Congress of Peasants’ Deputies[1]

Published:PravdaNo. 34, April 16, 1917.

      Published according to the text inPravda.Source:Lenin
	  Collected Works,

      Progress Publishers,1964,

      Moscow,Volume 24,

      pages167-170.Translated:Isaacs BernardTranscription\Markup:B. BagginsandD. WaltersPublic Domain:Lenin Internet Archive

      1999

      (2005).You may freely copy, distribute,
	display and perform this work; as well as make derivative and
	commercial works. Please credit “Marxists Internet
	Archive” as your source.•README

[Description
      of the Congress]

ACongress of representatives of peasants’ organisations and
      Soviets of Peasants’ Deputies, who have met to draw up
      regulations for the convocation of an All-Russia Soviet of
      Peasants’ Deputies and to set up similar local Soviets, has been
      in session in the Taurida Palace since April 13.

AccordingtoDyelo Naroda,representatives from more
      than 20guberniasare attending the Congress.

Resolutionshave been adopted urging the need for the speediest
      organisation of the “peasantry” from bottom to “top”. “Soviets
      of Peasants’ Deputies functioning in the various areas” have
      been declared to be the “best form of organisation of the
      peasantry”.

Bykhovsky,a member of the provisional bureau for the
      convocation of tile present Congress, has pointed out that a
      decision to organise the peasantry by setting up an All-Russia
      Soviet of Peasants’ Deputies had been taken by theMoscow
      Co-operative
Congress,[2]representing an organised membership
      of twelve million, or fifty million of the population.

Thisis an undertaking of tremendous importance, which must be
      given every support. If it is carried out without delay, if the
      peasantry, in spite of Shingaryov, takes over all the land
      immediately by a majority decision and not by “voluntary
      agreement” with the landowners as he would have it, then not
      only the soldiers, who would receive more bread and meat, but
      also the cause of freedom would gain by it.

Forthe organisation of the peasants, carried out from below
      without the officials and without the “control and Supervision”
      of the landowners and their hangers-on, is the only reliable
      pledge of success for the revolution, for freedom,for the
      liberation of Russia from the yoke and bondage of the
      landowners.

Thereis no doubt that all members of our Party, all class-
      conscious workers, will do their utmost to support the
      organisation of Soviets of Peasants’ Deputies, will see to it
      that their numbers are increased and their strength
      consolidated, and will exert every effort to work inside these
      Soviets along consistent and strictly proletarian class
      lines.

Tocarry on this work, it is necessary to organise separately
      the proletarian elements (agricultural labourers, day-labourers,
      etc.)withinthe general peasant Soviets, or (sometimesand)set up separate Soviets of Agricultural Labourers’
      Deputies.

Ourobject is not to scatter forces; on the contrary, in order
      to strengthen and broaden the movement, we must arouse the
      “lowest”—to use the terminology of the
      landowners and capitalists—section of society, or, more
      correctly, class.

Tobuild up the movement, we must free it from the Influence of
      the bourgeoisie; we must try to rid it of the inevitable
      weaknesses, vacillations, and mistakes of the petty
      bourgeoisie.

Thiswork must be done by means of friendly persuasion, without
      anticipating events, without hurrying to “consolidate”
      organisationally that which the representatives of the rural
      proletarians and semi-proletarians have not yet fully realised,
      thought out, and digested forthemselves.But it must
      be done, and a start must be made at once every where.

Thepractical demands and slogans, or, more properly, the
      proposals that have to be made to gain theattentionof
      the peasants, should be based on vital and urgent issues.

Thefirst issue is that of the land. The rural proletarians will
      be for the complete and immediate transfer ofallthe
      land without exception to the whole people, and for its being
      taken over immediately by the local committees. But you cannot
      eat land. The millions of households that have no horses,
      implements, or seeds will gain nothing from the transfer of the
      land to the “people”.

Thequestion of continuing to run the big farms, wherever at all
      possible, as large-scale enterprises, directed by agriculturalexperts end the Soviets of Agricultural Labourers’ Deputies and
      using the best machines, seeds, and most efficient farming
      methods, must be discussed and practical measures taken without
      delay.

Wecannot conceal from the peasants, least of all from the rural
      proletarians and semi-proletarians, that small-scale farming
      under commodity economy and capitalismcannotrid
      humanity of mass poverty, that it is necessary tothinkabout going over to large-scale farming conducted on public
      lines and totackle this job at onceby teaching the
      masses, and in turnlearning from the masses,the
      practical expedient measures for bringing about such a
      transition.

Anothervital and pressing issue is that of the organisation and
      administration of the state. It is not enough to preach
      democracy, not enough to proclaim it and decree it, not enough
      to entrust the people’s “representatives” in representative
      institutions with its implementation. Democracy must bebuiltat once, from below, through the initiative of
      the masses themselves, through their effective participationin allfields of state activity, without “supervision”
      from above, without the bureaucracy.

Replacementof the police, the bureaucracy, and the standing
      army by the universal arming of the whole people, by a universalmilitiaof the entire people, women included, is a
      practical job that can and should be tackled immediately. The
      more initiative, variety, daring, and creativeness the masses
      contribute to this, the better. Not only the rural proletarians
      and semi-proletarians, but nine-tenths of the peasantry probably
      will follow us if we explain our proposals clearly, simply, and
      intelligibly by demonstrating examples and lessons from real
      life, Our proposals are:

—notto allow the restoration of the police;

—notto allow the restoration of the absolute powers of
      officials who, in effect, are undisplaceable and who belong to
      the landowner or capitalist class;

—not,to allow the restoration of a standing army separated from the people, for such an army is the surest guarantee
      that attempts of all kinds will be made to stamp out freedom and
      restore the monarchy;

—toteach the people, down to the very bottom, the art of
      government not only in theory but in practice, by beginningto
      makeimmediate use everywhere of the experience of the
      masses.

Democracyfrom below, democracy without an officialdom, without
      a police, without a standing army; voluntary social duty by amilitiaformed from a universally armed
      people—this is a guarantee of freedom which no tsars, no
      swash-buckling
      generals, and no capitalists can take away.

[1][PLACEHOLDER.]

[2][PLACEHOLDER.]