Page: 468

ι ι ι ι π [ι μ π ε ρ ι ι λ .ι ·ι 13ιη AND ATTITUDE TOWARD IT*1

1. Definition — economic,
[and political]
(reaction
national oppression
Imp[erialism] = cap[italism]
1) cartels
{annexations
a) monopolistic
2) large banks
3) financial oligarchy (>100 billion Eff[ektkapital]**)
4) colonies and export of cap[ital] (partition of world)
(1) export of cap[ital]
parasitic
{(2) Eff[ekt] cap[ital]
dying ("transitional")
1a. Bas[el] u[nd] Chemn[itz]2
2. Contra K. K[autsky]*** blunting of contradictions, concealment,
Wegräsonnieren, etc.****
veiled
m[arxists]
nat[ional]-
liberals
(Lieb-
knfecht)3
3. Three lines: lackeys
{opportunists crude
cynical
reformists}
"refined"
revolution[ary]
s. d.
4. Fabian + Vand[ervelde] Jaurès & Co. (1907)4
+ S[ozialistiche] M[onats]hefte + Glocke + Benner & Co. — Ple-
chjanoff & "pupils" in R[ussia].

* Lenin's title. Ed.
** of stock capital. Ed.
*** Against K. Kautsky. Ed.
**** reservations and so forth. Ed.
[468]

MANUSCRIPT PLAN OF THE ARTICLE "IMPERIALISM AND THE ATTITUDE TOWARD IT."
Reduced.
479

480
LENIN COLLECTION

(1) Disarmament
(2) United States of Eur[ope] (Cartel of imperialists)... (Organization of "Mitteleuropa"**;...
(3) Annexations___
(4) "Peace" (soc[ial]-nati[onalism]...
(5) "Ultra-imperialism"...
(6) "Defense of the fatherland"...
(7) Imperialist character of war...
(8) Freedom of trade "friedlicher Verkehr"***
(9) Colonies cf. 1907 and 191[4—6]___ Away with colonies?****
(10) Benefits from colonies
imports and exports from one's own colonies
versus "freedom of trade"7
(11) Imperialism and opportunism (Stimmung versus Rich-
tung*****).
(12) "Unity" with opportunists.
(13) Directions in inter[national] [socialism] (Millerandism, Jau-
s. d. 1889—1911 versus currents rès), Bernsteinism,
and breakdown. English "lib[eral]-
lab[our]
(14) Voting for credits.
(15) Mass actions = "adventure"?
(16) Earlier (1909; 1910; 1911 K. K[autsky] versus 1914—6) and
now.
(Words and deeds).
(17) K. K[autsky] versus Pannekock 1912 on mass actions...
(18) Eclecticism versus dialectics
(19) Engels and M[ar]x on the roots of English opportunism.

* Disarmament. Ed.
** "Central Europe." Ed.
*** "peaceful relations." Ed.
**** Away from colonies? Ed.
***** mood instead of direction. Ed.
(15) Mass actions = "adventure"?
(16) Earlier
1909; 1910;
1911
K. Kautsky
in comparison
with 1914—6; and now.
(Words and deeds).
(17) K. Kautsky against Pannekock 1912 on mass actions....
(18) Eclecticism instead of dialectics. Ed.

IMPERIALISM AND THE ATTITUDE TOWARD IT
481

(20) Hushing up (4 Aug[ust] 1914)9
{2 Aug[ust] 1914 and
{Ultimatum Opposition].
(21) Sympathy for K[arl] L[iebkne]cht.
(everywhere)
(or in E[u]rop[e]?)
(22) Z[immer]wald u[nd] Hague10.

1 The present document apparently represents a plan for an article or
several articles on the question of the attitude of opportunism and revolution-
ary Marxism toward imperialism. The beginning of this plan entirely corresponds
with the text of Vladimir Ilyich's article "Imperialism and the Split of Socialism"
(Works XIX, 301). The article begins precisely with that definition of imperial-
ism given at the beginning of the plan. It is characteristic that in the plan,
as in the article, the export of capital is not singled out as a separate feature
of imperialism, but is connected with "the economic and political-territorial
partition of the world." This leads one to think even more that the plan relates
precisely to this article. Having set himself the task of establishing the connec-
tion between imperialism and opportunism in the labor movement, Lenin, both
in the plan and in the article, moves on to a criticism of opportunism and its
most prominent representative K. Kautsky. The entire subsequent plan is directed
toward establishing "the indissoluble historical connection of social-chauvinism
with opportunism, as well as their ideologically and politically identical con-
tent" (Works XIX, 301). But Lenin did not use the entire plan in the article.
It was conceived, probably, not for a single article. It is interesting that Lenin
concludes the article with the following words: "In the next article we shall
attempt to summarize the main distinguishing features of this [Marxist] line
in opposition to Kautskianism" (313).

2 Lenin has in mind the manifesto of the Basel Congress of the Second
International of 1912 against imperialist war and the resolution of the Chemnitz
party congress of German social democracy of 1912, devoted to the question of
imperialism and the attitude of socialists toward war (see above, p. 23).

3 The remark: "national-liberals (Liebknecht)" directly adjoins the point:
"opportunists crude, cynical." The reference is probably to the national-liberalism
of Plekhanov and others, who cited in justification of their chauvinist position
the defensive position of Wilhelm Liebknecht during the Franco-Prussian War
of 1871. In articles and pamphlets "The Russian Südekums," "Socialism and War,"
"The Collapse of the Second International" (Works XVIII) and a number of
others, Lenin details the prin-

* (20) Hushing up
{4 August 1914
{2 August 1914 and
{ultimatum opposition
(21) Sympathy for Karl Liebknecht
(everywhere)
(or in Europe?)
(22) Zimmerwald and Hague. Ed.
Lenin Collection XXIX

482
LENIN COLLECTION

ciple distinguishing feature of the epoch of imperialist wars from the epoch of
progressive, bourgeois-national wars directed against "feudalism and absolutism
of all the old serf-holding Europe."

4 Lenin has in mind the position of the Fabians, Vandervelde, Jaurès, and
others at the Stuttgart Congress of the Second International in 1907 on the colo-
nial question and on antimilitarism. The discussions in the commission on the
colonial question already showed at that time how much the openly opportunistic,
chauvinist wing had grown in the ranks of the Second International. The rapporteur
of the commission Van-Kol, with Bernstein, David and others speaking in the
debate, demanded that the congress acknowledge that it does not condemn such
colonial policy as plays a "civilizing role"—that is, they demanded support for
the colonial policy of imperialism. At the congress it was pointed out that during
the Anglo-Boer War, Bernstein, the Fabians, and part of the English socialists
approved this war on the side of England. In 1907, Vandervelde, as a member
of parliament, advocated the annexation of African Congo to Belgium.

On the question of antimilitarism, the main discussions took place in a com-
mission chaired by the well-known social-chauvinist Südekum. The "struggle"
occurred between the majorities of the German and French parties. Bebel, Vollmar,
and other representatives of German social democracy posed the question that
the slogan of the "Communist Manifesto"—"Proletarians have no fatherland"—
was "outdated," that in case of war the proletariat should "fight by the most
effective means," which change according to concrete conditions and which Marx-
ists therefore cannot predetermine. The representative of the English Independent
Labour Party directly declared that by these "effective means" he understood
peaceful and legal means (meetings, inquiries to the government, and so forth).

The French—Jaurès, Vaillant—proposed a resolution in which they recognized
the defense of the fatherland in a defensive war and proposed using mass strike
as a means in the struggle against war. Jaurès's "leftist" phrases were explained
by the fact that he was convinced that in case of war one could always portray
one's own, French, fatherland as defending itself and defend it, leaving the use
of revolutionary means against war to the Germans. Vandervelde—the chairman
of the congress—leaned toward both (Bebel's and Jaurès's) formulations of the
question. It is perfectly clear that there was no fundamental difference between
Bebel's resolution and Jaurès's resolution. This is why Lenin refers the Fabians,
Vandervelde, Jaurès and Co. to one social-chauvinist wing at the Stuttgart
Congress. Revolutionary amendments to the congress resolution on antimilitarism
were introduced by representatives of the left wing—Lenin and R. Luxembourg.
The amendments emphasized the necessity of using the crisis created by war for
the overthrow of "capitalist state" (See Lenin's articles "The International
Socialist Congress in Stuttgart" (Works XII, 78 and 86, and XVIII, 424, note 19)).

5 In 1915, Kautsky published the book "Nationalstaat, imperialistischer
Staat und Staatenbuund" ("National State, Imperialist State and Union of States"),
in which Kautsky defended the idea of the United States of Europe, asserting that
even many capitalists are not interested in imperialist war and desire peace, and
proved that "the strivings of capital for expansion" "are best achieved not by the
violent methods of imperialism, but by peaceful democracy, free trade, peaceful
exchange of goods." These positions of Kautsky were subjected to devastating
criticism by Lenin in the article "The Collapse of the Second International"
(Works XVIII, 239), in the book "Imperialism, as the Highest Stage of Capitalism"
(XIX, 71), in the article "Imperialism and the Split of Socialism" (XIX, 301) and
others. "Kautsky broke with Marxism by defending for the epoch of Financial
Capital a 'reactionary ideal,' 'peaceful democracy,' 'the simple weight of economic
factors,' because this ideal objectively pulls backward, from monopolistic capital-
ism to non-monopolistic capitalism, is a reformist deception" (XIX, 162).

6 Lenin apparently compares the position of the opportunistic wing at the
Stuttgart Congress of the Second International of 1907 (see note 4) with the
openly chauvinist defense of colonial policy of imperialism by international
s.-d. during the period of war. Already in 1907 at the Stuttgart Congress, the
opportunists of the Second International struggled against the old s.-d. slogan:
"Away with colonies!"

7 The reference is apparently to the same book by Kautsky (see note 5).

8 In May 1915, in England, the liberal cabinet of Asquith was replaced by
a cabinet of national defense led by the same Asquith, which included liberals,
conservatives, and representatives of the Labour Party. From December 1916,
Lloyd George became the prime minister of this government. The attitude of the
English Labour Party toward war in no way differed from the position of the
liberals. The Labour Party conscientiously fulfilled its role as the bourgeoisie's
salesmen in the working class. Lenin links Millerandism, Bernsteinism, and English
liberal labour politics into a single knot, showing the connection and continuity
of opportunistic, social-chauvinist currents in the ranks of the Second Inter-
national: "Social-chauvinism is the direct continuation and completion of English
liberal labour politics, Millerandism and Bernsteinism" (XIX, 8—9).

9 See Works XVIII, 422, note 3.

10 See Works XVIII, 444, note 186.
The International Socialist Bureau of the Second International was located in
The Hague during the war. Its chairman Vandervelde was a Belgian minister,
defended the fatherland and called on Russian socialists to fight against Germany.
The ISB was entirely in the service of the Entente. The Zimmerwald Conference,
in opposition to the thoroughly corrupt ISB, created a new international organ—
the International Socialist Commission consisting of O. Morgari (Italian socialist),
Ch. Naine (Swiss s.-d.), R. Grimm (Swiss s.-d.) and A. Balabanova (Italian socialist).
The ISC was dissolved at the First Congress of the Third International in 1919.

ROLAND-HOLST. "MILITIA OR DISARMAMENT?"

Roland-Holst
Roland-Holst's Article: "Miliz oder Abrüstung?"
("Neues Leben," Vol. 1, 1915, p. 324
and 365)

NB: in the text for the most part, if
not everywhere, Entwaffnung, not Abrüstung.......

The fundamental shortcoming of R[oland]-
H[olst]'s article is that she takes both demands
as "formulas" (326), as "propagandistic
demands or slogans" (327) "both good" (326 and 327 f.).

This is a subjectivist, rationalist, idealist
(philosophically speaking) formulation of the question.
"Both are unrealizable under cap[italism]"
(in bourgeois society) (325)!! Both are "only"
propaganda!!

But our propaganda must proceed along the
line of objective development. Objective development
proceeds through the dictat[orship] of the prole[tariat].
In this and only in this, on this given point, lies
the distinction of Marx's scientific socialism from
utopianism, anar[chism], opp[ortunism], etc.

It is precisely about this that R[oland]-H[olst]
has not given a thought. "Perhaps" (!!?? only ? 324, f.,
line 1 from bottom) will a People's militia serve
in the "struggle against its own national cap[italist]
class"! Only perhaps?

1912
[1914?]