To:CLARA ZETKIN AND PAUL LEVI[1]

Published:First published in 1958 in the magazineWorld Marxist ReviewNo. 2.

      Printed from a typewritten copy with Lenin’s remarks.

      Translated from the German.Source:Lenin
	  Collected Works,

      Progress Publishers,1976,

      Moscow,Volume 45,

      pages124-125a.Translated:Yuri SdobnikovTranscription\Markup:R. CymbalaPublic Domain:Lenin Internet ArchiveYou may freely copy, distribute,
	display and perform this work; as well as make derivative and
	commercial works. Please credit “Marxists Internet
	Archive” as your source.•README

ComradesZetkin and Levi:

Thankyou very much for your letters, dear Friends.
Unfortunately, I have been so busy and so overworked in
the last few weeks that I have had practically no
opportunity to read the German press. The only thing I have seen
is the Open
Letter,[2]which I think isperfectly correcttactics (I have condemned the contrary opinion of our
“Lefts” who were opposed to this letter). As for the recent
strike movement and the action in Germany, I have read
absolutely nothing about
it.[3]I readily believe that the
representative of the Executive Committee defended the
silly tactics, which were too much to the left—to take
immediate action “to help the Russians”: this representative
is very often too
Left.[4]I think that in such cases you
should not give in but should protest and immediately
bring up this question officially at a plenary meeting of
the Executive Bureau.

Iconsider your tactics in respect of Serrati erroneous.
Any defence or even semi-defence of Serrati was a mistake.
But to withdraw from the Central Committee!!?? That, in
any case, was the biggest mistake! If we tolerate the
practice of responsible members of the Central Committee
withdrawing from it when they are left in a minority, the
Communist Parties will never develop normally or  become
strong.[5]Instead of withdrawing, it would have been
better to discuss the controversial question several timesjointlywith the Executive Committee. Now, Comrade Levi
wants to write a pamphlet, i.e., to deepen the
contradiction! What is the use of all this?? I am convinced that it
is a big
mistake.[6]

Whynot wait? The congress opens here on
June 1.[7]Why not have a private discussion here,beforethe congress?Without public polemics, without withdrawals, without
pamphlets on differences. We are so short of tried and
tested forces that I am really indignant when I hear
comrades announcing their withdrawal, etc. There is need to
do everything possible and a few things that are impossible
to avoid withdrawals and aggravation of differences at all
costs.

Ourposition in February and March was grave. This is
a peasant country, with a peasant economy—the vast
majority of the population. They vacillate, they are ruined and
are disgruntled. But we should not be too pessimistic.
We have made some timely concessions. And I am sure
that we shall win.

Bestregards and wishes.

Yours,Lenin

[1]Onthe copy, Lenin made the following remarks: “This is my 
 reply to Levi and Zetkin, 16/4, 1921”, “Keep in the archives. Make 
 another2or3 copies”, “Return”, “received 17/V—1921”.—Ed.

[2]The“Open Letter” (“Offener Brief”) from the Central Committee
of the United Communist Party of Germany to the Socialist Party
of Germany, the Independent Social-Democratic Party of
Germany, the Communist Workers’ Party of Germany, and to nil
trade union organisations was published inDie Rote FahneNo. 11
on January 8, 1921. The letter urged nil workers’, trade union
and socialist organisations in Germany to join efforts in fightingthe growing reaction and the capitalist offensive against the
working people’s vital rights.

Althoughthe workers came out in favour of the united
proletarian front, the proposal for joint action with the Communists
was rejected by the Right-wing leadership of the organisations
to which the “Open Letter” was addressed.

[3]Areference to armed action by the proletariat of Germany in
March 1921.

TheLeft-wing majority of the C.C. of the United Communist
Party of Germany, proceeding from the so-called “theory of the
offensive”, whose supporters held that offensive tactics were the
only correct ones in any situation, regardless of the concrete
political conditions, pushed the workers towards a premature
uprising. Making use of this, the German bourgeoisie provoked
armed action at an unfavourable moment. An uprising broke
out in several areas of Central Germany in March 1921. Despite
the workers’ heroic action, the uprising was put down, because
the majority of the working class had not been prepared for the
action and had not taken part in the fighting.

[4]Areference to Béla Kun, then member of the Presidium of the
Comintern Executive Committee.

[5]PaulLevi attended the Seventeenth Congress of the Italian
Socialist Party as a representative of the United Communist Party
of Germany. The congress was held at Livorno from January 15
to 21, 1921, and marked a split in the Party. Upon his return
to Germany Levi came out in defence of the Italian Centrists
headed by Giacinto Serrati. On February 24, 1921, after the Central
Committee of the United Communist Party of Germany adopted
a resolution against Serrati and his supporters, and welcomed
the establishment of the Communist Party of Italy, five members
of the Central Committee of the United Communist Party of
Germany (Otto Braß, Ernst Däumig, A. Hoffmann, Paul Levi, and
Clara Zetkin) withdrew from the C.C., saying that they disagreed
with the Central Committee.

[6]OnMarch 29, 1921, Paul Levi wrote Lenin a letter to which the
present document is a reply. Levi condemned the March action
and declared that he was withdrawing from the Party
leadership and would write a pamphlet setting out his views.

Inearly April 1921, Levi issued a pamphlet entitledUnser
Weg.Wider den Putschismus(“Our Way. Against Putschism”),
in which lie called the struggle of hundreds of thousands of
German proletarians a “Bakuninist putsch”. Levi urged the workers
to condemn the Communists, alleging that they were responsible
for the defeat of the uprising. On April 15, 1921, the Central
Committee of the U.C.P.G. expelled Levi from the Party for a gross
breach of the Party discipline and the harm done to the Party
by the publication of his pamphlet, and demanded that he giveup his parliamentary seat. On April 29, the Comintern Executive
Committee endorsed the decision of the U.C.P.G. Central
Committee expelling Levi from the Party. The question of the tactical
differences which arose in connection with the March action was
referred to the Third Congress of the Comintern, which confirmed
Levi’s expulsion from the Party. Subsequently Levi went over
entirely to Social-Democratic positions and carried on a light
against the Communist International.

[7]Areference to the Third Congress of the Communist International,
which opened in Moscow on June 22, 1921.