## SOURCE: LS/vol. XXV

**XL**
**THE COPENHAGEN**
**INTERNATIONAL SOCIALIST CONGRESS**

"NOTES ON THE MEETING OF THE INTERNATIONAL 
SOCIALIST BUREAU.
[August 26, 1910. Copenhagen.]

On Monday at 9 a.m. session of [national] sections
1) verification of mandates
2) appointment of members of [commissions]

Agenda:*
a) 1) cooperatives]
b) 2) unemployment]
c) 3) arbitration courts—Disarmament**
d) 4) resolution] [on] labor legislation]
e) 5) capital punishment]
f) 6) implementation of decisions of international congress]
g) 7) organization of international solidarity]
[In each commission not less than 
4 members from each nation]

Friday, August 26, 1910:
900 delegates:

* questions to be resolved; order of business. Ed.
** disarmament. Ed.

---

Trade union matters *2) [unemployment]] + ...** [resolution] [on labor 
legislation]]
(g)
organization 
of 
international 
solidarity 
+ 
professional 
combination (Austrian resolution).

Lenin. Martin [ov]:
(C)
3) Militarism
3) arbitration courts + Disarmament] *** — implementation] of congress 
decisions 
[Warski]
Martov:
4) [+ capital punishment] [interparliamentary]... 
+ workers' insurance + resolutions about labor legislation
unemployment]
[+ colonial policy]
[it, it seems, was postponed for 3 years]
5) the remainder
all new 
via the bureau
b) remaining:
[Finland, Persia, Turkey, Argentina; (resolution] 
on unification
capital punishment] (Kamenev.
\Winnitzki.
Secretary] Kamenev
4; Social policy **** —
Zinoviev. Olgin.

* trade union questions. Ed.
** Here (in two places) crossed-out words are not legible. Ed.
*** disarmament. Ed.
**** social policy. Ed.

---

**NOTES ON THE MEETING OF THE INTERNATIONAL SOCIALIST BUREAU 
IN COPENHAGEN ON AUGUST 26, 1910**
Reduced

LENIN COLLECTION

**NOTES ON THE COMMISSION DRAFT RESOLUTION 
ON COOPERATIVES*.
[No earlier than September 1, 1910. Copenhagen.]

**Commission I.
COOPERATIVE SYSTEM.**

In consideration that...
the Congress declares
that the cooperative movement, although it alone can never bring about 
the emancipation of labor, can nevertheless be an effective weapon in the 
class struggle that the working class wages in order to achieve its urgent 
goal—the conquest of political and economic power for the purpose of the 
socialization of all means of production and exchange—and that the working 
class has the strongest interest in using this weapon...

**Commission I.
COOPERATION.**

Considering that consumer cooperative societies provide not only imme
diate material advantages to their members, but are destined:

1. to increase the power of the proletariat through the elimination of 
middlemen and through the creation of production services, dependent upon 
organized consumers;

2. to improve the conditions of working life;

3. to educate workers for the independent management of their own af
fairs in complete autonomy, and thus to help them prepare for the democra
tization and socialization of the forces of exchange and production.

Considering that cooperation, by itself alone, would be powerless to 
achieve the goal pursued by socialism, which is the conquest of public power 
for the collective appropriation of the means of labor.

The Congress, while warning workers against those who maintain that 
cooperation is sufficient unto itself, declares that the working class has the 
most powerful interest in employing the cooperative weapon in its class struggle.

* The notes and underlinings in the draft resolution on cooperatives 
were made by Lenin in pencil on a printed copy of the resolution in the 
three official languages of international congresses—German, French, English. 
All three texts were printed in parallel columns on one side of the sheet. 
On the reverse blank side Lenin wrote the word "Cooperation" twice. Ed.

---

**THE COPENHAGEN CONGRESS**

**NOTES ON THE COMMISSION DRAFT RESOLUTION 
ON COOPERATIVES.
[No earlier than September 1, 1910. Copenhagen.]

Commission I.
NATURE OF COOPERATION.

Taking into account that...
the Congress declares
that the cooperative movement, although by itself it can never lead to the 
emancipation of labor, can nevertheless be an effective weapon in the class 
struggle waged by the working class in order to achieve its vital goal—the 
conquest of political and economic power for the purpose of socializing all 
means of production and exchange—and that the working class is in the high
est degree interested in employing this weapon...

Commission I.
COOPERATION.

Taking into account that consumer cooperative associations provide not 
only immediate material advantages to their members, but are called upon:

1) to increase the power of the proletariat through the elimination of 
middlemen and through the creation of production enterprises subject to or
ganized consumers;

2) to improve the conditions of workers' lives;

3) to educate workers in the spirit of completely independent manage
ment of their own affairs and thus to help them prepare for the democratiza
tion and socialization of the forces of exchange and production;

considering that cooperation alone would be unable to achieve the goal 
pursued by socialism, which consists in the conquest of power for the so
cialization of the means of labor,—

the Congress, in every way warning workers against those who assert that 
cooperation is capable of managing by itself, declares that the working class 
is in the highest degree interested in employing the cooperative weapon in 
its class struggle.

It therefore calls upon all socialists and all members of trade unions to 
actively participate in the cooperative movement, in order to develop the 
spirit of socialism within them and to prevent cooperatives from deviating 
from their role of education and working-class solidarity.

Socialist cooperators have the duty to struggle within their societies:

1. so that surpluses are not exclusively returned to members, but so that 
a portion is allocated, either by the cooperatives themselves or by the Federa
tions or wholesale stores, to the support of their members, to the development 
of cooperative production, to educational and instructional purposes;

2. so that the conditions of wages and labor in cooperatives are regulated 
in agreement with the trade unions;

3. so that the organization of labor in them is exemplary, and so that 
purchases of goods are made with regard to the working conditions of those 
who produced them.

It is up to various cooperatives in each country to decide whether and to 
what extent they will directly aid the political and trade union movement 
from their resources.

Given that the services that cooperation can render to the working class 
will be all the greater the stronger and more united the cooperative move
ment itself becomes, the Congress declares that the cooperatives of each coun
try, organized on the basis of the present resolution, must form a single Fed
eration.

It further declares that the working class, in its struggle against capital
ism, has the greatest interest in ensuring that trade unions, cooperatives, 
and the socialist party, while maintaining their full autonomy and integrity, 
be united by relations that become increasingly closer.

For this reason it obligates all socialists and all members of trade unions 
to actively participate in the cooperative movement, in order to develop so
cialist spirit within them and in order to prevent cooperatives from deviating 
from their role of education and working-class solidarity.

Socialist cooperators must struggle within their associations for:

1) so that surplus income is not used exclusively for distribution to mem
bers, but so that a portion of it is designated either by the cooperatives 
themselves or by Federations or wholesale stores for the support of their mem
bers, for the development of cooperative production, for educational and in
structional purposes;

2) so that wage and labor conditions in cooperatives are regulated in 
agreement with trade unions;

3) so that labor organization in cooperatives be exemplary and so that 
purchases of goods be made with consideration for the labor conditions of 
those who produced them.

It belongs to various cooperatives in each country to decide the question 
of whether and to what degree they will directly assist the political and 
trade union movement from their resources.

Taking into account that the services which cooperation can render to 
the working class will be the greater, the stronger and more united the co
operative movement itself becomes, the Congress declares that cooperatives 
in each country, organized on the basis of this resolution, must form a single 
Federation.

Furthermore, it declares that the working class, in its struggle against 
capitalism, is in the maximum degree interested in ensuring that trade unions, 
cooperatives, and the socialist party, while maintaining full autonomy and 
integrity, be connected by relations that become ever more intimate.

---

1 Lenin participated in the work of the cooperative commission of the Congress, 
and the present copy of the draft resolution with his notes constitutes part 
of Lenin's materials on his work in this commission. Regarding the work of 
the Congress on the question of cooperatives and the participation of the Rus
sian Social-Democratic delegation, including his own participation, Lenin 
recounts in his article: "The Question of Cooperatives at the International 
Socialist Congress in Copenhagen," published in *Sotsialdemokrat* No. 17, 
October 8, 1910 (Works, vol. XIV, 357). Based on the content of the draft 
resolution with Lenin's notes presented here and on the basis of references 
in his article, one may conclude that this is the final draft of the cooperative 
commission, subsequently adopted by the Congress.

---

**NOTES ON "LEIPZIGER VOLKSZEITUNG" NO. 204, SEPTEMBER 5, 1910.
[September 4, 1910. Copenhagen.]

**INTERNATIONAL SOCIALIST CONGRESS.

First Commission (Cooperative Commission)**

...A lengthy debate between nationalities broke out first over the resolu
tion, since the Czechs demanded the consolidation of cooperatives not of each 
country but of each nation. Taking part in the debate from the Czech side 
were Modratschek, from the Austrian Germans Seliger and Karpeles. The Czech 
amendment was rejected against their votes.—Lenin (Russia) proposed to rec
ognize the democratizing and socializing effect of cooperatives only from the 
time when capitalists would be expropriated. The proposal was rejected by a 
small minority.—Wurm proposed not to speak of an obligation for party mem
bers but instead of "obligated" to say "most urgently invited." This was the 
only amendment that was adopted.

Thus the overall resolution with the Wurm amendment was adopted unanim
ously except for 2 votes (Modratschek and Lenin). With this the commission 
completed its assigned work.

---

**NOTES ON "LEIPZIGER VOLKSZEITUNG" (LEIPZIG PEOPLE'S NEWSPAPER) 
NO. 204, SEPTEMBER 5, 1910.
[September 4, 1910. Copenhagen]

**INTERNATIONAL SOCIALIST CONGRESS.

First Commission (Cooperative Commission)**

...First of all, lengthy debate broke out between nationalities over the 
resolution, since the Czechs demanded the consolidation of cooperatives not 
of each country but of each nation. Taking part in the debate on the Czech 
side were Modratschek, on the Austrian German side Seliger and Karpeles. 
The Czech amendment was rejected against the votes of the Czechs.—Lenin 
(Russia) proposed to recognize the democratizing and socializing effect of 
cooperatives only from the time when capitalists would be expropriated. The 
proposal was rejected against an insignificant minority.—Wurm proposed not 
to speak of obligation for party members but instead of "obligated" to say: 
"most urgently invited." This was the only adopted amendment.

The resolution in its entirety with Wurm's amendment was adopted unani
mously except for two votes (Modratschek and Lenin). With this the commis
sion concluded the work entrusted to it.

---

**LECTURE OUTLINE.
[Between September 16 and 26, 1910. Copenhagen.]

**The International Socialist Congress in Copenhagen and Its Significance.**

1. International capital, its international organization, international 
character of the workers' movement.
["Workers of all countries, unite!"]

2. The First International
1864—1872

3. The Second International
1889—1st Congress in Paris
1910—8th Congress in Copenhagen
[33 nations; about 1000 delegates]

4. Significance of international congresses in uniting the working class 
and determining its line: Amsterdam.

5. Copenhagen Congress: Czechs and Austrians. [Nationalism and inter
nationalism, bourgeois and proletarian policy].

6. Cooperatives
(Organization? in proletarian struggle:
(A) proletarian and bourgeois viewpoint
(B) significance of cooperation in the implementation of socialism: 
expropriation
(C) conduct of socialists in cooperation)

7. Support of the revolutionary movement in Persia (raid?) and [against] 
oppression of Finland.

---

1 The present document represents the outline of a lecture, most likely de
livered by Lenin in Copenhagen en route from Stockholm, where he traveled 
in mid-September to meet with his mother (M. A. Ulyanova) and sister (M. I. 
Ulyanova). On September 16 Lenin wrote to Copenhagen to M. K. Kobetsky, 
secretary of the local group supporting the RSDLP, about organizing a lecture 
on the Copenhagen Congress, planning it for "Monday evening" (September 26) 
(see Lenin's letter to Kobetsky of September 16, 1910 in the *Lenin Collection*, 
vol. XIII, 184). The lecture did indeed take place, as confirmed by August Lân 
in his reminiscence "Episode" in the collection *About Ilyich*, published by 
the Leningrad Institute of Party History, "Priboi" Publishers, 1926 (p. 100).

The date of compilation of the outline is established on the basis of two 
limiting dates: 1) the mentioned letter to Kobetsky (September 16), 2) Lenin's 
arrival in Copenhagen from Stockholm (September 26).

The word "raid?" in the text of the manuscript could apply to either Persia 
or Finland. In the first case, it refers to the raid of Russian Colonel Liakhov 
with a detachment of Russian troops in April 1910 on revolutionary Tabriz and 
their destruction of the Majlis. In the second case, the word "raid?" could 
mean the assault of the Tsarist government on Finland, expressed in a bill intro
duced by Stolypin in March 1910 in the State Duma "on the procedure for the 
enactment of laws and decrees concerning Finland of all-state significance" (see 
Lenin's article on this subject "The Assault on Finland," published in *Sotsial
demokrat* No. 13, May 9 [April 26], 1910; Works, vol. XIV, 271).

---

**NOTES ON THE DEBATE AT THE LECTURE IN COPENHAGEN.
[September 26, 1910. Copenhagen.]

1. [Socialist-revolutionary]:
1) nationalism is too strong to overcome it.
2) resolution on the Czechs*—how strong is the resolution?
"glossed over" the Czech question
3) South Germany?
{opportunists—for monarchy—for the budget}
4) Finland—excellent organization—but what now?
one nation—no class struggle
5) capitalists draw the worker into the noose through small improvements
6) there will be no revolution here and never will be (unions without 
revolutionary spirit)
7) not all nations can come together
8) the worker must go to his death even if— fall [with] heads held high*
the worker will be confused

10) The same Bebel spoke about good [improved] armament
11) [Gaideman]
12) Persia—Britain benefits from constitution
[electoral right
[constitution
[socialism
**Korman**: ("impossible to carry out the decisions of the international 
congress." "There must be sections" "national, not transnational unions.

Young social-democrats in Sweden:
1) rapprochement with liberals
2) struggle for revolutionary conduct in parliament
3) decisive struggle against anti-parliamentarism
Mek.

("Cooperatives through unification lead to independence")
Was there a question about a general strike in Sweden?*4

**II Bundist:**
(a) The bourgeoisie does not support cooperatives but fights them
(ß) socialist cooperation, not vice versa**
II (socialist-revolutionary)
no answer to the question about tactics·
"the Swedes are lost to the movement"!

---

1 Here is meant the Czech-Austrian conflict on the question of national pro
fessional unions, which had to be resolved by the Copenhagen Congress. Since 
the extraordinary convention of trade unions in 1905 in Vienna, the Czechs 
had insisted on the organization of trade unions within one country by nation
alities; the Austrians and together with them representatives of other nation
alities in Austria stood for the unity of trade unions and against fragmenting 
them by nationality. This question was discussed in the second commission of 
the Congress, which dealt with questions of the unity of the trade union move
ment and international solidarity. The commission and thereafter the plenary 
of the Congress declared themselves against Czech national separatism in the 
trade union movement.

The "Resolution on the Czechs" was this resolution on the unity of the trade 
union movement adopted by the Congress. Against Czech (and any other similar) 
national separatism the following part of this resolution was directed: "The 
Congress further declares that any attempt to fragment the internationally 
united unions into nationally divided parts comes into contradiction with the 
meaning and spirit of this resolution of the International Socialist Congress 
[i.e., the resolution of the Stuttgart Congress on the relationship between the 
political party and trade unions. Ed.]. The International Socialist Bureau and 
the International Secretariat of trade unions are invited in case of any conflicts 
on this matter to offer their services directly to the interested parties in order 
to settle the conflict in the spirit of agreement and socialist brotherhood."

2 Point 9 of this record of the remarks of the "first s.-r." is absent from 
the manuscript; point 8 is followed directly by point 10.

3 Not established who this was.

4 The reference is to the general strike in Sweden in August-September 1909. 
The question of it was touched upon in the commission and at the plenary of 
the Congress in the context of the question of international solidarity of the 
proletariat. This latter question was considered at the proposal of the Swedish 
Socialist Party, which felt that not all nations had sufficiently come to the aid 
of the Swedish proletariat during its general strike. On this question the Con
gress adopted a special resolution on international solidarity, in which it "em
phasized the international character of the workers' movement" and "called 
upon workers of all countries to provide moral and material support to strug
gling comrades on the broadest scale."

---

**NOTES ON A LETTER FROM THE INTERNATIONAL SOCIALIST BUREAU.
Received December 17, 1910

CIRCULAR LETTER TO THE AFFILIATED PARTIES.

Brussels, December 15, 1910.

Valued Comrades!

The International Congress of Copenhagen has adopted a resolution concern
ing arbitration and disarmament and has furthermore endorsed the following 
proposal:

**8.** The Congress decides that the Keir-Hardie-Vaillant amendment shall 
be referred to the I.S.B. for examination and that the Bureau shall then report 
to the next International Socialist Congress on the proposals contained in the 
amendment. (Signed:) Vandervelde, Hillquit, Wibaut, Rosa Luxembourg, Victor 
Adler, Ebert.

This Keir-Hardie-Vaillant amendment read as follows:

"Among all the means to be employed for the prevention and prevention of 
war,

the Congress considers

as particularly appropriate a general strike of workers, particularly in 
those* industries which supply war materiel (weapons, ammunition, transport, 
etc.) as well as agitation and intervention of the population, namely with the 
most vigorous means.

(Signed:) Ed. Vaillant, Keir-Hardie.

In their speeches the comrades who introduced the amendment pointed out 
that if the International at Stuttgart established the guidelines for anti-mili
tarist activity, it is the task of Copenhagen to find the means for realizing 
these ideas. If in legislative bodies the parliamentary representatives of the 
workers cannot achieve the elimination of the danger of war, then the orga
nized working class has the duty to intervene and thus prevent slaughter.

The comrades who introduced the amendment regarded primarily the strike 
of those workers especially engaged in the supply of war materiel as a practical 
means for this. Comrade Vandervelde, who made the proposal for referral, 
pointed out that the Keir-Hardie-Vaillant amendment has such broad scope 
that it is necessary first to have its content carefully examined and elaborated 
by the affiliated parties. A paper resolution has only very relative value, and 
with such an important subject it is of significance to see how much of it can 
be realized.

* [Trans. note: The text reads "in the industries" (German: "in den"), but Lenin corrected it to "in those industries." The original printing had "in die."]

---

**LETTER TO THE EDITORIAL OFFICE OF "SOTSIALDEMOKRAT".**
[December 17, 1910. Paris.]

I propose:

1) to print immediately in the Central Organ the translation of this letter 
(possibly with small cuts);

2) to appeal on our behalf to the trade unions (and also to the bureaus 
of trade unions in various cities) of transport workers, shipbuilding workers, 
workers at weapons, ammunition, artillery, military supplies factories, etc. 
(and in the absence of trade unions to groups of workers), so that they send 
to the Central Organ their materials, information, descriptions of past strikes, 
etc.

---

To this end, valued comrades, we present to you the Keir-Hardie-Vaillant 
amendment. We ask you to examine it carefully, contact the corresponding 
professional organizations, and send us a report in as short a time as possible. 
We have been charged with presenting the Vienna Congress with carefully col
lected material on this question, and we wish to achieve results favorable to 
anti-militarist ideas, which form the basis of our socialist organizations.

With socialist-democratic greetings,

The Executive Committee
Anseele. Furnemont. Vandervelde.
Secretary Camille Huysmans.

i.e.: transport workers, shipbuilding workers, military supplies factories, etc.

3) briefly and immediately print our opinion, (a) that the matter in ques
tion can be not about an isolated act of "preventing war" (forestalling it) 
but about the revolutionary onslaught of the masses of the proletariat in 
general, and (ß) that in the present state of affairs in Russia we attach the 
greatest significance to clarifying the course and conditions of the strikes of 
1905.

---

1 With this letter Lenin directed the circular of the I.S.B. of December 15, 
1910 (see the previous document, pp. 258-259) to the editorial office of 
*Sotsialdemokrat*.

2 The date is established on the basis of Lenin's notation: "received 12/17/10" 
on the circular letter of the I.S.B. of December 15, 1910.

3 The next issue (No. 19-20) of the Central Organ (*Sotsialdemokrat*) appeared 
only on January 26, 1911, and the I.S.B. letter was not printed in it.

---

**NOTES ON A LETTER FROM THE INTERNATIONAL SOCIALIST BUREAU.**
[July 17, 1911. Longjumeau near Paris.]

To the General Secretaries and Delegates of the Socialist Parties of all Countries.

Brussels, July 14, 1911.

Germany's sudden decision to send a cruiser to Morocco further worsens 
the tension in relations between the interested states. If you are of the opin
ion that it is time to convene a meeting of delegates of the socialist parties 
of Germany, France, Spain, and possibly also Great Britain, I would be very 
grateful if you would inform me of this by return mail.

In the event that one of the interested countries formally demands the con
vening of such a meeting, the latter could, given the desirability of Spain's 
participation, take place in Paris or Brussels, preferably on a Monday or Sat
urday.

With party greetings
Camille Huysmans.

To this circular we have received the following responses:

Paris, July 8, 1911.

While yesterday's newspapers reported a decision by you to convene the 
I.S.B., your letter of this morning has only a corresponding query as its sub
ject.

My previous letter has already given you the answer in advance, that the 
party leadership and the socialist parliamentary group have expressed the wish 
that any worsening of the Morocco situation should result in the convening 
of delegates of the corresponding countries—France and Spain—with the partic
ipation of the I.S.B., as soon as the Spanish socialist party expresses its agree
ment; our party leadership should immediately contact the Spanish socialist 
party on this matter.

The result of the dispatch of a German warship to Agadir and the compli
cations connected with it has been that this assembly, provided it is to take 
place, will have real success only if delegates of the German and British sec
tions of the International also participate in it; only the convening of the 
I.S.B. can conduct it effectively...

...Édouard Vaillant.

---

Berlin, July 8, 1911.

Valued Comrades!

I have not yet had the opportunity to present your letter to the Executive 
Committee. For now I wish to share my personal view, which I also expressed 
at a meeting on Tuesday.

I see in this whole maneuver something with which our statesmen want to 
distract general attention from internal conditions and create sentiment for 
Reichstag elections. With internal politics our government has reached such a 
state that it could arouse pity even in a dog. It is therefore resorting to the 
well-known means employed by Bismarck in 1887 with Boulanger and by Bülow 
in 1906 with the Hottentots. Only, I am inclined to expect any folly from 
Messrs. Bethmann-Hollweg and Kiderlen-Wächter, including folly that could 
lead to serious European conflicts...

...If these gentlemen Bethmann and Company suffer in this game a thorough 
defeat, which given their notorious incompetence is likely, then we shall have 
one more argument [for the elections].

I therefore believe that for now we can still wait with the conference.

With best greetings, H. Molkenbuhr.

---

London, July 10, 1911.

Valued Comrade,

Comrade MacDonald is of the opinion that if the present state of the Mo
rocco affair continues, preparations for a meeting of the I.S.B. should be made, 
and at the same time a public demonstration should be organized, in which 
representatives of various nations should participate as speakers. Comrade 
MacDonald attaches importance to this meeting taking place on neutral ground, 
chiefly in Brussels.

With party greetings
J. S. Middleton (Assistant Secretary).

Madrid, July 8, 1911.

Valued Comrade,

We have received a letter from the Executive Committee of the French 
Workers' Party (S.F.I.O.) in which we were proposed that the representatives 
of our two parties at the I.S.B.—in the event that events in Morocco make 
necessary a joint action of socialists of both countries—meet in order to resist 
the outbreak of war. We have answered that we agree with this suggestion, 
which could be put into reality as soon as one of the two parties considers it 
appropriate and the time suitable.

With party greetings
Pablo Iglesias. Meunier.

---

Zurich, July 10, 1911.

Valued Comrade,

As I understand it, a conference of the I.S.B. is to take place soon con
cerning the Morocco affair. I intend, if at all possible, to participate in the 
conference.

With party greetings
A. Bebel.

---

Zurich, July 12, 1911.

Valued Comrade,

The Morocco affair has recently taken on such a character that a confer
ence of the I.S.B. does not seem advisable to me for the present.

We should wait for the time being before convening the conference and 
not shoot our powder too early.

If the conference were to be in Paris, I could not participate, as I am 
banished from France and have no inclination to request residence permission 
from the French government.

With party greetings
A. Bebel.

---

**CONCLUSION.

In agreement with Comrade Bebel's view, it seems to us inexpedient to 
convene the Bureau at this moment. We propose to place this question on 
the agenda of the next annual session of the Bureau.

For the Executive Committee
Camille Huysmans
Secretary**