To the International Socialist Committee (I.S.C.)

Written:Written not earlier than September 12 (25), 1915Published:First published inPravdaNo. 203, September 6, 1925.

      Published according to the manuscript.Source:Lenin
	  Collected Works,

      Progress Publishers,[197[4]],

      Moscow,Volume 21,

      pages372-377.Translated:Transcription\Markup:D. WaltersandR. CymbalaPublic Domain:Lenin Internet Archive

      2003

      (2005).You may freely copy, distribute,
	display and perform this work; as well as make derivative and
	commercial works. Please credit “Marxists Internet
	Archive” as your source.

DearComrades:

Wehave received your letter of September 25, and hereby express our full
    sympathy with the plan to set up a perma-nent international “enlarged
    committee”(erweiterte Kern. mission)in Berne. In the
    confidence that the idea of such a plan is shared by the other organisations
    adhering to the I.S.C., we appoint Zinoviev member of that enlarged
    committee from the Central Committee of the R.S.D.L.P., and, as his
    assistants or candidates(suppléant,Stellvertreter) (1)
    Comrade
Petrova[4]and (2) Comrade Lenin. The address for
    communications is:Herrn Radomislsky (bei Frau Aschwanden). Hertenstein
    (Ks. tuzern).
Schweiz.[1]

Tocontinue. As for the other questions raised in your letter of
    September 25, we, for our part, hold the following opinion:

I.We are in complete agreement with you that the “common points of
    view”(ailgerneine Gesichtspunkte)as established by the
    Conference of September 5-8 are “insufficient”(nicht
    genügen).A further, far more detailed and specified development
    of these principles is an imperative necessity. This is necessary from the
    viewpoint of both principle and common practice, since giving effect tounited actionon an international scale calls for both clarity of
    fundamental ideological views and a precise definiteness in all practical
    methods of action. The great crisis that Europe as a whole and the European
    working-class movement are livingthrough can indubitably lead to both
    aspects of the matter being understood by the masses only by degrees, but it
    is the task of the I.S.C. and the parties adhering to it to help bring about
    that very understanding. Without waiting for the impossible to
    happen—the speedy unification of all on a platform of commonly
    accepted and precisely formulated views—we must strive for aprecisedefinition of thebasic currentsandtrendsin present-day internationalist socialism, and then for the
    working masses to get a knowledge of those currents., discuss them
    comprehensively, and test them in the experience of their practical
    movement. In our opinion, the I.S.C. should consider this its principal
    task.

2.Theletter of September 25 defines the proletariat’s tasks
    either as the struggle for peace (should the war continue or as the
    “concrete and detailed formulation of the proletariat’s
    international viewpoint towards the various proposals and programmes for
    peace”den internationalen Standpunkt des Proleriats zu den
    venschiedenen Friedensvorschlägen and Programmen konkret and ins
    einzelne gehend zu unschreiben).Special emphasis is placed, in this
    connection, on the national question (Alsace-Lorraine, Poland, Armenia,
    etc.).

Weconsider that the two documents unanimously adopted by the Conference
    of September 5-8, viz., both the manifesto and the resolution of sympathy(Syrnpathieen/darung), give expression to the idea of the
    connectionbetween the struggle for peace and the struggle for
    socialism (“the struggle for peace ... is a struggle for
    socialism”—“dieser Kampf ist der Kampf ... für
    den Sozialisnzus”, to quote the manifesto), and the
    “irreconcilable proletarian class struggle”(unver-sohnlic/zer proletanischer Klassen/campf;the text of the
    resolution voted on by the Conference reads, not the
    “irreconcilable” class struggle, but the
    “revolutionary” class struggle. If the change was made for
    considerations of legality, the meaning should net have been changed
    thereby). The resolution on sympathy speaks forthright of the
    Con-ference’s need and “solemn promise” to arouse the
    revolu-tionary spirit in the masses of the international
    proletariat”.

Unlessit is linked up with the revolutionary class struggle of the
    proletariat, the struggle for peace is merely apacifist phrase of bourgeois
      who are either sentimental or are deceiving the people.

Wecannot and must not strike a pose of “statesmen” and draw
      up “concrete” programmes of peace. On the contrary, we must
      explain to the masses the delusiveness of all hopes of a democratic peace
      (without annexations, violence or plunder),withouta development
      of the revolutionary class struggle. In the very beginning of the manifesto
      we told the masses firmly, clearly and resolutely that imperialism is the
      cause of war, and that imperialism means the “enslave-ment” of
      nations, of all the nations of the world, by a handful of “Great
      Powers”. Consequently, we must help the masses to overthrow
      imperialism, without the overthrow of which there can be no peace without
      annexations. Of course, the struggle for the overthrow of imperialism is an
      arduous one, but the masses must know thetruthabout that arduous
      but necessary struggle. The masses should not be lulled with the hope that
      peace is possible without the overthrow of imperialism.

3.Proceedingfrom these considerations, we propose:

thatthe following questions be put on the agenda of forthcoming sessions
      of the enlarged committee (to work out either a summary and publication of
      theses, or drafts of a resolution), and then on the agenda of the next
      international conference (for the final adoption of a resolution):

(a)the connection between the struggle for peace and mass revolutionary
    action or the revolutionary class struggle of the proletariat;

(b)the self-determination of nations;

(c)the connection between social-patriotism and opportunism.

Weemphasise that the manifesto adopted by the con-ference specificallytouches upon allthese questions, that they are of vital
    significance both in principle and in practice, and thatnot a
    singlepractical step in the proletarian struggleis
    conceivablewithout socialists and syndicalists stumbling upon these
    questions.

Elaborationof these questions is necessary so as to pro-mote the mass
    struggle for peace, the self-determination of nations, and socialism, and
    against the “capitalistslies” (to quote the manifesto) about
    “defence of the father-land” in the present war.

If,as is very correctly pointed out in the letter of Sep-tember 25, the
    fault or the misfortune of the Second International lies in the vagueness
    and the incorn-plete development of important problems, it is our task to
    help the masses pose those problems with clarity and re-solve them with
    exactness.

4.Regardingthe publication of the bulletin in three languages,
    experience has, in our opinion, shown that the plan is ill-advised. If
    issued monthly, such a publication will cost between two and three thousand
    francs a year, a sum that cannot easily be raised. Incidentally almost
    everything to be found in the bulletin is published by twoSwiss
    newspapers-Berner Tagcac1ttandLa Sentinelle.[5]We propose to the I.S.C.:

thatan attempt be made to reach an
      understanding with the editorial boards of the above newspapers and with
      some U.S. newspaper, regarding publication in these newspapers both of the
      bulletin and of all reports and materials of the I.S.C. (either textually in
      the name of the I.S.C., or in separate supplements).

Thiswill not only he cheaper but will make it possible to keep the
    working class far better, more fully and more frequently informed of the
    I.S.C.’s activities. We are inter-ested in a greater number of
    workers reading I.S.C. reports, and in all draft resolutions being published
    for the workers’ information and to help them evolve their own
    attitude towards the var.

Wehope that there will he no objections to the need to publish both the
    draft resolution (for whose acceptance as a basis 12 delegates, i.e., about
    40 per cent of the total number, cast their votes, with 19 against) and the
    letter from a prominent German
socialist[6](with omission of his name and
    of everything that doesnotrefer to tactics).

Wehope that the I.S.C. will receive systematic infor-mation from the
    various countries regarding persecution and arrests for participation in the
    anti-war struggle, the course of the class struggle against the war,
    fraternising in the trenches, the closing down of newspapers, the banning of
    publication of calls for peace, etc. We also hope thatall this information
    will periodically appear in the newspapers mentioned above, on behalf of
    the l.S.C.

Anagreement with an American daily or weekly paper could probably be
    reached by Mrs. Kollontai, who works inNashe Slovoand other
    Social-Democratic newspapers, and has just left for the U.S.A. on a lecture
    tour. We could get in touch with Kollontai, or let you know her address.

5.Regardingthe mode of representation ofsections ofparties
    (particularly in Germany and France, and also, probably, in Britain), we
    propose:

thatthe I.S.C. suggest to the comrades in those par-ties that they
      discuss the advisability of setting up groups, under various names, whose
      appeals to the masses (in the form of leaflets, resolutions, etc.) will be
      published by the I.S.C., with the mention of the particular group in
      question.

Ifthis method is followed, the masses, in the first place, would be kept
    informed of the internationalists’ tactics and views, this despite the
    military censorship; secondly, it would be possible to discern the
    development and the successes achieved in the propaganda of internationalist
    views, in the degree that workers’ meetings, organisations, etc.,
    adopt resolutions of sympathy with one group or another; thirdly, it would
    become possible to give expression to various shades of opinion (i.e.,
    theB.S.P.,[2]itsminority,and theI.L.P.[3]in Britain;
    socialists like Bourderon and others, and syndicalists like Merrheim and
    others, in France; as the Conference has shown, there are shades among the
    opposition in Germany).

Itgoes without saying that these groups, as is pointed out in the letter
    of September 25, would not set up separate organisational units, but would
    exist within the old bodiesonlyfor contacts with the I.S.C. and
    for propaganda of the struggle for peace.

Thesegroups would be represented in the “enlarged committee”
    and at conferences.

6.Inthe question of the number of members on the “enlarged
    committee”, and of voting procedure, we propose the following:

thatthe number of members should not he limited to a maximum of three,
      but, instead,fractionsof votes (½, ¾ etc.) should be
      introduced for small groups.

Thiswould he convenient, since to deprive of represen-tation groups that
      have their own shades of opinion is just impossible, and injurious to the
      development and propaganda among the masses of the principles established in
      the manifesto.

7.Withreference to the danger of the “enlarged com-mittee”
      acquiring a “Russo-Polish character”, we think that (however
      unpleasant that may be to the Russians), this apprehension isjustified,since representation is possible of groups in
      emigration,which haveno serious links with Russia. In our
      opinion, only those organisations and groups should be represented which
      have proved, byno less than three years of work,their ability to
      represent the movement in Russia. We propose to the I.S.C. that it discuss
      and estab-lish that principle, and also request all groups to send in
    information and figures on their work in Russia.

8.Finally,we would take advantage of this opportunity to indicate an
      inaccuracy in No. I of theBulletin[7]and ask that it he
      rectified in No. 2 (or inBerner TagwachtandLa
	Sentinelle).Issue No. I of theBulletin, p. 7,the top of
      column I, speaks of the draft resolution having been signed by the Central
      Committee, the Polish Social-Democrats(Lanclesvorstand),the
      Letts, Swedes, and Norwegians. Omitted in this enumeration are:

oneGerman
      delegate (whose name is not given for reasons readily understood), and one
      Swiss-Platten.

[1]Mr.Radomislsky, c/o Mme. Ascliwanden, Hertenstein, Lucerne
      Canton. Switzerland.—Ed.

[2]TheBritish Socialist Party.—Ed.

[3]TheIndependent Labour Party.—Ed.

[4]Petrova—Inessa Armand.

[5]LaSentinelle—organ of the Social-Democratic organisation of
    Neuchatel Canton, French-speaking Switzerland, published at Chaux-de-Fonds
    from 1890 onwards. Pursued an internationalist policy in the first years of
    World War I (1914-18) and its November 13, 1914 issue (No. 265) carried an
    abridged version of the R.S.D.L.P. Central Committee Manifesto,The War and Russian
    Social-Democracy.

[6]Leninis
    referring to Karl Liebknecht’s letter of September 2, 1915, addressed to the
    Zimmerwald International Sotialist Conference, which was not published at
    the time. Liebknecht was unable to take part in the Conference because lie
    was called to the colours as a private, early in 1915. In his letter,
    Liebknecht called upon the delegates to strive, not for a “class truce” but
    for civil war, the international unity of socialists of all belligerent
    countries, a struggle against the imperialist war and a break with the
    socialchauvinists. The letter was welcomed by most of the delegates.

[7]Leninis referring to the Bulletin of the International Socialist
      Committee in Berne (“Bulletin” Inlernatienale sozialistische
      Kommission zu Bern), the Executive of the Zimmerwald organisation. The
      Bulletin was published from September 1915 to January 1917 in English,
      French arid German Six issues appeared.