V. I. Lenin

Speech Delivered at a Joint Session of the All-Russia Central Executive Committee,

The Moscow Soviet of Workers’, Peasants’ and Red Army Deputies, Trade Unions,
And Factory Committees

Delivered:5 May, 1920First Published:Published in 1920 in the bookVerbatim Reports of the Plenary Meetings of the Moscow Soviet of Workers’, Peasants’ and Red Army Deputies;Published according to the text in the bookSource:Lenin’sCollected Works, 4th English Edition, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1965,Volume 31, pages 129-134Translated:Julius KatzerTranscription\HTML Markup:David Walters&R. CymbalaCopyleft:V. I. Lenin Internet Archive (www.marx.org) 2002. Permission is granted to copy and/or distribute this document under the terms of theGNU Free Documentation License

(Applause.)Comrades, I should like to
    draw your attention to a feature that, from the international
    point of view or more correctly from the point of view of
    Russia’s international position, distinguishes the present
    war from previous wars. Of course, none of you doubt, or could
    doubt, that this war is a link in a long chain of events revealing
    the international bourgeoisie’s frantic resistance to the
    victorious proletariat, a frantic attempt by the international
    bourgeoisie to crush Soviet Russia, to overthrow the first Soviet
    state at all costs and by all means. There cannot be the least
    doubt that there is a connection between these events, between the
    international bourgeoisie’s previous attempts and the
    present war. At the same time, however, we see the tremendous
    difference between this war and previous wars, from the point of
    view of our international position. We see the tremendous impetus
    our struggle has given to the international working-class
    movement. We see how the international proletariat reacts to
    Soviet Russia’s victories, how the world proletarian
    struggle is mounting and gaining strength, and what gigantic work
    has been carried out in the little more than the two years of the
    Soviet Republic’s existence.

You remember how the most responsible and most powerful
    ministers of the mightiest and unrivalled capitalist powers
    announced quite recently that they had prepared an alliance of
    fourteen powers against Russia; you know how, under pressure from
    the powerful capitalists of France and Britain, this alliance
    brought Yudenich, Kolchak and Denikin together, and how it drew up
    a really grandiose and comprehensive war plan. If we destroyed
    that plan, it was because the imperialists’ unity was
    illusory, and the forces of the international bourgeoisie cannot
    stand up to a single trial when it comes to sacrificing
    oneself. It appeared that, after four years of the imperialist
    slaughter, the working people do not recognise the justice of a
    war against us, and in them we have a great ally. The
    Entente’s plan was really destructive, but it came to grief
    because, despite their most powerful alliance, the capitalist
    states could not carry it through, proved powerless to give it
    effect. None of the powers, any one. of which could have the
    advantage over us, could show unity, because the organised
    proletariat does not support it; no army-neither the French nor
    the British-could get its soldiers to fight on Russian soil,
    against the Soviet Republic.

If, in our mind’s eye, we follow the desperate situations
    our republic was faced with when, in fact, it was standing up to
    the whole world, against powers far more powerful than it, and if
    we recollect how we emerged fully victorious from these formidable
    trials, then these recollections will give us a clear idea of what
    we are confronted with now. Here we see a plan that is not new and
    at the same time does not at all resemble the really comprehensive
    and single plan we were faced with six months ago. What we have is
    the relics of the former plan and, in the light of the
    international alignment of forces, this is the greatest assurance
    of the futility of the present attempt. The former plan was an
    attempt on the part of all the imperialist powers to crush the
    workers’ and peasants’ republic, in alliance with all
    the small border states of the former Russian Empire, which had
    been shamelessly and outrageously oppressed by the tsarist and
    capitalist government of Great Russia. At present, several powers,
    in alliance with one of the border states, are attempting to
    accomplish that which proved impossible to all the imperialist
    powers in alliance with all the border states, and was undertaken
    by them twelve and six months ago in alliance with Kolchak,
    Denikin and others. We now see the relics of the
    imperialists’ plan. The great tenacity being shown by the
    bourgeoisie is a feature of the imperialist plans. They know that
    they are fighting to retain power at home, and that it is not the
    Russian or the Polish question that is being decided, but the
    question of their own survival. It is therefore to be expected
    that they will try to salvage the former and unsuccessful plan
    from the wreck.

We can all clearly see the clash of the imperialist
    states’ interests. Despite all pronouncements by their
    ministers about the peaceful settlement of questions in dispute,
    the imperialist powers cannot in reality take a single serious
    step in political matters without disagreeing. The French need a
    powerful Poland and a powerful Russia of the tsarist brand, and
    they are prepared to make every sacrifice to this end. Because of
    her geographical position, Britain wants something else-the
    break-up of Russia and a weak Poland, so as to ensure a balance
    between France and Germany which would give the imperialist
    victors control of colonies acquired by robbing Germany as a
    consequence of the world war. Here the clash of interests is
    really striking; no matter how the representatives of the
    imperialist powers at San Remo[2]try to assure us that
    there is full unanimity among the Allies, we know that this is not
    the case.

We know that Poland’s offensive is a relic of the old
    plan that once united the entire international bourgeoisie. If
    that ambitious plan failed at that time, even though from the
    purely military standpoint it was assured of success, it is
    hopeless today, even in that aspect. Furthermore, we know that the
    imperialist powers, who have entered into an alliance with the
    Polish bourgeoisie, and the Polish Government are in a bigger mess
    than ever. Each political move made by the Polish bourgeoisie over
    the past months, weeks and days has shown them up to their own
    working people. They have been quarrelling with their allies, and
    cannot make a single consistent move in their policy. At one
    moment they announce their unyielding attitude to Soviet Russia
    and the impos3ibility of conducting any kind of talks with her,
    while at the next moment they raise the blockade, and solemnly
    announce this on behalf of an allegedly existing alliance, an
    allegedly existing League of Nations, and then they again commence
    a policy of vacillation. In consequence of all this, the
    imperialists have enabled us to prove that our policy is peaceful,
    and that our international policy has nothing in common either
    with tsarist policies or those of the Russian capitalists or the
    Russian bourgeoisie, even a democratic bourgeoisie. We have proved
    to the entire world that our foreign policy has nothing in common
    with the policy constantly ascribed to us by all the bourgeois
    press. Consequently, the Poles themselves have exposed every piece
    of deception in their policy. The experience of three Russian
    revolutions has shown us how they were prepared, and how each
    served as the basis for the further development of home and
    foreign policy. This experience has proved that in the preparation
    of revolution those ruling classes are our most
    faithful. assistants which, laying claim to all kinds of
    coalitions, constituent assemblies and so on, and asserting that
    they represent the will of the people, in fact reveal-through
    their own policy at every serious, difficult or crucial moment in
    the life of the country-the self-interest of squabbling bourgeois
    groups that cannot come to terms, rival capitalist groups that
    unmask themselves a hundred times more effectively than communist
    propaganda can do. In no country or state can the working
    class-even if it is most revolutionary-ever he revolutionised by
    any propaganda and agitation unless that agitation is backed up in
    practice by the behaviour of the ruling classes of that
    country.

What is now taking place in all capitalist countries (and this
    will develop even more with time, particularly in a country like
    Poland) makes us confident that, if we emerged victorious from a
    war undoubtedly far more arduous, and if we have correctly
    assessed the discord and the impossibility of reconciliation among
    the bourgeoisie of various groups and parties at times when. they
    stand in particular need of such unity, the present improvement in
    our international position is enormous. This fills us with
    confidence, not only in view of the internal alignment of forces,
    but also of our international position. If we consider the entire
    system of present-day imperialist states, and all their
    strivings-and we know-that their urge to use any moment for an
    attack on Russia is irresistible-and appraise them quite
    objectively in the light of the incontrovertible facts of the
    history of recent years and particularly of the past six months,
    we shall see that the international enemy is weakening, that all
    attempts at an alliance between the imperialists are becoming more
    and more futile, and that, from this aspect, our victory is
    assured.

However, comrades, while working on economic problems and
    concentrating all our attention on peaceful economic construction,
    we must rapidly re-form our ranks as we face the approach of a new
    war. Our entire army, which has recently been a labour army,[3]must now turn its attention to other
    matters. We must discontinue everything else and concentrate on
    this new war. We are perfectly aware that, after all that we have
    been through, we do not have to fear the enemy now facing us, but
    he may impose new and heavy sacrifices on the workers and
    peasants, may greatly impede our economic construction, and bring
    about the devastation and ruin of tens, hundreds and thousands of
    peasant households. He may also, by his temporary success, revive
    the extinct hopes of the imperialists we have defeated, who will
    of course not fail to join forces with this enemy. We must,
    therefore, declare that the rule we have followed throughout all
    previous wars must be resolutely reinforced. Since, despite all
    our most conciliatory intentions and the fact that we made great
    concessions and renounced all national claims, the Polish
    landowners and the Polish bourgeoisie have forced a war on us;
    since we are certain, and we must be certain, that the bourgeoisie
    of all countries, even those that at present are not helping the
    Poles, will help them when the war flares up, because it is not
    only a Russian or a Polish issue, but one of the survival of the
    entire bourgeoisie-then we must remember and at all costs
    implement the rule which we have followed in our policy and which
    has always been a guarantee of our success. That rule is: once
    things have led to war, everything must be subordinated to the war
    effort; the entire internal life of the country must he
    subordinated to wartime needs; the slightest hesitation on this
    score is inexcusable. No matter how hard it is for the great
    majority of comrades to tear themselves away from their work,
    which has only recently been switched onto a new course, more
    gratifying and essential to the tasks of peaceful construction, it
    must be remembered that the least oversight or inattention may
    often mean the deaths of tens of thousands of our best comrades,
    our younger generation of workers and peasants, our Communists
    who, as always, are in the front ranks of the lighters. Therefore,
    once more—everything for the war effort. No meeting, no
    conference should he held without having as its first item the
    question: have we done everything possible to help the war effort;
    have our forces been sufficiently mobilised; have we sent
    sufficient help to the front? Only those people who cannot help at
    the front should remain here. Every sacrifice, every assistance
    for the front, without the least hesitation! And, by concentrating
    all efforts and making every sacrifice, we shall undoubtedly
    triumph again.(Applause.)

[1]Thejoint session of the All-Russia Central Executive
    Committee, the Moscow Soviet, and representatives of Moscow trade
    unions  and factory committees,held on May 5, 1920, was
    called in connection with the offensive launched by the whiteguard
    Poles against Soviet Russia. The session was also attended by 300
    worker Communists from Petrograd who ware going to the Polish
    front. A single item was discussed-the position on the Polish
    front. The session unanimously adopted a resolution calling upon
    the workers and peasants to bend every effort for the defeat of
    bourgeois-landowner Poland.—Editor.

[2]The reference is to theConference of the Entente Powersheld at San Remo (Italy) in April 1920. Among questions discussed
      at the Conference were the draft peace treaty with Turkey, and
      Germany’s observation of the Treaty of
      Versailles.—Editor.

[3]The use of Red Army regular units as labour detachments for
    construction work was occasioned by the situation in the country
    during the peaceful respite early in 1920, when any day could
    bring a resumption of the imperialists’ armed
    intervention. In February 1920, in connection with the formation
    of the labour army, Lenin pointed out, “The task of the
    transition from war to peaceful development arises in such
    peculiar conditions that we cannot disband the army, since we have
    to allow, say, for the possibility of an attack by that selfsame
    Poland or any of the powers which the Entente continues to incite
    against us” (SeeReport On The Work
	Of The All-Russia Central Executive Committee And The Council Of
	People’s Commissars Delivered At The First Session Of The
	All-Russia Central Executive Committee, Seventh
	Convocation).

The war that broke out against
      bourgeois-landowner Poland and Wrangel made necessary the transfer
      of the labour detachments to a wartime
      footing.—Editor.