situation on the front of the struggle against Dutov.

2 The proposal for an appeal to Muslims calling for support of the October Revolution and its government was submitted at the SNK session of December 3 (November 20), 1917, by I. V. Stalin, who read the text of the appeal he had written. The appeal was published in "Gazeta Vremennygo Rabochego i Krestyanskogo Pravitelstva" of December 7 (November 24), 1917, signed by I. V. Stalin and V. I. Lenin under the heading: "To All Toiling Muslims of Russia and the East."

3 N. I. Podvoysky was people's commissar for military affairs.

4 Lenin has in mind the upcoming reports at the SNK session of December 4 (November 21), 1917, by D. P. Bogolepov and D. V. Kuzovkov on a project of new taxes and reduction of expenses.

* Items 19 and 20 later crossed out by Lenin. Ed.

---

## APPOINTMENT OF A COMMISSAR FOR POLISH AFFAIRS

PROJECT RESOLUTION OF THE SNK

[December 7 (November 21), 1917]

Taking into account that Leshchinsky is being appointed commissar, by attestation of Comrade Dzerzhinsky, not at all as a supporter of one Polish party (S.D. of P. and L.), — that he will, by such attestation, act not at all in a partisan manner, — that he enjoys the confidence of the mass of Polish refugees and will act in the interests of this mass against the Polish bourgeoisie, — appoint Comrade Leshchinsky commissar for Polish affairs, under the direction of Comrade Stalin, as commissar for national affairs2.

1 Y. M. Leshchinsky (Lensky), born 1889, member of the SD of Poland and Lithuania from 1905. Leader of the Warsaw organization of "rozlamovtsy" in 1913. In the same year participated in the expanded session of the CC in Poronin. Delegate of the April Conference of 1917. Before his appointment as commissar for Polish affairs—was a member of the Executive Committee of the groups of the SD of Poland and Lithuania included in the RSDLP(b).

2 The question of the appointment of Y. M. Leshchinsky as commissar for Polish affairs was heard for the first time at an SNK session on November 21, 1917. A decision was made "to postpone the decision until the SNK presents detailed data on this matter." These data were presented by Comrade Dzerzhinsky, who, as a member of the Executive Committee of the SDKP and L., testified that Y. M. Leshchinsky, despite his membership in the SDKP and L., which held the Luxemburgian point of view on the question of the right of nations to self-determination, would conduct the Bolshevik line on the national question and would be able to unite the best revolutionary forces from among other Polish revolutionary groupings—on the platform of the October Revolution and Soviet power. The caution of the formulation of the SNK resolution proposed by Lenin on the question of Leshchinsky's appointment was caused by the complex political situation and the diversity of party groupings characteristic of the period of the emergence of Soviet power.

---

## ABOLITION OF THE CHANCELLERY OF THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT

[December 28 (15), 1917]

Abolish the Chancellery of the Provisional Government; entrust the liquidation of affairs to the People's Commissariat of Justice.

Chairman of Council of People's Commissars V. Ulyanov (Lenin).

---

## ON PREPARATION OF SESSIONS OF THE COUNCIL OF PEOPLE'S COMMISSARS

[December 31 (18), 1917]

From each Commissar submitting any question whatsoever to the agenda of the Council of People's Commissars, require a preliminary w r i t t e n s t a t e m e n t i n d i c a t i n g:

a) What does the question consist of (briefly) [this indication cannot be limited to a single reference ("on this or that"), but must consist in a statement of t h e c o n t e n t o f t h e q u e s t i o n]

b) What exactly is being proposed to the Council of People's Commissars? (give money; adopt such-and-such a resolution, etc.—precise indication of what the one submitting the question wants).

c) Does the given question touch upon the departments of other commissars? which ones exactly? are there written opinions from them?

Lenin.

This project was approved at an SNK session December 31 (18), 1917 (see SNK protocol No. 29, item 8, of December 18, 1917).

---

## II.

NOTES TO THE SECRETARIAT OF THE SNK

APRIL 26, 1918

a.

1) Find the long-adopted (in Petersburg) resolution on how to raise questions on the agenda.

2) The agenda composer, secretary (Gorbunov or who is the secretary? what a mess we have) must sign at the bottom: composed by secretary such-and-such (and I warn that I will fire secretaries unwilling to follow the rules).

b.

Reminder to all secretaries that they should not put questions on the agenda without requiring from the speaker (or from the one submitting the question) a signature [as confirmation] that:

1) the Finance department has been consulted (Commissariat of Finance + Control), if the matter concerns expenses and appropriations;

2) the departments that have to do with the matter in question have been consulted.

Chairman SNK V. Ulyanov (Lenin).

All secretaries must sign here that they read this.

---

## AMENDMENT TO THE DECREE ON THE LIQUIDATION OF EVACUATED GOVERNMENT INSTITUTIONS

[February 5 (January 23), 1918]

1 .........................................

N o t e. If the Council of Workers', Soldiers', or Peasants' Deputies finds that the institution to be liquidated is socially useful, it can, suspending liquidation, submit a petition to the appropriate commissariat.

2 .................

3 .................

Chairman Council of People's Commissars

V. Ulyanov (Lenin).

1 This refers to the liquidation of government institutions evacuated during the imperialist war from territories occupied by enemy troops and areas adjacent to the front—the financing of which, despite the actual idleness of the officials of these institutions, continued mechanically for several years.

The decree was published in "Gazeta Rabochaya i Krestyanskaya Pravitelstva," No. 18, of January 26, 1918, under the heading: "Decree on the Liquidation of District, Provincial, and Uezd Government Institutions of All Departments Evacuated During the War."

Below on the document follow the signatures of SNK secretaries. Ed.

---

## ON THE EMPLOYMENT OF SABOTAGING OFFICIALS

PROJECT RESOLUTION OF THE SNK

[February 13 (January 31), 1918]

Council of People's Commissars resolves:

Conduct no negotiations with saboteurs.

Individual People's Commissars are authorized to take into their employ, as individual persons, those [from among individual] saboteurs who, fully submitting to and supporting Soviet power, are necessary for work in the corresponding departments.

1 Adopted at an SNK session February 13 (January 31), 1918, according to the report of I. M. Sverdlov on the elimination of sabotage by former officials.

---

## ON THE TEMPORARY EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE COUNCIL OF PEOPLE'S COMMISSARS

FEBRUARY 20

---

AMENDMENTS TO PROJECT RESOLUTION OF SNK

For the creation of continuity of sessions and work, the Council of People's Commissars elects from its membership a Temporary Executive Committee of 5 persons, to which it entrusts the conduct of all current state work in the intervals between sessions of the Council of People's Commissars and on the basis of responsibility to it.

---

CANDIDATES FOR COMMITTEE

Trotsky
Stalin
Lenin
Prosh'yan
Kamenev

1 Adopted at an SNK session February 20, 1918, according to reports by N. V. Krylenko and I. M. Altwater on the military situation.

---

## AMENDMENTS TO PROJECT RESOLUTION OF SNK

ON THE PROCEDURE FOR DELEGATING COMMISSARS TO THE PROVINCES1

[April 5, 1918]

Council of People's Commissars resolves:

1) Each commissariat is obligated to inform the Commissariat of Internal Affairs of each appointment of whatever commissar or agent to the provinces.

2) The appointed commissar or agent can act only with the knowledge of the local Soviet and only through it.

3) Soviets render all possible support to commissars furnished with proper credentials, within the limits of their credentials.

4) Soviets render unconditional support to all extraordinary and other commissars, if they are appointed by the Council of People's Commissars. Obedience [and] execution of the orders of such commissars is obligatory for all local and provincial Soviets.

5) ......................

6) .....................

Approved with corrections to §§ 3 and 4.

Chairman S.N.K. V. Ulyanov (Lenin).

1 The project was submitted for approval to the SNK on April 5, 1918, by M. Y. Latsiss (member of the collegium of the Commissariat of Internal Affairs). Having become acquainted with the project, Lenin made additions to it on a separate sheet, designating them as items 3 and 4, which correspondingly shifted the locations of other items. The project of the regulation with Lenin's amendments and additions was approved by the SNK on April 5, 1918. Published as a decree in "Izvestia VTSIK," No. 71, of April 11, 1918.

---

## ON DELIMITATION OF FUNCTIONS BETWEEN THE ALL-RUSSIAN AND MOSCOW PROVINCIAL COUNCILS OF PEOPLE'S COMMISSARS1

[April 10, 1918]

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DRAFT RESOLUTION OF SNK2

A [reconciliation] c[ommission] is created of representatives of the All-Russian Council of [People's] Commissars, C[ouncil of] P[eople's] C[ommissars].

1 [Text continues...]

[Part 5/8] of the Moscow region and the All-Russian Central Executive Committee — 2 representatives from each of these institutions, for the purpose of examining all conflicts between the two Councils of People's Commissars and achieving a more precise demarcation of their functions and rights.

Members of the commission — representatives from the VTSIK, RSFSR SNK, and SNK [...]

Latsís.

1 Moscow, together with its region, had its own SNK, organized on March 20, 1918. Considering the parallel existence of central and regional authority in Moscow to be inexpedient, Lenin, shortly after the government's transfer to Moscow, instructed the Manager of Affairs of the SNK — V. D. Bonch-Bruyevich — "to remind him about this several times over the course of the coming month and to place the matter on the agenda of Council of People's Commissars sessions for discussion, decision, and elimination of 'this absurdity'" (V. D. Bonch-Bruyevich. "At the Combat Posts of the February and October Revolutions." M. "Federation," 1930, p. 315). As is evident from the document, the question was initially resolved along the lines of demarcating functions. The resolution of the RSFSR SNK on the abolition of the Moscow SNK was adopted on June 9, 1918 (see "Izvestia of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee" No. 122 of June 16, 1918).

† The resolution was adopted at a session of the RSFSR SNK on April 19, 1918 (see Protocol of SNK No. 99, item 8) according to the report of M. N. Pokrovsky on the mutual relations between the All-Russian SNK and the SNK of Moscow and the Moscow region.

II. FROM THE FIRST DECREES OF SOVIET POWER

November 17 (4), 1917 — "October Decree" (January 20, 1918).

ON THE APPOINTMENT OF A COMMISSION FOR INVESTIGATING 
THE DEPENDENCE OF BOURGEOIS NEWSPAPERS ON BANKS.

PROJECT RESOLUTION.

[November 17 (4), 1917:]

The bourgeoisie understood freedom of the press as the freedom of the wealthy to publish newspapers, the seizure of the press by capitalists, which in reality led everywhere, in all countries, not excepting even the wealthiest [free ones], to the corruption of the press.

The workers' and peasants' government understands freedom of the press as the liberation of the press from the oppression of capital, the transition of paper factories and printing-houses into state property, and the provision to each group of citizens reaching a certain numerical size (for example, 10,000) of equal rights to use a corresponding share of the reserves of paper and a corresponding quantity of printing labor.

As the first step toward the realization of this goal, inseparably linked with the liberation of the laboring masses from the oppression of capital, the Provisional Workers' and Peasants' Government appoints an Investigative Commission for the investigation of the connections of periodicals with capital, the sources of their funds and income, the composition of their donors, the covering of their deficits, and the entire economy of newspapers in general. Any concealment of books, accounts, or other documents from the Investigative Commission, as well as any deliberately false testimony, will be punished by the revolutionary court.

All newspaper owners, shareholders, as well as all employees are obligated to submit immediately written reports and information on the indicated questions to the Investigative Commission for the Exposure of the Connections of the Press with Capital and of the Dependence of the Press on Capital, at the Smolny Institute, in Petrograd.

The Investigative Commission is appointed from the following persons*:

The Commission has the right to supplement its composition, to summon witnesses and experts, to demand the opening of all books, etc.

1 In the very first days of the October Revolution, the bourgeois press waged a frenzied campaign against Soviet power. The decisive measures undertaken by the Provisional Revolutionary Committee, which closed on November 8 (October 26) a series of bourgeois newspapers: "Rech'," "Den'," "Petrogradskiy Listok," and others, provoked protests and objections not only from the petty bourgeois parties (the Left Socialist Revolutionaries, for example), but also from some members of our own party: Yu. Larina, D. Ryazanov (both joined the party shortly before October), V. Nogin, and others.

On November 17 (4), 1917, at a session of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, the question of freedom of the press was discussed (see "Protocols of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee," ed. VTsIK, M. 1918, pp. 23—27; Lenin, Works, vol. XXII, note 15). Larina submitted a proposal for the repeal of the SNK decree of November 10 (October 28) "On the Press" (see the decree in "Newspaper of the Provisional Workers' and Peasants' Government" No. 1, of October 28, 1917; "Collection of Laws and Orders" No. 1, December 14 (1), 1917). At this session, Lenin delivered a speech in which he stated: "We cannot give the bourgeoisie the opportunity to slander us. We must immediately appoint a commission to investigate the dependence of bourgeois newspapers on banks" (Works, vol. XXII, p. 44). The document printed here appears to be the resolution that Lenin intended to submit at this session. Having acquainted himself with another draft resolution prepared earlier by the Bolshevik faction and later adopted by the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, Lenin did not submit his draft to the presidium for voting.

AMENDMENTS TO THE DECREE ON STATE 
MONOPOLY ON ADVERTISEMENTS.

[After November 17 (4) — Before November 21 (8), 1917]

Decree on the Introduction of State Monopoly on Advertisements.

1. The printing of advertisements for payment in periodical publications, as well as in collections and posters, and likewise the placement of advertisements in kiosks, offices, and other such institutions, is declared to be a monopoly of the state.

2. Such advertisements may be printed only by publications of the Provisional Workers' and Peasants' Government in Petrograd or by publications of local Soviets of Workers', Soldiers', and Peasants' Deputies. Newspapers that print advertisements for payment without having the right to do so shall be closed.

3. The owners of newspapers, offices for the placement of advertisements, as well as all employees in such offices, expeditions, and any such enterprises are obligated to remain in their positions until such time as they transfer it to the state in the person of the aforementioned organs, answering for complete order, for the maintenance of uninterrupted operations of the enterprises, and for the transfer to Soviet publications of all private advertisements as well as all sums of money received for the accepted advertisements, along with complete accounting with accompanying documents.

4. All managers of publications and enterprises placing advertisements for payment, as well as all employees and workers of these enterprises are obligated to convene immediately in city assemblies and to unite first in city unions, and then in an All-Russian union for the more successful and proper organization of the matter, the reception and placement in Soviet publications of private advertisements, as well as for the working out of rules more convenient for the population in the receipt and printing of these advertisements.

5. Those guilty of concealment of documents or sums, as well as those guilty of [negligence in the execution] sabotage of the measures indicated in §§ 3 and 4 are punished [by a fine of up to 5,000 rubles] are punished by confiscation of all property and imprisonment for up to 3 years.

6. Paid placement of advertisements in private publications, in the form of reports, advertising articles [and the like] or other camouflaged forms [is punished by a fine of up to 10,000 rubles and] entails the same punishment.

[7. The maintenance of employees and workers of the aforementioned enterprises until their transfer to the state is conducted from the sums [subject to transfer] of those enterprises in which these employees and workers are employed.

[8.] 7. Enterprises [in whole or in part may be confiscated] upon the receipt and transfer of advertisements are confiscated by the state, with the payment, if necessary, of temporary state assistance to the owners, [Such assistance is obligatorily issued in the amount established by the Soviet. Small proprietors, depositors, and shareholders of the confiscated enterprises [shall be returned in full their deposits.

[9.] 8. All [existing] publications, offices, expeditions, and enterprises in general placing paid advertisements are obligated [no later than 7 days from the date of this decree coming into force] immediately to submit to the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies precise information about their location [under threat of a fine of up to 5,000 rubles] and to proceed to the transfer of matters and to the transfer of advertisements, under threat of punishments indicated in § 5.

[In those places where there exist separate Soviets of Workers', Sol[diers'], and Peas[ants'] Deputies, these soviets agree among themselves about the establishment of a single Soviet organ for advertisements.]

These amendments were made by Lenin to the text written by A. V. Lunacharsky, to whom Lenin, after his speech of November 17 (4) in the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, entrusted the writing of this decree. Having reviewed the decree and made amendments in the direction of strengthening repression, Lenin signed the decree. The decree was published in "Newspaper of the Provisional Workers' and Peasants' Government" No. 6 of November 21 (8) (see "Collection of Laws and Orders" No. 2, December 17 (4), 1917). Later, in 1921, Lenin referred to this decree in his speech at the Moscow Provincial Party Conference (see Works, vol. XXVII, pp. 62—63).

ADDITIONS TO THE DECREE ON THE REQUISITION OF WARM ITEMS 
FOR SOLDIERS AT THE FRONT.

[Before November 21 (8), 1917]

Heading: +
Add:

"... and on the requisition of apartments of the wealthy for the alleviation 
of the needs of the poor..."

§ 1. ... plus one warm item in addition to a blanket (a coat, fur coat, jacket, felt boots, etc.).

§ 2. ... A wealthy apartment is also considered any apartment in which the number of rooms equals or exceeds the number of souls permanently living in that apartment.

The owners of wealthy apartments are obligated immediately, under threat of confiscation of all property, to submit in 2 copies a statement about the warm items they have and are providing for the benefit of the Front, one copy to the House Committee, the other copy to the district Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies.

The owners of wealthy apartments, under the same threat, are obligated immediately to submit to the same institutions and likewise in 2 copies a project for the settlement of two...

a statement about the liberation of one of two wealthy apartments for the needs of the poor population of the capital — that is, two wealthy families having two wealthy apartments are obligated to settle, during the coming winter, in one of their apartments, providing the other, in view of the extreme need created by the war, for the use of the poor population.

House Committees immediately compile lists of wealthy apartments subject to requisition, and district Soviets of Workers' Deputies affirm these lists and likewise determine the conditions and procedure for the occupation of these apartments by families of the poor population.

1 The draft decree "on the requisition of warm items for soldiers at the Front" was discussed and approved at a session of the Petrograd Soviet on November 8, 1917, according to the report of E. M. Sklyansky, deputy Commissar for Military Affairs. For the practical implementation of the decree, published in "Pravda" No. 184 of November 22 (9), 1917, the Petrograd Soviet elected a commission that systematically reported on its actions at sessions of the Petrograd Soviet (the first report of the commission was heard on November 20) (see "Izvestia of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Petrograd Soviet" No. 231 of November 21, 1917). The new theme of the decree outlined by Lenin in his additions to the draft "on the requisition of warm items" ("on the requisition of apartments of the wealthy for the alleviation of the needs of the poor") served as the basis for the development of a separate project on this question, discussed by the Petrograd Soviet on March 14, 1918, according to the report of V. Volodarsky. The project was adopted and published in "Izvestia of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Petrograd Soviet" No. 38 of March 2, 1918, under the heading: "Draft decree on the settlement of families of Red Army soldiers and unemployed workers in the apartments of the bourgeoisie and on the standardization of residential premises."

This addition by Lenin was accepted by the Petrograd Soviet and reflected in the decree published by it.

THESES OF A LAW ON THE CONFISCATION OF HOUSES.

THESES OF A LAW ON THE CONFISCATION OF HOUSES 
(December 3; November 20, 1917)

Theses of a law on the confiscation of houses furnished and rented out in apartments.

1) The land, all (urban) land, passes into the property ownership of the people.

2) Houses systematically rented out [are alienated] confiscated into the property of the people.

3) Owners of houses not rented out [remain] until the decision of the Constituent Assembly remain owners without any changes in their proprietary rights.

4) Compensation [for several months] 2—3) to [owners of confiscated houses, if these owners prove their not-...

5) Collection of apartment rent (by whom?) by Soviets (in the current accounts of Soviets)

6) Construction [commissions] (professional unions — unification of construction enterprises) supervise and manage the economy (fuel, etc.)

7) Collection of rent enters into effect immediately.

Construction-economic commissions enter into effect at a certain gradually, as they are created by professional unions and Soviets.

8) Heating of houses and their maintenance in normal condition constitute the obligation of House Committees and other institutions (professional unions, Soviets, fuel departments at the City Duma, etc.)

1 The theses were written by Lenin as guiding principles for the working out of a draft decree on the confiscation of houses, which was to be submitted by D. V. Kuzovkov for discussion by the SNK on November 21, 1917. The theses worked out by Lenin found reflection in the draft decree "On the Nationalization of Urban Real Estate and on the Requisition of Apartment Rent," heard and in principle approved by the SNK on December 4 (November 21), 1917, for submission to the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. The draft was published in "Newspaper of the Provisional Workers' and Peasants' Government" No. 18 of November 25, 1917, under the heading "Draft decree on the abolition of the right of private property in urban real estate (adopted by the Council of People's Commissars)." The decree was published in "Izvestia of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee" No. 182 of August 24, 1918.

ON THE IMPLEMENTATION OF SOCIALIST POLICY 
IN THE SPHERE OF FINANCE AND ECONOMICS.

December 27 (November 14), 1917.

a.

Members of committee.

Dzerzhinsky Stalin Elizarov Lenin Petrovsky Shlyapnikov Kozymin Elizarov Pukh Garín Pyatakov Shlyapnikov Lenin

The phrase remained unfinished. Editor's note.

ON THE IMPLEMENTATION
OF SOCIALIST POLICY

Genzhinsky Shlyapnikov Kozymin Kozymin Lenin Trotsky Bukharin Elizarov Axelrod Pyatakov Menzhinsky Shlyapnikov Lenin Lenin

b.

FUNDAMENTAL QUESTIONS OF ECONOMIC POLICY.

Instructions:

1) Nationalization of banks.

2) Compulsory syndication.

3) State monopoly of foreign trade.

4) Revolutionary measures for combating robbery.

5. Exposure of financial and banking robbery.

6) Financing of industry.

7) Unemployment.

8) Demobilization — of the army? Of industry?

9) Food supply.

PROJECT OF SNK RESOLUTION.

1) Send 2—3 engineers to the Special Conference on Defense for oversight and the compilation of a general plan of demobilization of industry (entrust Kozymin to compile this group)

2) Form a commission of 3—5 members of the SNK (and non-members) for the discussion of fundamental questions of the economic policy of the government. (Entrust Pyatakov and Bukharin to form this commission)

3) Organize a conference of food-supply workers for the discussion of practical measures for combating robbery and the improvement of the condition especially of the needy strata.

Entrust Shlyapnikov + Manuilsky to organize this conference.

At a session of the SNK on November 27, 1917, Lenin's proposal "On the Organization of a Special Commission for the Implementation of Socialist Policy in the Sphere of Finance and Economics" was heard. The document printed here presents a list of those "fundamental questions of economic policy of the government" on which instructions were to be written "for their practical implementation." The project resolution was approved by the Council of People's Commissars at the aforementioned session.

P. L. Kozymin in 1917 was deputy chairman of the Special Conference on Defense.

G. L. Pyatakov was a member of the presidium of the Supreme Council of the National Economy.

N. I. Bukharin (at this time a member of the Central Committee of the RCP(b)) was drawn in as a consultant on questions of the economic policy of the government.

A. G. Shlyapnikov in 1917 was Commissar for Labor and Industry.

D. Z. Manuilsky in December 1917 was performing the duties of Commissar for Food Supply.

AMENDMENTS TO THE DECREE 
ON THE SEPARATION OF CHURCH FROM STATE.

February 2 (January 20), 1918.

a.

Decree on Freedom of Conscience, Church, and Religious Societies.

[1. Religion is a private matter of each citizen of the Russian Republic:]

1. The Church is separated from the state.

* * * * *

3. Every citizen may profess any religion or profess none. All disabilities associated with the profession of any faith or the non-profession of any faith are abolished [forever].

Note: From all official acts [any] any indication of the religious affiliation and non-affiliation of citizens is eliminated.

5. The free performance of religious rites is guaranteed insofar as they do not disturb public order and are not accompanied by encroachments on the rights of citizens and the Soviet Republic.

6. No one can, invoking their religious views, evade the fulfillment of their civic obligations. Exceptions to this provision [or replacement] are permitted on condition of the replacement of one civic obligation with another in each individual case by decision of the people's court.

8. Acts of civil status are kept exclusively by the civil authority, departments [for] the registration of marriages and births [and deaths].

13. All property of existing churches and religious societies in Russia is declared the property of the people. The procedure for accounting, safekeeping, and economic management of buildings or items intended specially for religious purposes is determined by ordinances of local and central state authority.

Buildings and items intended specially for religious purposes are given by special ordinances of local or central state authority in gratuitous use to the corresponding religious societies.

Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars V. Ulyanov
Lenin

1) Cross out from passports, etc.

2) Vital records — for now?

3) Regarding § 6 — exceptions.

b.

Addition to § 3 of the decree.

From all passports, state certificates, and any public-legal documents whatsoever, any indication of the religious affiliation of citizens must be eliminated.

1 On December 24 (11), 1917, the SNK raised the question "on the acceleration of the process of the separation of church from state." The SNK created a commission that included A. V. Lunacharsky, P. I. Stuchka, and others. As a result of the work of the commission with the participation of M. A. Reisner, P. A. Krasikov, and a number of other persons, a decree was worked out and submitted for approval by the SNK. On February 2 (January 20), the SNK approved the decree with Lenin's amendments (see SNK protocol No. 52, item 2, archive IMEL No. 11145). The decree was first published in the newspaper "Pravda" No. 16 of February 3 (January 21), 1918 (see "Collection of Laws and Orders" No. 18 of February 8 (January 26), 1918). The amendments to the decree, with the exception of § 1 and editorial corrections made on the decree itself, were written by Lenin on separate sheets.

* Thereafter follows a series of signatures of people's commissars. Editor's note.

** Documents "b" and "c" were crossed out by Lenin. Editor's note.

III. CONFLICT WITH THE LEFT SOCIALIST REVOLUTIONARIES.

January 3 (December 31), 1917 — February 26, 1918.

On October 26, when our party proposed to the Left Socialist Revolutionaries, whom some peasant strata trusted, that they enter the government, they refused to do so, thereby playing into the hands of Krashnov and the bourgeois-landlord counter-revolution. Later, after prolonged hesitation and lengthy negotiations, the Left Socialist Revolutionaries finally gave their consent to participation in the government (the official announcement of this was published on November 8). On December 7, the Council of People's Commissars entrusted the Left Socialist Revolutionaries with the leadership of the Commissariats of Justice and Agriculture, with representatives of Bolsheviks also entering these commissariats. Having at their disposal the apparatus of the Commissariat of Justice, some Left Socialist Revolutionaries (especially Justice Commissar I. Z. Steinberg) used the power granted to them to liberate counter-revolutionaries arrested by SNK order, to defend them, to offer them protection, etc. The work of the Left Socialist Revolutionaries in the investigative commissions of the Revolutionary Tribunal and the Petrograd Soviet, approved by the SNK in early December 1917, was accompanied by a series of conflicts with Bolshevik members of the commissions. In these organs, which were waging an energetic struggle against the Cadets, Right Socialist Revolutionaries, and other counter-revolutionary parties (which especially developed anti-Soviet activities in connection with the convening of the Constituent Assembly), the Left Socialist Revolutionaries obstructed the work of the Bolsheviks. A frenzied campaign of lies and slander, organized by the bourgeois press for the purpose of discrediting the Bolsheviks, was taken up in part by the Left Socialist Revolutionaries, who did not shrink from the most vile and dirty slander against the Bolsheviks who headed the investigative commissions: M. Yu. Kozlovsky, L. A. Krasikov, P. I. Stuchka, and others. This entire campaign of lies and slander against the Bolsheviks ended, as was to be expected, in the complete failure of the Left Socialist Revolutionaries, who exposed themselves in this case as accomplices of counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie. From October to March, the Left Socialist Revolutionaries, although with some hesitation, generally supported the proletarian dictatorship. Subsequently, relations between the Left Socialist Revolutionaries and the Bolsheviks became sharply acute in connection with the signing of the Brest-Litovsk peace. The waverings of the Left Socialist Revolutionaries, these "maddened" petty bourgeois, toward counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie led the Left Socialist Revolutionaries in July 1918 to open rebellion against Soviet power and to their complete defeat.

ON THE LIBERATION FROM ARREST 
OF MEMBERS OF THE "UNION FOR THE PROTECTION OF THE CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY."

PROJECT RESOLUTION OF THE SNK.

[January 1, 1918 (December 19, 1917)]

The Council of People's Commissars recognizes that any changes whatsoever to the resolution of Dzerzhinsky's commission, as well as to other commissions appointed by the Soviets, are permissible only by means of appeal of these resolutions to the Council of People's Commissars, and in no way by single-handed orders of the Justice Commissar.

The Council of People's Commissars further recognizes that the action of comrades Steinberg and Karelin with the liberation of the arrested during the night of December 18—19 was both formally and in substance unlawful, since it contradicted not only the rights of Dzerzhinsky's commission but also the direct resolution of the Council of People's Commissars, adopted on the evening of December 18, on the detention of the arrested for the clarification of their identities.

Lenin
Stalin

1 F. E. Dzerzhinsky was chairman of the Extraordinary Commission for the Struggle Against Counter-Revolution and Sabotage.

2 This refers to an order by the Left Socialist Revolutionary I. Z. Steinberg (Justice Commissar at this time) for the liberation of a group of members of the counter-revolutionary "Union for the Protection of the Constituent Assembly." This order, signed by Steinberg and a member of the collegium of the Justice Commissariat, Left Socialist Revolutionary V. A. Karelin, was issued by Steinberg "without the knowledge and consent of the Extraordinary Commission for the Struggle Against Counter-Revolution and Sabotage," but according to its warrant (Protocol of the SNK No. 30 of December 19, 1917). At the discussion of this question on December 19, 1917, the SNK adopted the resolution presented above, proposed by Lenin and Stalin (written by Lenin, the resolution was also signed by Stalin).

ON THE COMPETENCE OF THE COMMISSARIAT OF JUSTICE.

PROJECT RESOLUTION OF THE SNK.

January 1, 1918 (December 19, 1917)

1) All existing investigative commissions (including those of Dzerzhinsky, Bonch-Bruyevich, Kozlovsky, and the military-naval commission) of various names must be brought into a system [for which the People's Commissar of Justice is instructed to enter immediately into agreement with the chairmen of the commissions,] for which the People's Commissar of Justice, the People's Commissar of Internal Affairs, and other commissars in whose jurisdiction the commissions are found, must agree among themselves and make an appropriate proposal to the SNK.

2) The activity of the aforementioned investigative commissions must take place with the direct participation of the People's Commissar of Justice, who is granted the right to verify the formal aspects of the work of the investigative commissions.

3) Any conflicts arising between the People's Commissar of Justice, other commissars, and the investigative commissions are brought to the final resolution of the Council of People's Commissars.

4) Warrants for arrests and other investigative actions concerning members of the Constituent Assembly, [and other persons prominent in the political life of the country,] and other arrests of outstanding political significance must be signed by the People's Commissar of Justice. (In cases not permitting delay, the Commissions act in such cases independently, but submit their actions immediately for the approval of the People's Commissar of Justice.

The document printed here presents a resolution written by I. Z. Steinberg and proposed by him on behalf of the Left Socialist Revolutionaries (V. Karelin, A. Kolegaev, V. Trutovsky, I. Proshyan, and V. Algasov) at a session of the SNK on January 1, 1918 (December 19, 1917) at the discussion of the question of the limits of the competence of the Commissariat of Justice and all commissions having the right of arrest. The introduction of this question by the Left Socialist Revolutionaries was caused by their dissatisfaction with the SNK's decision on the question of the unlawful liberation by I. Z. Steinberg (in his capacity as Justice Commissar) of persons arrested by SNK order and members of the counter-revolutionary "Union for the Protection of the Constituent Assembly." Having acquainted himself with the draft resolution of the Socialist Revolutionaries, Lenin made corrections to its individual points; then, apparently after an exchange of opinions, he replaced the end of § 1 of the draft with his own text written on a separate sheet — the remaining points of the resolution proposed by the Socialist Revolutionaries were crossed out by Lenin. The resolution voted on in this form was adopted by the Council of People's Commissars.

AMENDMENTS TO THE PROJECT RESOLUTION OF THE SNK 
ON THE MUTUAL RELATIONS BETWEEN THE COMMISSARIAT OF JUSTICE 
AND THE INVESTIGATIVE COMMISSIONS.

[January 3, 1918 (December 21, 1917)]

1. The "All-Russian Commission" at the Council of People's Commissars is established for the purposes of pitiless struggle against counter-revolution, sabotage, and speculation.

2. [The results] The results of its work it transfers to the Investigative Commission at the Revolutionary Tribunal or closes the case.

3. The work of this Commission takes place under the close oversight of the People's Commissariats of Justice and Internal Affairs, as well as the presidium of the Petrograd Soviet. The investigative commissions at the Revolutionary Tribunal under the close oversight of the People's Commissariat of Justice and the Presidium of the Petrograd Soviet.

4. The composition of both commissions is published for general knowledge.

5. For the work of the "All-Russian Commission," an instruction is introduced, to be worked out by it and the People's Commissariats of Justice and Internal Affairs.

[6. Arrests and the initiation of cases against members of the Constituent Assembly and other persons, the detention of whom has outstanding political significance, occur only with the knowledge of the People's Commissariat of Justice and Internal Affairs.]

6. Of arrests having outstanding political significance, the Commissions notify the People's Commissariats of Justice and Internal Affairs.

7. All detentions must entail obligatory prosecution or be discontinued.

8. Conflicts not resolved by agreement of the People's Commissariats of Justice, Internal Affairs, and the Presidium of the Petrograd Soviet with the commissions are brought to the final resolution of the Council of People's Commissars, without stopping the ordinary activity [and accelerated measures of the corresponding Commission] of the corresponding commissions.

1 The resolution was adopted at a session of the SNK on January 3, 1918 (December 21, 1917). Lenin conducted the editing of the draft according to the text written by Steinberg. Corrections to item 3 and the entire text of item 6 were sketched by Lenin in pencil on a separate sheet.

ON THE INVESTIGATIVE COMMISSION AT 
THE PETROGRAD SOVIET.

PROJECT RESOLUTION OF THE SNK.

[February 3] January 21, 1918.

At the session of January 21, 1918:

Having heard the report of the Investigative Commission, the Investigative Commission, the SNK decided:

To supplement the Commission with two members, namely comrades Algasov and one Bolshevik, according to the indication of Sverdlov.

To grant the Commission the right of searches, seizures, and arrests, without preliminary consultations on this matter with any institution whatsoever.

To grant the Commission [an automobile] technical means and [appropriations] to open a credit from the funds of the Commissariat of Justice.

To ask the Commission to work more quickly and energetically, [so as to be able more quickly to identify those whose innocence, in view of obvious bad faith in the accusations, is already evident,] so as more quickly to clarify the guilt of some and the innocence of others who have become victims of obvious bad faith accusations.

Adopted unanimously.

1 V. A. Algasov from the Left Socialist Revolutionaries was a member of the Collegium of the Justice Commissariat.

2 The entire text from the words "so as to be able" to the words "is already evident" was crossed out by Lenin and connected by two conventional marks to the subsequent text written in the handwriting of N. V. Krylenko on a separate sheet.

PROJECT APPEAL OF THE SNK TO THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE LEFT SOCIALIST REVOLUTIONARIES.

[January 21 (14), 1918]

On the basis of the resolution of the Council of People's Commissars of January 14, night, — [the text of this resolution] an excerpt from the journal is appended — we ask the Central Committee of the party of the Left Socialist Revolutionaries to report:

1) When did the Petrograd Committee of the Left Socialist Revolutionaries adopt the resolution on the unwillingness to provide workers to the investigative commission as long as Kozlovsky is in it?

2) What is the text of this resolution?

3) Was this resolution known to the Central Committee of the party of the Left Socialist Revolutionaries and was there a discussion of it in the Central Committee of the party of the Left Socialist Revolutionaries?

4) When and who reported (from the Left Socialist Revolutionaries) in the Petrograd Soviet or its Executive Committee that, as long as Kozlovsky is in the Investigative Commission, the Left Socialist Revolutionaries will not join it?

5) Was the decision of the Petrograd Soviet, which proposed to the Left Socialist Revolutionaries within a definite period to present evidence against Kozlovsky, carried out by the Left Socialist Revolutionaries?

1 In connection with the SNK resolution on the appointment of an investigation into the activity of the Investigative Commission at the Petrograd Soviet (see p. 114 of the Collection), the leaders of this commission M. Yu. Kozlovsky and P. A. Krasikov appealed to the SNK on January 27 (14), 1918, with a request for the reconsideration of the aforementioned resolution. Having discussed the statement of Kozlovsky and Krasikov, the SNK, in addition to the appeal printed above to the Central Committee of the Left Socialist Revolutionaries, decided: "To set for the Investigative Commission a period of 48 hours to present the results of its work, i.e., concrete evidence for the prosecution of members of the Investigative Commission").

ON THE DEMARCATION OF FUNCTIONS OF THE EXTRAORDINARY AND 
INVESTIGATIVE COMMISSIONS.

PROJECT RESOLUTION OF THE SNK.

[February 13 (January 31), 1918]

The Commissions [of Comrades Dzerzhinsky and Bonch-Bruyevich] are recommended [the unification of both commissions with the demarcation] demarcation of their activities into subdivisions — [provocational], criminal, speculation, and counter-revolution].

Entrust the Commissariat of Justice with presenting to the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies lists of candidates for positions as members of the Investigative Commission.

To the same Commissariat is entrusted the taking of measures for increasing the number of places of confinement, improving conditions of detention, and strengthening criminal repression.

Adopted.

1 The draft resolution proposed by Lenin was adopted at a session of the SNK on January 31, 1918, as an addition to the SNK resolution on the reports of F. E. Dzerzhinsky and V. D. Bonch-Bruyevich on the activity of the Extraordinary and Investigative Commissions headed by them for the struggle against counter-revolution, sabotage, and speculation.

ON THE INVESTIGATIVE COMMISSION AT THE PETROGRAD SOVIET.

ADDITION TO THE SNK RESOLUTION.

[February 26, 1918]

In view of the statement of Comrade Shreydera that he is firmly convinced, contrary to the opinion of the commission, of the guilt of Comrade Mitsendler in bribery, the SNK [proposes] considers it the duty of Comrade Shreydera, firstly, to repeat his statement in writing, secondly, to present immediately before the court on his own personal behalf an accusation against Mitsendler.

At a session of the SNK on February 26, 1918, a report was heard from the chairman of the audit commission on the case of the investigative commission at the Petrograd Soviet (see p. 114 of the Collection). The following resolution was adopted: "Having heard the report of the audit commission on the investigative commission — the SNK establishes that all accusations against the responsible leaders of the investigative commission of bribery and other crimes or disreputable acts are without foundation, and that the entire campaign against them represents part of the general malicious campaign of lies and slander directed against the workers' and peasants' authority by representatives, agents, and hirelings of the bourgeoisie. Taking into account that the investigation was conducted completely openly, that all interested and involved persons knew of the proceeding investigation from the newspapers and had over the course of six weeks full opportunity to present all evidence and to give all testimony illuminating the activity of the investigative commission from all sides, the SNK declares the investigation concluded and the case on the investigative commission liquidated. In view of the foregoing, the responsible leaders of the investigative commission: comrades Krasikov, Kozlovsky, Lindeks, Mitsendler, and Razin, removed from work during the investigation — are returned to their posts" (Protocol of the SNK No. 70, item 3, of February 26, 1918). The draft printed here was proposed by Lenin and adopted as an addition to the SNK resolution on the case of members of the investigative commission.

2 A. A. Shreydera (Left Socialist Revolutionary) was deputy Commissar of Justice.

IV. INDUSTRY.

November 24 (11), 1917 — December 12, 1918.

ON THE ORGANIZATION OF THE SUPREME COUNCIL OF THE NATIONAL ECONOMY.

November 24 (11), 1917.

Comrades Valerian Valerianovich Obolensky and Vladimir Mikhailovich Smirnov and Maximilian Alexandrovich Savelev are empowered to conduct work on the organization of the Supreme Economic Conference and therefore have the right to obtain from all institutions, both public and governmental, information, materials, and documents on questions of the national economy and measures for its regulation.

Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars Vl. Ulyanov (Lenin).

Thus until December 1, 1917 (old style) the institution was called, which subsequently developed under the name of the Supreme Council of the National Economy (VSNKH) (see V. Obolensky (N. Osinsky): From the First Days of the Supreme Council of the National Economy. "National Economy" No. 11, 1918).

ON THE TRANSFER OF MILITARY FACTORIES TO ECONOMICALLY 
USEFUL WORK.

December 12 (November 29), 1917 — February 4 (January 23), 1918.

I.

Resolution of the Council of People's Commissars.

[December 12] November 29, 1917.

Comrade Raskolnikov is instructed to depart urgently for the Commissariat of Trade and Industry, as well as for the Commissariat of Food Supply (the food-supply department), for the immediate organization of orders that could be transferred to factories occupied with naval construction and repair work. Especially urgent is the production of agricultural implements, machines, the production and repair of locomotives. First and foremost, pay attention to the Petrograd Metallurgical Plant, which is supplied with fuel and metal for a long time.

The Chief Naval Economic Administration is instructed immediately to review the budget estimates of the naval ministry for 1917 with the purpose of stopping all expenditures according to the program of construction of warships and all unproductive expenditures in general, and the transfer of corresponding appropriations to useful national-economic work. For participation in this work, Comrade I. E. Gukovsky is delegated as extraordinary commissioner for the review of the budgets of all departments.

Daily reports to the Council of People's Commissars on the execution of this order is entrusted to Comrade Raskolnikov and to the person empowered by the Chief Naval Economic Administration (or to Comrade Gukovsky), as well as to the empowered representative of the Commissariat of Trade and Industry.

Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars V. Ulyanov (Lenin).

1 The difficulties of demobilizing the military industry, connected with the necessity of working on a new, still unstudied market, were extraordinarily great. A number of former military factories had to be temporarily closed. Lenin devoted considerable attention to the successful resolution of this question. On December 12 (November 29), 1917, at his initiative, the question of the transfer of military factories to productive work was placed on the agenda of the SNK. He returns to this question again at the discussion of the report of P. G. Smidovich on the work stoppage at the Putilov plant (see p. 121 of the Collection). Finally, later, in mid-December 1917, Lenin singles out this question as a special point in the form of a government directive in his program of economic measures. (See "Draft Decree on the Socialization of the National Economy," point 9; Works, vol. XXII, pp. 139—141.)

2 F. F. Raskolnikov was at this period deputy Commissar for Naval Affairs.

II.

PROJECT RESOLUTION OF THE SNK.

[February 5 (January 23), 1918]

Expressing extreme regret that the corresponding Commissariats have greatly delayed the practical beginning of the transfer of metallurgical factories to useful work, the SNK requests the Commissariat, the Petrograd Union of Metalworkers, with the assistance of the Commissariat of Labor, the Petrograd Soviet, and the Supreme Council of the National Economy, immediately to begin the transfer of metal factories to work on the repair and strengthening of railway materials, as well as on the production of products suitable for exchange for grain, etc.

Stop all military orders.

III.

RESULTS OF THE VOTING.

Lenin 3 — 2
Obolensky + 3 — 2
Petrovsky + 2 — 1
The adopted resolution.

1 Adopted February 5 (January 23) at the discussion of the report of A. G. Shlyapnikov on the demobilization of industry. The project resolution of the SNK was written by Lenin in ink.

The results of voting on the resolutions proposed according to the report are written by Lenin in pencil.

AMENDMENT TO THE DECREE 
ON THE CONFISCATION OF PROPERTY OF THE JOINT-STOCK SOCIETY 
OF THE BOGOSLOVSKY MINING DISTRICT.

[December 7 (20), 1917]

In view of the refusal of the Administration of the Joint-Stock Society of the Bogoslovsky Mining District to comply with the decree of the Council of People's Commissars on the introduction of workers' control over production, the Council of People's Commissars decided to confiscate all property of the Joint-Stock Society of the Bogoslovsky Mining District, whatever this property might consist of, and to declare it the property of the Russian Republic.

All official and technical personnel are obligated to remain in place and fulfill their duties.

For voluntary abandonment of the position held or for sabotage, the guilty will be brought before the Revolutionary Court.

[The conditions] The order of administration of the affairs of the society in Petrograd and the conditions of the transfer of individual factories, enterprises, and branches to temporary administration of local Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, factory and shop committees, and similar institutions will be determined by special resolutions [of Comrade] of the People's Commissar of Trade and Industry.

Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars V. Ulyanov (Lenin).

1 The decree was approved at a session of the SNK on December 20 (7), 1917. The amendment to the decree was written by Lenin on a separate sheet, below the text of a note to him crossed out by him from Ilyin, a member of the liquidation commission of the Military-Revolutionary Committee. Published in "Newspaper of the Provisional Workers' and Peasants' Government" No. 27 of December 21 (8), 1917.

ON THE ORGANIZATION OF A COMMISSION OF PRACTICAL WORKERS.

PROJECT RESOLUTION OF THE SNK.

[December 28 (15), 1917]

The SNK proposes to the Supreme Council of the National Economy to organize immediately a commission of practical workers, which is to be entrusted with the collection from all departments, institutions, and organizations of orders for useful products, the transfer of these orders to the unemployed and closing factories, the verification of how the presentation of these orders and their fulfillment is being implemented. The Commission, guided by the general economic plan of the Supreme Council of the National Economy, should propose to the Council of People's Commissars revolutionary measures for the urgent fulfillment of its task, and present twice a week a report on its activity.

1 Adopted by the SNK on December 28 (15), 1917, at the discussion of the question of the work stoppage at the Putilov plant (see Protocol of the SNK, No. 26, item 4). Published in "Newspaper of the Provisional Workers' and Peasants' Government," No. 35 of December 30 (17), 1917, under the heading: "On the Organization of a Commission of Practical Workers."

A NOTE TO P. A. KOZYMIN.

[January 2, 1918] December 20, 1917.

Comrade Kozymin!

Yesterday I waited for you to discuss the matter of the delegates from the 2nd Steel-Smelting Plant at the Kamensky Station. They are asking to stop the financing and remove the Commission, which they consider reactionary and parasitic. If we don't see each other this evening, then please telephone me.

Lenin.

After the October Revolution, Lenin, having noticed the "Special Conference on Defense," which controlled many factories and mills and distributed enormous advances to them, entrusted N. I. Podvoysky, as Commissar of War, with the chairmanship of this conference, and P. A. Kozmín, as an engineer, with serving as his deputy.

Lenin was extraordinarily interested in the work of the "Special Conference" and daily demanded reports, either personally or by telephone, on the progress of work, while at the same time sending to Podvoysky or Kozmín worker delegations that came to the Commissariat with notes or telephone warnings (see P. A. Kozmín. V. I. Lenin and Specialists. "Soviet Grain Milling and Bread Baking" No. 8, November 1927).

AMENDMENTS TO THE CIRCULAR
ON THE MUTUAL RELATIONS OF THE PEOPLE'S COMMISSARIATS AND THE SUPREME COUNCIL OF THE NATIONAL ECONOMY.

Circular to all People's Commissars.
To the Commissar of the State Bank, the Commissar over Private Banks.

[February 1 (January 19), 1918]

The Council of People's Commissars has decreed:

1. No department has the right to establish or transform any organizations regulating the economy without the knowledge and consent of the Supreme Soviet of the National Economy. All institutions and organizations regulating economic life, in whatever commissariat they may be situated, must immediately enter into contact with the SSNЕ and submit to its direction, and, in case of friction or conflicts, bring the matter before the Council of People's Commissars.

2. No general regulation norming the economic life of the country can be issued by individual commissariats without the knowledge and consent of the Supreme Soviet of the National Economy. [In particular, without the knowledge and consent of the SSNЕ, the expropriation of factories, plants, buildings, etc. cannot be carried out.]

3. All departments, in their activities touching upon the regulation of economic life, are obligated to enter into the closest contact with the SSNЕ and through their representatives remain informed of its work. [The Council of People's Commissars insists particularly on this to the Commissariat of Finance, specifically to the State Bank and the Commissariat of Private Banks.]

4. For its part, the Supreme Soviet of the National Economy cannot adopt any resolution that violates or alters the competence or function of institutions under the control of any commissariat, without prior notification to the corresponding commissariat, which within a week's time is obliged to present its conclusion on the draft of the SSNЕ.

The Council of People's Commissars requests the Supreme Soviet of the National Economy to work out as soon as possible and submit to the Council of People's Commissars projects of decrees on the forced unification of the population into consumer-producer unions, on a revolutionary income tax, on the mandatory holding of money in banks, on measures for extracting money from circulation [and] fixed stocks of private persons.

TELEGRAM TO THE SOVNARKOM
OF THE PETROGRAD LABOR COMMUNE.

Government.
Urgent.

Notify of delivery.

Petrograd,
Smolny,
To the Sovnarkom of the Petrograd Labor Commune.

Copies to Shlyapnikov, Chairman of the Evacuation Commission,
and Gorbunov, Secretary of the Sovnarkom.

March 28, 1918

I received Gorbunov's note. I protest strongly against the delay in the evacuation of industry. Larin and Milyutin have no right to change my decision. If anyone is dissatisfied with my order, let them appeal it to the Sovnarkom or the Central Executive Committee, but until my decision is annulled, [its] execution is obligatory. I am especially enraged that the billion-ruble reserves of Guttayev Island remain untouched. This is a disgrace. By all means, begin and conduct with the utmost urgency the evacuation of these reserves. The Sovnarkom must send precise reports twice a week on what has actually been done for evacuation, how many cars have been evacuated.

Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars Lenin.

ON THE QUESTION OF THE LEATHER MONOPOLY

NOTE TO L. A. KARPOV AND G. I. PETROVSKY.

Comrades Karpov and Comrades Petrovsky (or Lacis)

April 5, 1918

Comrade leather workers are asking [us] to consider the matter of the dispersion of district Soviets and to work out a draft telegram to local Soviets of Workers' and Peasants' Deputies against interference and for the restoration of what was permitted.

I very much ask [you] to help them.

Lenin.

INSTRUCTION TO THE SECRETARY.

[April 6, 1918]

Send this telegram to all Soviets of Workers' and Peasants' Deputies over the signature of L. Karpov and mine.

Lenin.

NOTES ON THE ELECTRIFICATION OF INDUSTRY
IN PETROGRAD AND MOSCOW.

[April 22, 1918]

Electrification of industry
(A) Petrograd
[In Petrograd — Glushkov Commission]
Petrograd district:
Water power:
Horsepower
At present:
Imatra — 1,000,000
Petrograd
Neva — 0.2
Industry
Volkhov — 0.06 — (2-5 construction seasons)
takes
Svir — 0.2
Investigate
[To build Volkhov]
approx. 0.25 m.
Horsepower
— approx. 0.13
[Oil shale]
Passed to the Germans
At present — beyond Narva

Projects
in print
NB

(B) Moscow:
Approve not as a private bureau. Both enterprises — nationalized.

NOTES ON THE TSARITSYN ARTILLERY PLANT.

[April 24, 1918]

Tsaritsyn.
Plant "Russian Joint-Stock Society of Artillery Plants" (simply "Tsaritsyn Artillery Plant").

1,500 workers (with employees)
(800 workers)
(Board of shareholders, Meshersky)
Purchased by the Naval Department —

Great ruin; since February they made plows — 150 pieces made.
Locomotive repair — 1 completed
1 coming out
2 in repair

Fuel, coal, there is oil!
Metal there is
up to 200,000 puds

Engineers [are present]
Technical equipment is excellent.
[To convert to peacetime would be possible with great expenditures... up to 10 million!]

Supply parts from Obukhov and Izhora plants.
Can [they] undertake locomotive repair?

Common houses of the Soviets
4, 52, 54 (Skobelev Square)
Ryabov Ivan Sidorovich
(Sapozh­nikov Ivan Pavlovich)
Members of the metalworkers' union
up to 400 in their plant

Altfater on 24/IV 1918 promised to provide a note.

ANNOTATION ON THE DRAFT RESOLUTION
OF THE CONFERENCE OF METALLURGICAL PLANTS.

[Not later than May 18, 1918]

Immediately elect a Temporary Council.

EXCHANGE OF NOTES WITH V. P. MILYUTIN

[Before May 25, 1918]

1) When does the Congress of Councils of the National Economy begin?
2) Must I speak there? Can't I be excused?
3) If I can't, what should I speak about? How much time? We must agree more precisely.

NOTE TO A. I. RYKOV

[End of May — Beginning of June 1918]

I.
LENIN'S NOTE.

Is this a session of the electrotechnical department?
Smidovich and Finkel only
[Department of State Constructions?]
present — 2 engineers
Is this — a session of the presidium or a department, and which one?

II.
MILYUTIN'S ANSWER.

This is a session of representatives of the electrotechnical department (Smidovich and Finkel — heads of this department) and representatives of the department of economic policy. Rosenkampf and Benediktov as knowledgeable persons.

III.
LENIN'S NOTE.

At the leather workers — 2/3 [belong to] the Chief Leather Committee, and [the rest] — what [kind of] organization? Private? National? Trust?

IV.
MILYUTIN'S ANSWER.

The organization of production is proceeding by way of trustification, but with certain limitations.

V.
LENIN'S NOTE.

i.e., we have not yet bound our hands and we have the right to confiscate?

VI.
MILYUTIN'S ANSWER.

Yes, we don't bind our hands at all.

EXCHANGE OF NOTES WITH A. I. RYKOV

[Not later than June 1918]

I.
LENIN'S NOTE.

To Rykov:

Weinberg called me [to say] that at the Congress of Councils of the National Economy the "Left" said stupid things on the question of managing enterprises and that a stupidity threatens to pass regarding the diminution of the rights of the chairmen of the boards.

What passed? And what should be done?

II.
RYKOV'S ANSWER.

Smirnov and Obolensky are literally inventing "clever stupidities." At the Plenum they suffered defeat. In the Commission on Management [the] middle [ground] was accepted: the board is composed of 2/3 from workers of the plant, 1/3 from the trade union and 1/3 from technical personnel. In addition, the highest organs of management have been given the right to introduce a representative with the right to suspend a decision.

The stupidity consists in that the right is given "in case of necessity" and that 1/3 of the technical personnel is elected at the general assembly of the plant.

This passed thanks to the Urals and the textile [industry].

III.
LENIN'S QUESTION.

The Plenum is higher than the Commission. What then is to be done?

IV.
RYKOV'S ANSWER.

The Plenum has not yet discussed this question. [We] will introduce amendments at the Plenum: technical personnel [is] delegated or confirmed by the Council of the National Economy or the highest organ of management with the right of rejection by the factory committee. Introduce the representation of the Council of the National Economy as a general rule with the right of veto. The main opposition here is from the provinces; Smirnov put forward the thesis of "socialist" management with a majority of workers of the given plant. The Urals rejected even "immediate socialization" of management.

ON THE WORK OF SPECIALISTS.

DRAFT RESOLUTION OF THE COUNCIL OF PEOPLE'S COMMISSARS.

[June 10, 1918]

The Council of People's Commissars entrusts Comrade Rykov, or the presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the National Economy, to publish the principal bases of our policy regarding the attraction of engineers, both for work in commissions of specialists and in administrative posts, the conditions of glasnost, criticism from the side of workers' organizations, etc.

NOTE TO A. I. RYKOV.

[First half of June 1918]

An unprofitable discussion is resulting. What is to be done? Transform [it] into a consultation, finish more quickly, and separately gather the presidium.

AMENDMENT TO THE DECREE ON THE MONOPOLY OF CLOTH.

[July 18, 1918]

[Draft decree on monopolization]

Decree on the Monopoly of Cloth.

For the purpose of monopolizing textile manufactures, the Council of People's Commissars decrees:

1) All cloth, finished and unfinished, located at wholesale and factory warehouses within the limits of the Russian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic, come into the disposal of the State.

[10) The Central Textile Committee, together with the Council for the Distribution of Cloth, is entrusted with the task within five days of working out rules for the release of manufactures from factories.]

NOTE TO YA. E. RUZUTSKY.

[Second half of July 1918]

The following information is still necessary:

1) In how many warehouses was this previously and now lies? In general?

2) The same. In Moscow?

3) How many warehouses have been cleared?

AMENDMENTS TO THE DRAFT RESOLUTION OF THE COUNCIL OF PEOPLE'S COMMISSARS
ON THE PARAT WORKSHOPS.

[July 30, 1918]

The Council of People's Commissars decrees:

The Parat workshops pass immediately into the jurisdiction of the Naval Commissariat. The Naval Commissariat is entrusted with the immediate restoration of the Baltic Plant in Parat Harbor with the addition to it of the Parat workshops.

At the same time, the Naval Commissariat is obligated to present to the Supreme Soviet of the National Economy by September 1 of the current year precise schemes, plans for the recreation, and programs of the proposed production of the shipbuilding-mechanical plant [as well as precisely formulated guarantees that repair of the river fleet will not suffer from such transfer].

The obligation is imposed on the Naval Commissariat to repair the river fleet [in full measure] in the necessary volume.

The board of directors of this plant must include representatives of the Metals Department of the Supreme Soviet of the National Economy in a quantity to be agreed upon between the Supreme Soviet of the National Economy and the Naval Commissariat.

Approved July 30, 1918. Lenin.

LETTER TO YU. M. LARIN.

[End of July — Beginning of August 1918]

Comrade Larin,

It is necessary to write a small (30-40 pages in small format) pamphlet on the composition and activities of the Supreme Soviet of the National Economy.

This is of extreme importance both for Europe and for the peasantry.

[It is necessary] to tell [it] clearly, simply, with facts:

(a) The participation of workers' organizations.

(b) The non-syndicalist, namely communist (Marxist) character of the construction (i.e., of the new social order, system).

(c) The subjugation (i.e., the breaking of the resistance) of capitalists.

(d) Practical successes (we took inventory of all manufactures: figures) — 5-10 of the best examples, etc.

(e) What still remains to be done?

(f) The new role of trade unions.

(αα) Their growth.

(ββ) Their numerical composition now.

(γγ) Their role: they manage production.

(δδ) The number of nationalized enterprises, etc.

Lenin.

NOTES ON THE NATIONALIZATION OF MACHINE-BUILDING PLANTS.

August 10, 1918

7 enterprises, 10 plants...
(Sormovo — Kolomna)

Board:
(Miller (bank employee))
Orlov (engineer)
(Oborin (worker))
Shur (engineer)
Rumba (member of the Russian Communist Party)

Kolomna
Krichch finds this selection successful

Poluboyarinov (formerly Yaroslavl)
Struve (Yaroslavl)

from the Central Committee 
of metalworkers

August 1
August 10 —
not yet entered [into service]

Temporary Committee (created by the conference of metallic plants) with the task of preparing plants for nationalization...

Section of locomotive-wagon-shipbuilding (in the metals department)

1. Kaminer — engineer
Krichch — Kolomna plant
Vinogradov — Tver

Factory boards create [themselves] with a predominance of old [members].

At present this section is one of the production sections of the metals department...

This section should appoint the boards, organize, etc.

Careless Bryansky — technician
Velikhov, Kulevesky — candidate
Smirnov V. Mikh. — economist
Kolosov — Mytishchi plant
8. Avdeyev — engineer

All plants:
+ Moscow Metallic
+ Maltsov
+ Mytishchi
+ Bryansky
+ Tver

AMENDMENTS TO THE DECREE ON THE REGISTRATION AND DISTRIBUTION
OF ORE AND METALS.

August 21, 1918

1. [Addition to the resolution of the Supreme Soviet of the National Economy of December 18, 1917]

The Council of People's Commissars [confirms that all ferrous, non-ferrous metals, alloys and heavy ores, as well as the registration, distribution, transport and requisition of them] — that the registration and distribution among all institutions and enterprises of all ferrous, non-ferrous metals, alloys and heavy ores falls under the exclusive jurisdiction of the Subsection of Registration, Distribution and Sale of Heavy Ores and Metals ("Prodrasmet") under the Metals Department of the Supreme Soviet of the National Economy.

2. As a result of this, all state, public and private organizations and persons, regardless of citizenship (nationality), must submit to the orders of the named Subsection and present to it the necessary data for the execution of the tasks assigned to it.

3. Institutions, organizations and persons acting contrary to the present decree will be brought before a court and punished with full severity of revolutionary law, [as violating the work of the regulating organs of the state and undermining its economy at the root.]

Chairman of the Council
of People's Commissars V. Ulyanov (Lenin).

CERTIFICATE TO YU. M. LARIN.

September 18, 1918

Certificate.

This [certificate] is given to Comrade Larin [to the effect] that all People's Commissariats, as well as the All-Russian Extraordinary Commission and other Soviet institutions are obligated to immediately deliver to Comrade Larin all materials and factual data necessary for a report for the period from October 25, 1917 to the present time.

Chairman of the Sovnarkom V. Ulyanov (Lenin).

NOTES ON THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE VOLGA SHIPBUILDING PLANT.

October 24, 1918

I attach special state importance to the construction of the Volga autonomous shipbuilding plant.

For the design of the plant and the organization of all shipbuilding on broad state bases on the foundation of what technology and science can offer, a Council of Consultants has been formed under the Management of the Volga Plant, the importance of which is also extremely vital, and [it is] desirable to preserve [it] in the interests of the state as a whole.

Chairman of the Council of Consultants
A. S. Maksimov (3.78.08)
A. A. Voronov (Director of the Electrotechnical Institute)
D. S. Zernov (Chairman of the Union of Engineers)

Parat plant — review from Raskolnikov about the army [in connection] with this plant.
Exemplary organization.
Foremost specialists of shipbuilding, machine-building, electrification.

TELEGRAM TO THE TECHNICAL COMMITTEE
OF THE NORTHERN ECONOMY COUNCIL.

Petrograd.
Northern Economy Council Technical Committee.

November 21, 1918

I declare to you a strict reprimand for procrastination and non-execution of the proposal of the Scientific-Technical Department of the Higher Council of the National Economy to deliver materials to the Central Scientific-Technical Laboratory of the Military Department. I demand the immediate delivery of materials and all manner of assistance in accelerating the experiments. Inform [me] of the execution. 

Chairman of the Sovnarkom Lenin.

TELEGRAM TO G. E. ZINOVYEV.

Petrograd.
Smolny, to Zinovyev.

November 21, 1918

I sent today a strict reprimand to the technical committee of the northern economy council for procrastination. Clarify to the Sovnarkhoz of the north district that it is its obligation to accelerate experiments and to assist in the quick execution of the assignments of the Scientific-Technical Department of the Supreme Council of the National Economy. If, however, the technical committee's paper of November 13, number 646, is not merely procrastination and stupidity, but malicious sabotage, then I demand an investigation and the arrest of those responsible.

Chairman of the Sovnarkom Lenin.

ANNOTATIONS ON A LETTER FROM A. G. SHLYAPNIKOV.

[After November 26, 1918]

Moscow. To the Council of People's Commissars.

Taking advantage of Comrade Babkin's trip, I wish to express several wishes regarding the organization of extraction and use of food and industrial resources of the Astrakhan region. First of all, the district is loaded with wool. It is necessary urgently to take measures to export it or use it on the spot by organizing wool-washing [enterprises], and, if possible, transfer here one cloth factory and other woolen goods [factories]. Moreover, the district has enormous importance for the 11th and 12th armies and the fleet as the only route connecting us with the center of supply. However, the railroad, due to the lack of locomotives, works very poorly. I ask that several more locomotives be urgently assigned to the line. From Svyatoy Krest they are sending benzene, but by cart route. Today a representative of the evacuation committee, having come from Moscow, declared that it has been decided to send one hundred automobiles to the disposal of the Caspian-Caucasus Department. I ask [you] to hasten [this]. For the fulfillment of orders in the canning business, tin [sheet metal] is needed. And much else is needed. State Commissary Babkin will explain orally, and I support everything.

With comradely greetings A. Shlyapnikov
To Krasin and Milyutin.

Report what you have done.

NOTES ON THE MOSCOW CITY CUSTOMS HOUSE.

[Before December 12, 1918]

Moscow City Customs House.

Abolish the artels (workers) and place these workers into state service.

Dismiss all inspectors entirely...

Artel = intermediaries between capitalists and workers.
Artels must be destroyed.

Workers in artels are organized, and one can fully rely upon them.

Trotsky — Gukovsky + Foma (Smirnov) were against
Maksimov (member of presidium) and Serebryakov (Leonid)

Trotsky and Gukovsky spoke out for a local (from the city) political (only political) commissar. There was a conference with Trotsky and Gukovsky around May 20, 1918.

Cargo has lain [here] since 1909-10. [It is] deteriorating.

It would be good to realize [it]. Disorder and disgrace.

[It is] necessary to place a local commissar as [having] full authority.

(Akselrod "comes with [common] sense")

We completely recognize that "the customs is a matter of the central state, but the local commissar must have full authority (within the limits of the decrees of the central authority)."

Radzivilov, member of the presidium of the Moscow Gubernial Soviet of Workers' and Peasants' Deputies and commissar of one of the 2 (northern) customs houses. The other commissar — Kropotov.

Orekhov was also a commissar.

V. AGRICULTURE

December 17 (4), 1917 — July 16, 1918

AMENDMENTS TO THE DRAFT RESOLUTION OF THE COUNCIL OF PEOPLE'S COMMISSARS
ON THE REQUISITION OF AGRICULTURAL MACHINES AND IMPLEMENTS.

[December 17 (4), 1917]

In the name of the Republic, the Council of People's Commissars decrees:

1. The Petrograd district and local Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies and the Soviets of Peasants' Deputies must immediately requisition all private-entrepreneurial warehouses of agricultural machines and implements, as well as assorted and roofing iron, nails and other metal goods necessary in peasant households.

2. Regarding the requisitioned agricultural machines and implements and the extent of local need for them, [it is] necessary to immediately inform the Council of People's Commissars for the purpose of directing them to the Volost Land Committees or local Peasant Soviets for distribution among needy peasants for the use of these machines and implements first and foremost by needy peasants. Ownership of the machines remains with the state, and the district Soviets of Peasants' Deputies, as well as the volost land committees, must administer these machines, protecting national property with the utmost strictness.

TELEGRAM TO THE CHAIRMAN OF THE OSTROGOZHSK SOVIET.

[December 19 (6), 1917]

Compile a precise inventory of valuables, preserve them in a safe place, you are answerable for their safety. Estates — are the property of the people. Bring those guilty of plunder to trial. Inform us of the court verdicts.

Lenin.

ADDITION TO THE DECREE ON THE SOCIALIZATION OF LAND.

[Before February 19 (6), 1918]

When land is [taken] intended not for agriculture (construction, cultural-educational [purposes], special trades, etc.), then [permission for its transfer and] the size of the plot to be granted is determined by local Soviets, in accordance with the necessity of the person or institution requesting permission, depending on public necessity [or] the [specific purpose] for which the land is requested.

TELEPHONE GRAM TO A. L. KOLEGAYEV.

Comrade Kolegayev.

[March, before the 18th, 1918]

The materials of the agricultural and city census of 1917, according to the statement of the Supreme Soviet of the National Economy, are located in the Census Department at the Commissariat of Agriculture. A report on these materials is necessary to the Council of People's Commissars.

Can you not come to the Council of People's Commissars on this matter? I would very much ask [you] to come and answer precisely whether you will [do so].

Lenin.

AMENDMENTS TO THE DRAFT DECREE ON THE SUPPLY
OF AGRICULTURE WITH IMPLEMENTS OF PRODUCTION AND METALS.

[April 23, 1918]

For the systematic supply of agriculture with implements of production and metals, and in development of the resolution of the Council of People's Commissars of November 30, 1917, which declares all machines and implements manufactured and being manufactured within the country, as well as those imported from abroad, to be in the monopoly disposal of the Russian Federative Soviet Republic, the Council of People's Commissars decrees:

1)

6) The distribution of agricultural machines and implements, agricultural inventory, [and] twine for binding sheaves and metals for the needs of agriculture is carried out by the Commissariat of Food Supply and its organs.

# LENIN COLLECTION

## DAKHSHINSKY COLLECTION

The basic principle for the distribution of agricultural machines and the like must be, on the one hand and first and foremost, the securing of the interests of agricultural production, the working of all land and the raising of the productivity of agriculture; and on the other hand, the supplying of agricultural machines and the like [first and foremost] above all to the toiling and poorest sections of the rural population; with the overall aim being the securing of correct and sufficient [procurement of] bread for the entire population of the state.

Chairman of the Council of
People's Commissars V. Ulyanov Lenin*.

The draft decree was presented for approval to the SNK on April 23, 1918 by P. A. Kozmin. After reviewing the draft, Lenin made an addition to point 6. During discussion of the draft, the need became apparent to coordinate some of its points with the VSNKh, and in connection with this the approval of the draft was postponed to the next session of the SNK on April 21, 1918. During the second discussion of the draft, an additional point was introduced into it (in the printed text—point 0), which caused the corresponding displacement of the remaining points. Thus Lenin's addition to point 6 of the draft was transferred to point 7 in the printed text.

Lenin's addition to the draft was written on a separate sheet in ink (the draft was typed on a typewriter). The decree was published in "Izvestiya VTsIK" No. 81, dated April 27, 1918.

---

## MEMORANDUM FROM S. P. SEREDA
[April 1918]

1) Did you go to Ryazan?
2) How are things with Kolegaev and Co.?
3) How are things with seeds?

1 This concerns S. P. Sereda's trip to Ryazan to hand over matters in the Ryazan Executive Committee, of which Comrade Sereda was a member until his appointment (April 3, 1918) as Commissar of Agriculture.

2 Lenin has in mind the final formalization of the departure from the Commissariat of Agriculture of the former Commissar of Agriculture, Left SR A. L. Kolegaev, and his immediate associates. A. L. Kolegaev's statement about his release from the duties of Commissar was made on March 18, 1918, after which S. P. Sereda was appointed.

3 This refers to negotiations between the Commissariat of Agriculture and a representative of Denmark on the question of purchasing vegetable seeds in Denmark.

---

## DRAFT STATEMENT TO THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE RCP(B)1
[May 2-3, 1918]

1) The proposal of comrades Spiridonova and Karelina consists in the Bolsheviks handing over the Commissariat of Agriculture to the complete actual possession of the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries, while the Bolsheviks retain only political representation.

2. The basis for such a proposal is that, in the opinion of comrades Spiridonova and Karelina, the Commissariat of Agriculture is falling apart, work for the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries is becoming impossible, they will be forced to leave entirely, because supposedly they are being "driven out," and so on.

3) The conference (of Lenin with Bolsheviks from the collegium of agriculture) transfers the resolution of the question raised by the SRs to the Central Committee of the Party. On its part, the conference considers the reasoning of the SRs unfounded and their proposal unacceptable².

V. I. Meshcheryakov
S. Sereda
N. Petrovsky

1 This statement was adopted, on Lenin's initiative, at a meeting of the Bolshevik faction of the collegium of the Commissariat of Agriculture, in connection with the claims of the Left SRs "to complete actual possession of the Commissariat of Agriculture." These claims were provoked by new appointments of Bolsheviks to the Commissariat of Agriculture following A. L. Kolegaev's departure from it (S. P. Sereda, N. I. Petrovsky, V. N. Meshcheryakov, V. N. Kharlov, and others), which considerably weakened the positions of the Left SRs in the Commissariat of Agriculture. The Central Committee of the RCP(b) at its session on May 3, 1918 rejected the claims of the Left SRs: leadership of the Commissariat of Agriculture became concentrated in the hands of the Bolsheviks. Following the liquidation of the Left SR uprising, the Commissariat of Agriculture was finally purged of Left SRs.

2 The text of point 3 of the statement was written in the hand of V. N. Meshcheryakov.

---

## EXCHANGE OF MEMORANDA WITH V. P. MILYUTIN, I. E. GUKOVSKY, AND A. D. TSYURUPA
JUNE 12, 1918

### I. MEMORANDUM FROM LENIN

To Gukovsky and Milyutin.

Should we not appoint an audit of the department of agricultural machinery construction with the requirement that it provide answers within a short time to a series of practical questions?

Lenin.

### II. GUKOVSKY'S REPLY

I think it is most certainly necessary.

### III. MILYUTIN'S REPLY

Entirely agreed. I have already raised this question myself.

### IV. LENIN'S MEMORANDUM

To Tsyurupa.

And what is your opinion?

Kozmin is asking for 400 million. What do you know for certain about the production and distribution of agricultural machines?

### V. TSYURUPA'S REPLY

I cannot provide exact information right now. Within the shortest time (48 hours) I can provide a detailed report. I can say now that there are omissions, but I must add: just today I gave my consent* to such an organizational arrangement* (a troika consisting of representatives from the SNKh, the Commissariat of Agriculture, and the Commissariat of Food), which will exclude the possibility of the omissions previously permitted. I would think it best not to decide the question of an audit now, postponing it until I present my report.

### VI. LENIN'S MEMORANDUM

To Tsyurupa.

A troika? 
XX Already appointed?
Of whom? When? By whom?
Why not appoint this troika right here immediately?

### VII. TSYURUPA'S REPLY

*To the Head of the Department of Commodity Exchange in the presence of a member of the collegium of the Commissariat of Agriculture. I am appointing Kogan, head of the section for supply of machines in the Commissariat of Food. It could be appointed here, but that will just be paper. In the same troika that I am speaking of, there will be people directly interested in the success of the matter.

1 At the SNK session of June 12, 1918, P. A. Kozmin's report on establishing a Fund for Financing Agricultural Machinery Construction was discussed. During the debate a number of negative aspects in the work of the section of agricultural machinery construction at the VSNKh were revealed, which necessitated the SNK appointing a commission "to study the state of affairs and clarify those questions which were raised in the course of the debate."

---

## ON PROVIDING PEASANTS WITH AGRICULTURAL MACHINES
RESOLUTION OF THE SNK
[July 2, 1918]

Create a commission consisting of representatives from the Commissariat of Agriculture, the Section of Agricultural Machines at the VSNKh, and the Commissariat of Food (inviting comrade Kozmin with consultative vote) on the question of measures for practical assistance to peasants in the matter of providing them with agricultural machines. Commission the Commission to convene tomorrow (July 3) in the morning, so that tomorrow it may enter into contact with the delegates who have arrived for the 5th Congress². Assign the convening of the Commission and the report to the SNK to comrade Kharlov³. Assign the execution to comrade Sereda⁴.

1 It was adopted at the SNK session of July 2, 1918, "on the extraordinary statement of Lenin about the necessity of meeting the peasants' need for agricultural machines" (Protocol of the SNK No. 152, dated July 2, 1918).

2 The Fifth All-Russian Congress of Soviets was convened in Moscow in July 1918.

3 V. N. Kharlov—was part of the collegium of the Commissariat of Agriculture.

4 S. P. Sereda in 1918—Commissar of Agriculture.

---

## LETTER TO THE VSNKh ON ACCELERATING THE INVESTIGATION INTO AGRICULTURAL MACHINERY SUPPLY

To the Presidium of the Supreme Council of the National Economy.

[July 16, 1918]

Here.

By resolution of the Council of People's Commissars at the session of June 20 of this year, the VSNKh was proposed, jointly with the Commissariat of Justice, to conduct an investigation into the matter of agricultural machinery supply³, concerning which the VSNKh was notified in due time.

In view of the fact that the investigation has still not been completed, I propose that the work be accelerated and the investigation concluded within a week's time.

Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars V. Ulyanov (Lenin)

1 The letter to the VSNKh signed by Lenin has been preserved in a typewritten copy.

2 On June 20, 1918 at an SNK session, on the report of the commission concerning the Fund for Financing Agricultural Machinery Supply (see p. 119 of the Collection), the following resolution was adopted: "a) Proceeding from the fact that state control must be a combat organ for uncovering crimes, fighting against them, and finding practical measures for fighting irresponsibility and mismanagement,—the Council of People's Commissars calls to the attention of the Commission of State Control that in this case it made incorrect and insufficient conclusions from the materials it itself discovered and examined; b) The Council of People's Commissars has resolved to remove from office comrade Kozmin and all persons named in the act of June 16 of this year, signed by controller Sharygin, and to conduct an investigation into this matter. The execution of this resolution is entrusted to the Presidium of the VSNKh and the Commissariat of Justice" (Protocol of the SNK No. 143 dated June 20, 1918, a). It is possible that this resolution was dictated by Lenin.

---

## VI. BANKING AND FINANCIAL POLICY
DECEMBER 1 (NOVEMBER 18), 1917 — DECEMBER 14, 1918

---

## ON SALARIES FOR HIGHER OFFICIALS AND FUNCTIONARIES
DRAFT RESOLUTION OF THE SNK
[December 1 (November 18), 1917]

Recognizing it necessary to undertake the most energetic revolutionary measures for reducing the salaries of higher officials and functionaries in all without exception state, public, and private institutions and enterprises, the Council of People's Commissars resolves:

1) To establish the maximum salary for People's Commissars at 500 rubles per month for those without dependents* and an addition of 100 rubles for each child**; exceptionally highly paid workers are permitted no more than 1 room for each family member; 2) to appeal to all local Soviets of Workers', Soldiers', and Peasants' Deputies with the request to prepare and carry out revolutionary measures for special taxation of higher officials; 3) to commission the Ministry of Finance to prepare a general bill on such a reduction. 4) to commission the Ministry of Finance and all individual commissars to immediately study departmental budgets and cut all excessively high salaries and pensions.

* In the printed text—"without families." Editor.
** In the printed text—"for each non-working family member." Editor.

Written by Lenin and adopted at the SNK session on December 1 (November 18), 1917 during discussion of the question on salary scales for People's Commissars. Published as an SNK resolution in "Gazeta Vremenного Rabochego i Krest'yanskogo Pravitel'stva" No. 16, November 23, 1917, under the heading: "On the Scale of Remuneration for People's Commissars, Higher Officials and Functionaries."

The date is confirmed by the following notation on the document in the hand of N. I. Gorbunov: "Written by Ulyanov 18. XI. at an SNK session."

---

## ON THE FINANCING OF THE TsIK
DRAFT RESOLUTION OF THE SNK
December 3 (November 20), 1917

The SNK deems it impossible, without the TsIK presenting a detailed estimate and indicating the source of expenditure, to allocate the requested money from the 5,000,000 ruble fund of the SNK and requests the TsIK to present this estimate and these indications.

Lenin.

1 Adopted at the SNK session of December 3 (November 20), 1917 in connection with discussion of the petition of the TsIK for the allocation of 300,000 rubles.

---

## AMENDMENT TO THE DECREE ON THE ABOLITION OF THE NOBLE AND PEASANT LAND BANKS
[December 8 (November 25), 1917]

In fulfillment of the decrees on land and on the abolition of estate institutions, it is resolved:

The State Noble Land Bank and the Peasant Land Bank, existing under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Finance, are abolished, with the officials and employees of these institutions placed on the inactive list on general grounds.

The liquidation of affairs of the central and local institutions of the named Banks is entrusted to the State Bank. The basis and procedure for the actual liquidation are determined by a decree of the Council of People's Commissars.

Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars Vl. Ulyanov (Lenin)

1 The draft decree was submitted for discussion to the SNK by People's Commissar of Finance V. R. Menzhinsky on November 25, 1917. The decree was published in "Gazeta Vremenного Rabochego i Krest'yanskogo Pravitel'stva" No. 20, November 28, 1917.

* On the document there further follow the signatures of V. R. Menzhinsky, V. D. Bonch-Bruyevich, and N. I. Gorbunov. Editor.

---

## AMENDMENTS TO THE DECREE ON CREDITS TO CITIES AND ZEMSTVOS
[December 31 (December 18), 1917]

The Council of People's Commissars has resolved:

1. To open a credit at the State Bank for the issuance of loans to cities and zemstvos to cover urgent expenditures for meeting pressing needs in the sum of not more than 200 million rubles in the course of 1917 and 1918.

2.

...................................

4. Zemstvo and municipal self-governments, in presenting petitions for loans, are obliged to present conclusions from local Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies.

Approved
V. Ulyanov (Lenin).

1 The printed document represents a draft SNK resolution proposed at an SNK session consisting of 3 points by the Commissar of Self-Government V. Trutovsky (Left SR) as a resolution on his report "On the Financing of Local Self-Government Bodies." Lenin introduced several amendments into the draft and, as an addition, outlined on the draft the text of the fourth point. The draft resolution, edited and supplemented by Lenin, was, by SNK resolution, published as a decree under the heading: "On the Search for 100 Million Rubles in Credits for the Disposition of an Interdepartmental Commission for the Issuance of Loans to Cities and Zemstvos" ("Gazeta Vremenного Rabochego i Krest'yanskogo Pravitel'stva" No. 38, January 3, 1918 (December 21, 1917)).

---

## ON LOAN TO THE RUSSIAN COMMERCIAL-INDUSTRIAL BANK
DRAFT RESOLUTION OF THE SNK
[January 1, 1918 (December 19, 1917)]

The SNK proposes that all who signed the recommendation of 11/XII on the issuance of a loan of 150,000,000 rubles to members of the collegium of the State Control present within the course of 21 hours detailed written explanations on this matter¹. [an extremely grave violation by them of proper procedure]

1 The recommendation to the State Bank for the issuance of the Russian Commercial-Industrial Bank's requested loan of 150,000,000 rubles was signed by members of the State Control collegium: F. M. Shablinskiy, A. A. Portyanko, and N. B. Shevnikov and, directly, bypassing the Commissariat of Finance,—was sent by them for execution to the State Bank. The actions of State Control were protested by Commissar of Finance N. V. Menzhinsky at the SNK session of January 1, 1918 (December 19, 1917). On this question the SNK adopted the printed resolution above, proposed by Lenin.

---

## ON THE PAYMENT OF EXPENDITURES OF THE TsIK
DRAFT RESOLUTION OF THE SNK¹
[January 11, 1918 (December 29, 1917)]

Recognizing it necessary to pay the expenses of the TsIK from general state resources, the SNK proposes that the Chairman of the TsIK submit within the nearest time an approximate calculation of these expenses, signed by the heads of the corresponding departments and, where possible, indicating the size of the sum for the free distribution of literature.

Lenin.

P.S. The appropriation of the requested sum is to be postponed until the submission of the indicated approximate calculation.

Written by Lenin in connection with the discussion at the SNK session on January 11, 1918 (December 29, 1917) of a report by Y. M. Sverdlov "On the Appropriation of 2 Million Rubles for the Preparation and Convening of the January (1918) Congresses." Of three resolutions discussed by the SNK on this question (by Lenin, Sverdlov, and Osinsky), the resolution of Osinsky was adopted, which proposed to allocate the TsIK the requested sum, "with the obligation to submit a three-month estimate of the TsIK's expenditures and revenues by January 20, 1918."

---

## PROGRAM OF ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL MEASURES
DRAFT OUTLINE
[December 1917 — January 1918]

Nationalization of banks. Withdrawal of money back into the treasury; new money for large deposits; revolutionary measures for converting factories to useful production; centralization of consumption through compulsory unification into consumer cooperatives; state monopoly on foreign trade; nationalization of industry; state loans.

---

## ON THE SCALE OF PAYMENT FOR HIGHER OFFICIALS
DRAFT RESOLUTION OF THE SNK
[January 15 (January 2), 1918]

[Confirming]

On the matter of comrade Shlyapnikov's inquiry about the scale of payment for higher officials, the SNK resolves:

1) to confirm that the decree on 500 rubles monthly salary for members of the Council of People's Commissars² means an approximate norm for highest salaries, but the decree does not contain prohibition on paying specialists more;

2) to recall that the SNK decree contains a requirement to take revolutionary measures to reduce excessively high salaries;

3) to propose to all People's Commissars to immediately submit reports on what exactly has been done in fulfillment of this decree;

4) to propose to the Commissar of Finance to submit a report on whether decisive measures have been taken for collection of income tax and elimination of evasion of this tax payment;

5) to propose [local] local Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies to take more energetic measures for collection of emergency taxes on excessively high incomes.

1 Proposed by Lenin at the SNK session of January 15 (January 2), 1918. Adopted at the same session as a resolution on the question of "Scales of payment for higher officials of factory management" (Inquiry by A. G. Shlyapnikov). This resolution, representing an "introduction of high salaries for a number of bourgeois specialists," diverging from the SNK resolution of December 1 (November 18), 1917 (see p. 152 of the Collection), Lenin qualified as a "departure from the principles of the Paris Commune, as a compromise with bourgeois tendencies," explaining (in April 1918) the necessity and inevitability of this measure by the following circumstance: "Until the proletarian state places universal control and accounting on a firm footing, similar compromises are necessary...as the only guarantee of slower, but more durable progress forward" ("Theses on the Immediate Tasks of Soviet Power," Works, vol. XXII, p. 500).

---

## DISPOSITION TO THE PEOPLE'S COMMISSARIAT OF FINANCE
January 15, 1918

Issue to comrade Ter-Arutuntsyan 1,000,000 (one million) rubles and present it today to the Council of People's Commissars for consideration¹.

Chairman of the SNK V. Ulyanov (Lenin).

1 The appropriation issued to M. Ter-Arutuntsyan (Chief of the Revolutionary Field Headquarters at Headquarters) was, on Lenin's report, approved by the Council of People's Commissars on January 15, 1918.

---

## ON WAGES
DRAFT RESOLUTION OF THE SNK*
[February 11 (January 29), 1918]

The Council of People's Commissars approves the estimate of the Commissariat of Posts and Telegraphs temporarily, for two months, with the provision that immediately there be undertaken a general review and equalization of the scales of salaries and wages for all professions and in all localities of the country.

This review is entrusted to the Commissariat of Labor by agreement with all other Commissariats and workers' organizations.

Adopted at the SNK session on January 29, 1918 on the report of Commissar of Posts and Telegraphs I. P. Proshyan (Left SR) "On the Estimate of Salaries for Postal and Telegraph Employees for 1918."

---

## MEMORANDUM TO I. P. GORBUNOV
To Gorbunov.
[February 13 (January 31), 1918]

1) The decree on the issue of bonds of the Loan of Liberty instead of money must be given to the press t o d a y on 31.1 without fail (so that t o m o r r o w it is in the newspapers)¹.

2) Then this decree must be sent to Spunde².

3) The Expedition of State Securities must w o r k on 2.11.1918, at "Sretenye."³

Take measures.

According to Lenin's instruction, the decree was published in the press on February 15 (February 2), 1918 (see "Izvestiya VTsIK" No. 26 dated February 15 (February 2), 1918).

2 A. P. Spunde (Lenin mistakenly wrote "Spuntae")—was Chief Commissar of the State Bank.

3 Lenin mentions here the date according to the old style.

---

## ON THE FINANCING OF THE NORTHERN EXPEDITION
DRAFT RESOLUTION OF THE SNK¹
[February 16, 1918]

Appoint immediately a revisory commission of 2-3 persons to verify the actions of the Commissariat of Military and Trade and Industry and to inform the Council of People's Commissars on the state of affairs at Arkhangelsk port.

[5]² 
(Pravdin³
(Alekseev⁴ from the VSNKh
from the Department of Demobilization
In the hands of Delnik.

1 The draft was proposed by Lenin at the SNK session on February 16, 1918 in connection with the discussion of the question "On the Appropriation of One Hundred Thousand Rubles for the Northern Expedition of the SNK for the Protection of the Possessions of the RSFSR Located in Arkhangelsk Province" (report by V. D. Bonch-Bruyevich). Lenin's resolution was adopted with the following addition in the formulation of Lenin: "The Commission to be appointed consisting of comrades Pravdin, Alekseev, from the department of demobilization, from the VSNKh. Commission this commission to convene to be entrusted to comrade Alekseev. Oblige this commission to present a report to the SNK on Monday, February 18 (in the protocol a mistake: 'January.' Editor.) 1918."

2 This figure apparently denotes the number of persons proposed for the commission. It was crossed out by Lenin after the decision on the composition of the commission of 4 persons (see Protocol of the SNK, No. 63, item 3).

3 A. G. Pravdin was a member of the collegium of the Commissariat of Military and Naval Affairs.

4 Alekseev—specialist in water transport, one of the responsible workers of the VSNKh.

---

## ON CONTROL OVER THE EXPENDITURE OF SUMS OF THE VSNKh
DRAFT RESOLUTION OF THE SNK*
[March 26, 1918]

The SNK commissions representatives—from Control, 1—from the Commissariat of Finance to form a Commission so that tomorrow an accounting and control department be established at the Fuel Department of the VSNKh, as well as other accounting and control departments of the VSNKh.

Commission the convening of the Commission to comrade [Pelevin] Bogolepov.

The same Commission is charged, in the first place, to specially consider the question of forms of reporting; in the second place, to demand exact written acts signed by all interested persons, certifying the participation of these persons in the appropriation of money and in the conduct of economic operations of various departments of the VSNKh.

Besides this, to demand from these supervising persons that they in the nearest time present corresponding documents from all subordinate institutions and persons through whom the appropriation of sums of the VSNKh occurs.

The SNK calls to the attention of the VSNKh and especially of the Fuel Department the extreme incorrectness in the conduct of its affairs.

1 The draft was proposed by Lenin and adopted at the SNK session on March 26, 1918 during discussion of the question "On the Establishment of Control over the Expenditure of Sums of all Departments of the Supreme Council of the National Economy."

---

## FUNDAMENTAL PROPOSITIONS OF ECONOMIC AND IN PARTICULAR BANKING POLICY
[April 1918]

I. Completion of the nationalization of industry and exchange.

II. Nationalization of banks and gradual transition to socialism.

III. Compulsory unification of the population into consumer cooperatives.
{ + Commodity exchange }

IV. Accounting and control of production and distribution of products.

V. Labor discipline.
[ + Tax policy }

Centralization.

Measures for the transition to compulsory current accounts or to compulsory holding of money in banks.

Compulsory unification of the population into consumer cooperatives and measures for the transition to this.

Conditions of contracts with cooperators on the gradual transition of their apparatus to the unification of the entire population into consumer cooperatives.

Labor obligation, begun from above.

Recognition as absolutely necessary and urgent the most merciless measures of struggle against chaos, disorder and idleness, the most decisive and draconian measures for raising discipline and self-discipline of workers and peasants.

Transformation of State Control into a real control for the creation of mobile groups of controllers in all spheres of economic life.

Practical conditions for the involvement in work of bourgeois intellectuals and saboteurs expressing a desire to work with Soviet power.

Industrial courts for the accounting of production, reserves of products, and labor productivity.

(Immediately and unconditionally
1. Completion of the nationalization of industry.
2. Gradual transition to universal unification into consumer cooperatives and commodity exchange.

Banking policy.

V. Labor discipline and procedure.

5. Tax policy (Finance).

---

## 1. Completion of the nationalization of all factories, mills, railways, means of production and exchange. Unconditional and merciless struggle against syndicalist and chaotic attitude toward nationalized enterprises. Persistent implementation of the centralization of economic life on a national scale. Unwavering demand for preliminary plans and estimates, weekly reports and actual increase in labor productivity. Creation and testing in practice of an apparatus for the management of nationalized branches of industry.

1 The document was written by Lenin under the text of presented to him (Deputy Commissar of Finance I. E. Gukovsky?) "theses on banking policy" of the following content: "1. Not monopolization but nationalization of the banking apparatus. Continuation, expansion and deepening of the nationalization of industry and exchange in the presence of organizational preparation at the grassroots. 2. Continuation in principle of regulation of allocations for consumption. 3. Freedom of check circulation with the creation (Lenin replaced the word "creation" with "preservation" when editing the theses) of the right of control over the check circulation of private enterprises. 4. Compulsory current accounts on condition of timely preliminary preparation of the technical apparatus. 5. Nationalization of foreign trade and protectionism."

Based on the original, Lenin initially undertook to edit the theses, and then wrote under the text underlined by him the printed above draft of "fundamental propositions of economic policy." The heading "Propositions" Lenin wrote over the text of the "theses on banking policy."

---

## TELEGRAM TO I. E. GUKOVSKY¹
Governmental l. Urgent n.
Petrograd
State Bank
To Gukovsky or Spunde for Gukovsky.
April 7, 1918

Extremely outraged by the delay in your arrival. Financial matters, banking policy of the country are suffering terribly. The responsibility will be on you.

I insist on your earliest arrival and on the immediate putting in order of Finances and banks.

Lenin.

1 On the eve of the government's transfer from Petrograd to Moscow (March 11, 1918) Lenin proposed to Deputy Commissar of Finance I. E. Gukovsky to discuss jointly with Y. S. Ganetskiy (assistant to the commissar of the State Bank) beforehand a series of questions connected with banking policy, and in a few days, that is in mid-March, to come to Moscow, where the discussion and elaboration of the fundamental propositions of banking policy were planned together with Lenin (see p. 163 of the Collection). See Y. Ganetskiy. "Lenin and the Nationalization of Banks." "Proletarskaya Revolyutsiya" No. 6, 1926.

---

## AMENDMENT TO THE DRAFT RESOLUTION OF THE SNK ON FINANCING THE PETROGRAD SOVIET
[April 12, 1918]

The Council of People's Commissars, having considered the question of the appropriation of 100 million rubles for the disposition of the Petrograd Soviet of Deputies, has resolved: to allocate 100 million to the Petrograd Soviet of Deputies for the struggle against unemployment and for the organization of public works with the provision that the money is issued to the Petrograd Soviet after the guarantees for the correct and appropriate expenditure of the money, worked out by the Commission consisting of comrades Gukovsky, Bogolepov, and a representative of State Control, are fulfilled. Included in these 100 million rubles are 20 million rubles*. Included in the number of guarantees is, of course, the presentation of plans and estimates.

Approved.
Chairman of the SNK V. Ulyanov (Lenin).

1 The draft (up to the words: "in these 100 million") was written by Y. M. Sverdlov, in connection with the discussion at the SNK of his report "On the Appropriation of 100 Million Rubles to the Petrograd Soviet of Deputies for the Struggle against Unemployment and for the Organization of Public Works." The draft with Lenin's additions was adopted as an SNK resolution at the session of April 12, 1918.

2 Lenin names the sum previously appropriated and issued to the Petrograd Soviet on March 29, 1918.

---

## CONFERENCE ON THE DISCUSSION OF THESES ON BANKING POLICY¹
APRIL 1918

### A.

Theses on Banking Policy.

1. To prepare a report on the received [accounts] in private banks, including in the report the liquidation of all affairs of each private bank.

Unanimously.

On the question of how to prepare the report, the following opinions:

(a) The former staff of employees of each private bank (with the right of the Commissariat of [Finance] of the State Bank to remove some of them) are given an ultimative commission to put in order within the shortest time all the affairs of the bank and to draw up a balance in final form, 1st, for December 14, 1917, 2nd, for the last day of operations.

[(b) The renewal of the activity of private banks for the preparation of this report means merely]

(b) Private banks, carrying out this function of preparing reports and liquidation of all bank affairs, act exclusively as divisions of a single People's Bank of the Russian Republic and only for purposes of liquidation, producing no new operations.

Ganetskiy and Gukovsky and Lenin.

Special opinion of Spunde:

The balance for December 14, 1917 is drawn up by a special Commission appointed by us.

There is no need to draw up another balance.

To carry out further operations, from December 14, 1917, in the name of the People's Bank.

All private banks, as well as the State Bank, are declared a single People's Bank of the Russian Soviet Republic.

2. All activity in the preparation of reports is directed by the Commissariat of the State Bank.

As many experienced employees as possible are invited, including former employees of the State and private banks.

Unanimously.

3. Banking policy, not limiting itself to the nationalization of banks, must gradually but steadily be directed toward the transformation of banks into a single apparatus of accounting and regulation of the socialistically organized economic life of the entire country as a whole.

Spunde and Lenin for.
Gukovsky against.
Ganetskiy abstains (considering it practically unfeasible).

4. Emergency measures for the opening of as large a number as possible of branches of the People's Bank throughout the country.

The most expedient location of these branches within cities and in villages in the interests of maximum convenience for the public.

To use as branches of the People's Bank the existing branches of the former private banks.

(Unanimously).

5. Declaration of the inviolability of deposits (which, of course, in no way diminishes the rights of the State to collect taxes).

6. Freedom of check circulation.

7. Complete preservation of workers' control with respect to the issuance of money from banks.

8. The normalization of allocations of money for consumer purposes is maintained.

A series of simplifications for the public are introduced for the purpose of accelerating deposits in banks and issuances from banks, as well as simplifying formalities.

9. Taking of measures so that the population holds all money, not absolutely necessary for consumer purposes, in banks. Preparation of a law and practical steps to the compulsory implementation of this principle.

10. All branches of the People's Bank within the boundaries of the Federative Russian Soviet Republic are guided precisely in their activity by instructions and directives of the central administration, having no right to establish any local rules and restrictions. Exceptions are permitted only with the consent of the central administration.

---

## B.

OUTLINE OF THE RESOLUTIONS OF THE CONFERENCE*

1. To prepare a report of received [accounts] in banks.
2. To invite a sufficient number of experienced workers to accelerate this matter.
3. Nationalization of banks is maintained.
All banks are united into one People's Bank of the Russian Republic.
5. Opening of as large a number as possible of branches.
6. Declaration of the inviolability of deposits (which, of course, in no way diminishes the rights of the state to collect taxes).
7. Freedom of check circulation.
8. Complete preservation of workers' control in the sphere of the issuance of money).
9. Normalization of allocations of money for consumer purposes is maintained; a series of practical simplifications are introduced.

Discussion of theses on banking policy, in which, besides Lenin, Y. S. Ganetskiy, I. E. Gukovsky, A. P. Spunde, and others took part, took place over several days in April 1918 at Lenin's flat in the First House of Soviets.

Presiding over these conferences, Lenin kept a record of the statements of members of the conference. The document printed here was written by Lenin on the basis of a summary of the debate on the questions discussed at the conference. (Y. S. Ganetskiy. "Lenin and the Nationalization of Private Banks." "Proletarskaya Revolyutsiya" No. 6, 1926.)

* This entry was crossed out by Lenin. Editor.

---

## ON COMPULSORY HOLDING OF MONEY IN BANKS¹
[April 1918]

1) Money must be placed in a bank compulsively (under threat of confiscation and revocation of land rights)
2) to pay 4% on deposits
3) from deposits 1/3 remains in local branches, and 2/3 in the central bank.

1 This thesis was possibly outlined by Lenin in connection with point 9 of the resolutions of the Finance conference convened in April 1918 to develop theses on banking policy (see p. 163 of the Collection).

---

## AMENDMENTS TO DRAFT DECREES ON THE REGISTRATION OF SECURITIES
APRIL 13, 1918

### I.

DRAFT DECREE No. 1.

Taking into account that prior to the ratification of the peace treaty with states that waged war against Russia the sale of stocks and bonds to subjects of states that waged war against Russia was prohibited, from July 19, 1914 until December 29, 1917, that by decree of December 29 all sorts of transactions with stocks and their transfer from hand to hand were prohibited, except by inheritance—the SNK, in accordance with the representation of the VSNKh, resolves:

1. Persons who, upon registration of stocks according to the decree of April 2, are exposed in an illegal and thus legally invalid attempt to alienate stocks by means other than inheritance—are subjected to confiscation of all property in favor of the state.

---

## DRAFT DECREE No. 2.

In the interests of the state, mandatory registration of stocks and other valuable securities is introduced on the following bases:

1. Each holder of stocks held in custody in one of the Banks of the Russian Republic is obliged to deliver the stocks belonging to him for registration to one of the offices or branches of the banks of the Russian Republic.

2. Holders of stocks held in custody in banks are obliged to present to the offices or branches of the State Bank a list of stocks and other securities belonging to them with an indication of which banks they are held in, with the presentation of documentary data confirming their statement, after which these stocks are stamped and registered, in accordance with the indication in Article 2.

Note: Securities of %/o held in safes, [in the case of failure to present evidence to the contrary] are deemed to be the property of the safe's lessee.

7. Registration also applies to annulled securities and stocks of confiscated enterprises, in order to ensure fair interests [clarification of the number and identity of small holders, [subject to] satisfaction].

8. Registration of Russian securities, bonds and stocks of private, public and state securities and securities located abroad is carried out regardless of whether they belong to Russian or foreign subjects nationals, and for registration it is mandatory to present them in kind to persons and institutions which are authorized by the corresponding diplomatic representatives of Russia abroad to maintain state registration books in the corresponding states.

* This phrase is written by Lenin in pencil under the text of the draft decree. Editor.

---

## III.

DECREE ON THE REGISTRATION OF STOCKS, BONDS AND OTHER SECURITIES¹
[April 16, 1918]

1) In fulfillment of the decree of December 29, 1917 on the cessation of payments on coupons and dividends (see Collection of Laws No. 13, art. 185, of January 5, 1918) the system of bearer stocks and all sorts of other securities is abolished and henceforth only registered securities may have force.

Note**. Those state securities to which special government resolution has granted circulation on par with money signs do not fall under the action of this article.

2) In accordance with this, mandatory registration is introduced of stocks, bonds and all sorts of other [%] securities, Russian and foreign, belonging to both citizens of the Russian Soviet Republic and foreign subjects nationals residing within its boundaries. [Of the Russian Soviet Republic.]

3) Each holder, [as well as] or holder of the securities indicated in Article 1, is obliged to present them for registration in one of the offices or branches of the People's (State) Bank of the Russian Soviet Republic.

4) On the presented, in accordance with [the preceding] the preceding paragraph [section], securities the State Bank, by its seal, marks the name, patronymic, surname and address of the holder [of these]; they are also entered in the registration book of securities.

5) All branches of the People's [State] Bank, [as well as] the State Savings Casks, all state and public institutions, as well as non-nationalized credit institutions, in which there are stocks and securities in custody, in management, in pledge, in security and so forth, are obliged to conduct registration of the securities found there, recognizing as owners those natural or legal persons in whose name and on whose behalf they were deposited.

All these registration data must be concentrated in local branches of the People's State Bank.

Note. Securities held in safes are deemed, if not proved otherwise, to be the property of the lessees of said safes, if evidence to the contrary is not found in the safe itself.

6) The alienation of stocks, bonds and all other securities is forbidden. The prohibition on the alienation of stocks, set forth in the law of December 29, 1917, retains its force henceforth until the issuance of a law introducing a permissive system on the alienation of stocks. Only those holders of stocks who have correctly and timely registered them will receive the right to compensation in case of the nationalization of enterprises in those amounts and with those conditions which are to be determined by the law on nationalization. [Receipt of dividend]

Similarly, only such holders of stocks will receive the right to dividend after the payment of it, suspended by the law of December 29, 1917, is permitted.

7) The presentation of stocks and other securities located in the hands must be preceded by the submission of statements. The form of these statements, the deadline for their submission, and further rules relating to the presentation of stocks and their registration are determined by the People's Commissar of Finance and published for general information.

All stocks with respect to which statements as indicated in Article 7 are not presented within the deadline are subject to free transfer to state ownership.

Note*. Holders and holders of stocks who have not complied with the prescriptions of this decree are subject to imprisonment for a period of not less than one year.

9) Registration also applies to annulled securities and stocks of confiscated enterprises, in order to secure fair interests of holders.

10) The registration of Russian securities, bonds and stocks of private, public and state located abroad is carried out regardless of whether they belong to Russian or foreign citizens, and for registration it is mandatory to present them in kind to persons and institutions which are authorized by the corresponding diplomatic representatives of Russia abroad to maintain state registration books in the corresponding states, in the periods which will be established by the said diplomatic representatives.

Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars: V. Ulyanov (Lenin)

People's Commissars*:

1 The first two draft decrees on stocks were developed in the VSNKh. Upon acquainting himself with the drafts, Lenin crossed out the text of the first, edited the second, but deemed it apparently unsatisfactory, which necessitated the development of a new draft. The third draft, developed by member of the collegium of the People's Commissariat of Finance D. E. Akselrod, was edited by Lenin, provided with a heading and, after discussion in the SNK on April 18, approved by him as a decree. The decree was published in "Izvestiya VTsIK" No. 78 dated April 20 (April 7), 1918.

# [Part 8/8] 

The date is determined from Lenin's letter to D. Ts. Bogolepov and I. E. Gukovskii of April 14, 1918 (see below).

## NOTE TO D. P. BOGOLEPOV AND I. E. GUKOVSKII.

Comrades Bogolepov and Gukovskii.

16. IV. 1918

I am sending you a draft law on shares¹. This is mandatory and urgent.

1) discuss it
2) outline your amendments
3) immediately involve the specialists you know in the discussion (request their opinion from them — preferably in writing; you can commission professors to submit opinions)

* The signatures are absent. —Ed.

## NOTE II. TO E. GUKOVSKII.

All of this must be completed by tomorrow, because tomorrow, 17. IV, we must *confirm* the decree in the Council of People's Commissars².

V. Ulyanov (Lenin).

¹ Lenin had in mind the draft decree "On the Registration of Shares, Bonds and Other Interest-Bearing Securities" (see p. 168 of the Collection).

² At the discussion of the draft law on shares at the session of April 17, the SNK resolved: "to refer the draft for discussion by the Commissariats of Justice and Foreign Affairs so that tomorrow, April 18, it be submitted to the SNK." At the SNK session of April 18, the draft was approved as a decree and published in "Izvestiya VTsIK" No. 78 of April 20, 1918.

---

## AMENDMENT TO THE TELEGRAM TO THE CHAIRMAN OF THE NIZHNY NOVGOROD SOVIET OF WORKERS' DEPUTIES¹.

Nizhny Novgorod.

To the Chairman
of the Soviet of Workers' Deputies

[April 17, 1918]

The Finance Commissar is placing obstacles in the way of a full audit of the State Bank, which has been appointed by him and the control [body]. I propose that full and comprehensive audit of the State Bank be made possible; and that assistance be rendered to the auditors sent. I request that you inform me by telegraph about whether the auditors have been provided full opportunity to carry out their assignment.

Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars Lenin.

¹ The text of the telegram up to the words: "I request that you inform me" was written on the letterhead of the Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars in the hand of I. E. Gukovskii.

---

## NOTE TO I. E. GUKOVSKII.

To Gukovskii.

[April 22, 1918]¹

Have you drawn up an "estimate" of the expenditure of money to Siberia?

Justification of the date: Gukovskii, replying to Lenin (on his note itself) promises to deliver the information "tomorrow"; Lenin on April 23, 1918 in his telegram to the TsIK of the Soviets of Siberia (see p. 173 of the Collection) refers to the information he received "today"; consequently, Lenin's note and Gukovskii's reply were written the day before, that is, April 22, 1918.

---

# FINANCING OF CENTROSIBERIA¹

APRIL 16 — MAY 8, 1918

10087

## I.

## RECORD OF INFORMATION ON THE DISPATCH OF MONEY TO SIBERIA

April 23, 1918

Money was being sent to Siberia:

Ek[aterinbu]rg — 150 per week
Ch[elyab]insk
Tom[sk] — 180 in the last week
Om[sk]
Ir[kutsk] — 55
Orenburg

Besides that (in addition to the norm) was given:

Irkutsk — 200 m. in addition to the norm
Tomsk — 220 m.

To the Regional Commissar Zhilin³ by the department of the Soviet Commission.

---

## II.

## TELEGRAMS OF CENTROSIBERIA.

3251

### a.

Irkutsk.
Centrosiberia.
23. IV. 1918.

I am responding [to] your requests [for] money and especially to Prokopyev. I made inquiries today. Piter gives Siberia weekly 150 million, last week 180, of which Chelyabinsk 15, Tomsk 15, Omsk 40, Irkutsk 55, Barnaul 15.

In addition to this norm, Irkutsk received 200, Tomsk 220 million.

Think over how much more is needed in addition to this, verify, respond precisely on the purposes.

Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars Lenin.

3251

Irkutsk

Centrosiberia
copy to Prokopyev.

[May 8—9, 1918]

Prokopyev and others are inundating Larin with dispatches, asking for money¹¹.

I declare that to my telegram with precise figures from 23. IV I have received no answer. I declare that such treatment of a matter, when one does not respond as to what purposes hundreds of millions have been spent and why and how much more is needed beyond the norm, is inadmissible*.

Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars Lenin.

* In the left corner of the telegram there is a note by N. P. Gorbunov: "Not sent." —Ed.

### c.

Irkutsk

Centrosiberia

[May 15, 1918]

Narkomprom⁶ informs me:

"In the course of the last month according to the report of the Moscow branch of the State Bank the following was dispatched:

To Omsk specifically for food supply needs — 420 thous. r.
To Irkutsk (90+110+55) — 255 " "

In the last week the following was sent:

To Tomsk — 15 " "
To Omsk — 40 " "
To Ekaterinburg — 40 " "
To Barnaul (today) — 15 " "

Total 110*

It is contemplated to send to Siberia in the course of the next month weekly 75 mil. in addition to the usual distribution"⁷.

Inform me of receipt of this and of your conclusion.

Lenin. [358]

¹ Centrosiberia — the Central Executive Committee of the Soviets of Siberia, elected at the First All-Siberian Congress of Soviets of October 16, 1918, stood at the head of the Soviets from the October days until the beginning of Allied intervention in the Far East and Siberia, playing a leading role in the struggle of the Bolsheviks against the right Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks.

² This information, apparently obtained by Lenin from the Moscow branch of the State Bank (possibly by telephone), was written down by him for the composition of the text of the telegram to Centrosiberia (see below).

³ I. Ya. Zhilin — Moscow regional Finance Commissar.

⁴ Prokopyev — a worker-printer, Bolshevik. In his capacity as a member of the presidium of Centrosiberia, he supervised the department of labor and industry. He died in March 1919 on the Transbaikal Front, commanding a partisan detachment.

⁵ Under the text of the telegram Lenin's note: "To this telegram I still (May 8) have not received an answer."

⁶ Yu. M. Larin — was chairman of the Committee on Economic Policy of the VSNKh, which dealt with questions of industrial financing.

⁷ The numerical data given in the text of the telegram were written down by I. E. Gukovskii. Lenin enclosed the information communicated by Gukovskii in quotation marks.

* "Total 110" — written in Lenin's hand in pencil. —Ed.