Page: 149

JULES GUESDE. "ON GUARD!"
NB

day when Millerandism became a common phenomenon, it would be necessary to say "goodbye" to any internationalism and become n a t i o n a l i s t s, which neither you nor I will ever agree to be.

(Universal Congress of French Socialist Organizations 1899.— Extract from the official stenographic record.)
(Page 175—176)...

"PARLIAMENTARISM AND REVOLUTION"
|| NB

..."Not only does not exclude one another, electoral struggle and revolutionary struggle complement, have always c o m p l e m e n t e d one another in our country, where—for all parties—a victorious uprising was merely the continuation, the completion of electoral struggle" (p. 90)....

(«Le Socialiste» November 10, 1894)

And immediately following this phrase:

"The antagonism which they would like to establish—there is no point asking: why?—between voting, which represents the beginning, and uprising, which represents the conclusion, has always existed only in hollow phraseology. History, our entire history, proves that the violation of legality (italics by author) has always and necessarily been preceded by the use of that very legality so long as it served as a defensive—and offensive—weapon for the new idea, new interests in the period of their growth and so long as a revolutionary situation had not yet been created" (p. 90).

"But it is especially absurd to divide the means (italics by author), to divide them into legal and illegal, peaceful and violent, so as to admit some and reject others" (p. 91—92).

(p. 92 counter-revolutionary general strike)

Ibidem.

"Peace and Disarmament are and can only be words—for the use of the naive and the clever—in capitalist society, a class society (italics by author), of today" (p. 184. "Le Socialiste," September 11, 1898).

Article "Why."


JULES GUESDE.
"ON GUARD!"

—legal, peaceful and violent, so as, admitting some, to reject others" (p. 91—92).

(p. 92 counter-revolutionary general strike)

Ibid.

"Peace and Disarmament—only words, and can only be words—for naive and clever people—in the present capitalist, class (italics by author) society" (p. 184. "Le Socialiste," September 11, 1898).

Article "Why."


"CLASS STRUGGLE AGAINST THE WAR!
MATERIALS ON THE 'LIEBKNECHT CASE'"

NB
Class struggle against war!
Materials on the "Liebknecht Case."
(88 pages) (("Published as a manuscript"!))

M o t t o: "The German socialists above all denounced the errors of German diplomacy; the French socialists above all denounced the errors of French diplomacy. When this spirit prevails in international relations, peace and law will be assured." Jaures, L'Humanité (April 1905).

p. 3: July 12, 1914 there was a demonstration for peace in France at "Conde-sur-l'Escaut" on the Belgian border. Liebknecht also spoke.—I cannot forget this—wrote Liebknecht.

July 23, 1914—Austria's ultimatum to Serbia. Quotations from Vorwarts and other newspapers of July 24 and 25—condemnation of Austria and Germany. Proclamation of the Vorstand (July 25, 1914)—p. 7—likewise...

July 31, 1914 and (August 1) "complete reversal in a large number of party newspapers" (p. 9)—quotation "we will fulfill our duty" (p. 9: many newspapers).

* Lenin's numbering of pages was made only for excerpts from the pamphlet "Class Struggle Against War!" Ed.


"CLASS STRUGGLE AGAINST WAR!
MATERIALS ON THE 'LIEBKNECHT CASE')"

Class struggle against war!
NB

Materials on the "Liebknecht Case."
(88 pages) (("Published as a manuscript"!))

E p i g r a p h: "German socialists above all exposed the errors of German diplomacy; French socialists—above all the errors of French diplomacy. If this spirit will prevail in international relations, peace and law will be assured." Jaures, "L'Humanité" (April 1905).

July 12, 1914 there was a demonstration for peace in France at "Conde-sur-l'Escaut" on the Belgian border. Liebknecht also spoke.—I cannot forget this—wrote Liebknecht.

July 23, 1914—Austria's ultimatum to Serbia. Quotations from "Vorwarts" and other newspapers of July 24 and 25—condemnation of Austria and Germany. Proclamation of the Vorstand* (July 25, 1914)—p. 7—likewise...

July 31, 1914 and (August 1) "complete reversal in many party newspapers" (p. 9)—quotation "we will fulfill our duty" (p. 9: many newspapers).

* The Vorstand of the German Social-Democratic Party. Ed.


LENIN COLLECTION

49 43
p. 15

NB

p. 10: "Two facts should be recalled: the word spoken by the War Minister at the deliberations of the Budget Commission of the Reichstag in 1913: The social-democratic antimilitarism does not frighten him; if it is called: 'against tsarism,' the entire Social-Democracy will march. And the remark of a high German government official after the outbreak of war: 'Is it not true, our slogan against tsarism has worked splendidly?'

The German White Book passes over in silence the negotiations between Vienna and Berlin before the ultimatum to Serbia, and this is most important (p. 12).

p. 13: Giolitti's speech of December 5, 1914 proved that Austria as early as August 1913 wanted war. Telegram from di San Giuliano (Foreign Minister) to Giolitti of August 9, 1913, that Austria wants to attack Serbia (cited from Berner Tagwacht of December 7, 1914).

p. 14: "And already on August 1 it was reported in the bourgeois press that the Social-Democracy would probably vote for credits on August 4"... August 3 session of the Fraction... "On this occasion the collapse of the so-called radical wing of the Fraction was revealed. Three comrades—Ledebour, Lensch, Liebknecht—with great haste, only minutes being available, drafted a brief proposal of a declaration to be submitted to the Fraction, which concluded with a demand for rejection of credits."

David spoke first in favor of voting yes (invasion, against tsarism, Bebel's words)—p. 15.

"Moreover, it said: 'We cannot oppose ourselves to the mood of the people... If we reject the credits, our organizations will be destroyed,
very good!!
Kautsky!!
NB


"CLASS STRUGGLE AGAINST WAR!"

p. 10: "Two facts should be recalled: the words spoken in 1913 by the War Minister at the sessions of the Budget Commission of the Reichstag: social-democratic antimilitarism does not frighten him; under the banner: 'against tsarism' the entire Social-Democracy will march. And the remark of a highly-placed German government official after the outbreak of war: 'Is it not true, our slogan against tsarism has acted so splendidly?'

The German "White Book" says nothing about the negotiations between Vienna and Berlin before the ultimatum to Serbia, and this is most important (p. 12).

p. 13: Giolitti's speech of December 5, 1914 proved that Austria as early as August 1913 wanted war. Telegram from di San Giuliano (Foreign Minister) to Giolitti of August 9, 1913, that Austria wants to attack Serbia (cited from "Berner Tagwacht" of December 7, 1914).

p. 14: "And already on August 1 it became known from the bourgeois press that on August 4 the Social-Democracy, probably, would vote for credits"... August 3 session of the Fraction... "On this occasion there was revealed the collapse of the so-called radical wing of the Fraction. Three comrades—Ledebour, Lensch, Liebknecht—with the greatest haste, only minutes being at their disposal,—drafted for submission to the Fraction a condensed draft of a declaration which concluded with a demand for rejection of credits."

David spoke first in favor of voting yes (invasion, against tsarism, Bebel's words)—p. 15.

"Among other things, it said: 'We cannot oppose ourselves to the mood of the people... If we reject the credits, our organizations will be destroyed and
Kautsky!!
NB

negotiations
with
the
govern­
ment
?


LENIN COLLECTION


Kautsky!!
NB

but the vote for yes will greatly strengthen the position of the Social-Democracy'..." (p. 15).

..."Kautsky, who proposed the organization of emergency credits, suggested: to demand assurances from the government that it did not want conquests and, upon receipt of assurances, to vote yes; upon refusal, to vote no; the proposal found universal rejection" (p. 15).

..."The Majority listened to the representatives of the Minority only with impatience and unrest. A motion to end the debate made an end to the extremely heated debate rather quickly" (p. 15). ((4 votes against; 78 in favor.))

"The motion, in which one also stood at the call of 'Hurrah for Kaiser, People, and Fatherland,' was opposed, but under the reference to the concession contained in the mention of People and Fatherland, was adopted by a great majority" (p. 15).

scoundrels!!

"It was... announced that the government would wish a weakening of the passage of the declaration directed against conquests, because the threatening danger of English intervention could be aggravated by this passage. The government's wish was complied with" (p. 16).

At the end of August Liebknecht proposed to the Vorstand (Berlin) to organize assemblies against annexations and for peace. "The assemblies were rejected, on the grounds that there was reason to fear that comrades could speak in favor of annexations" (17).

"Documents"... Liebknecht's letter of September 3, 1914 in "Bremer Bürgerzeitung," that the vote on credits was carried against opposition, with "extraordinarily heated debates" (17)...

Liebknecht's, Clara Zetkin's, Rosa Luxemburg's and Franz Mehring's letter of September 10
for defense!!

from August 3: "Yes" will tremendously strengthen the position of the Social-Democracy'..." (p. 15).

... "Kautsky, who raised the question of organizing emergency credits, suggested: to demand from the government guarantees that it did not strive for any conquests, and upon receipt of guarantees to vote yes; upon refusal, to vote no. The proposal was unanimously rejected" (p. 15).

... "The Majority listened to the representatives of the Minority only with impatience and anxiety. A motion to end the debate rather quickly put an end to the very heated debates" (p. 15). ((4 votes against; 78 in favor.))

"The motion to stand up (together with others) at the proclamation of 'Hurrah! To the Kaiser, people and fatherland' was disputed, but was, however, adopted by an enormous majority with an indication of the concession contained in the mention of people and fatherland" (p. 15).

"It was... announced that the government would wish a softening of the paragraph of the declaration directed against conquests, since the threatening danger of English intervention could be aggravated by this paragraph. The government's wish was met" (p. 16).

At the end of August Liebknecht proposed to the Vorstand (Berlin) to organize assemblies against annexation and for peace. "The assemblies were rejected on the grounds that there was reason to fear that comrades could speak in favor of annexations" (17).

"Documents"... Liebknecht's letter of September 3, 1914 in "Bremer Bürgerzeitung," that the vote on credits passed against opposition, with "extraordinarily heated debates" (17)...

Liebknecht's, Clara Zetkin's, Rosa Luxemburg's and Franz Mehring's letter of September 10
for defense!!
negotiations
with
the
govern­
ment
?)


LENIN COLLECTION

for defense 1 1
of September 10, 1914, in many newspapers, about their disagreement with Südekum and Richard Fischer (p. 18).

Liebknecht's letter of September 26, 1914 (in many newspapers)... that the minority of the Reichstag fraction: "I need not tell you that it (the minority) has by no means negated the right to national self-defense" (p. 18). ..."Even from the most conceivable nationalist standpoint our Fraction made a monstrous error and assumed the gravest responsibility" (p. 19), because it allegedly intensified the appetite for war in enemies...

Resolution of "the Circle Vorstand" "of Circle NN" (September 29, 1914)—demand from the Party Vorstand a declaration against annexations and for peace.

Answer from the Vorstand (October 5, 1914)—"there was no need" for such a resolution, because the Party Vorstand acts ("so far as possible") precisely in this manner. Resolution of the "expanded Conference of the Chairmen of the Local Unions of Circle NN" (October 11, 1914) joins the resolution of September 29, 1914 and regrets the conduct of the Party Vorstand in the matter of banning "Vorwarts" (p. 20).

Answer of the p a r t y Vorstand (October 15, 1914)—we are doing everything, you are poorly informed (p. 21).

On October 2, 1914 Liebknecht was invited to a session of the Party Vorstand. Exchange of letters: L i e b k n e c h t to the party vor­s t a n d (October 2, 1914), that I indeed had the right to speak both in Belgium and in Stuttgart, etc.

... "I emphasized that the reconstruction of the International, according to my profound conviction, is possible only on the basis of such a con­

for defense!!
+
see next
page


LENIN COLLECTION

"regenerate"
the party
NB

ception which rejects the standpoint of the Fraction majority;—nota bene: the building of an International which should not be made a laughing-stock for children" (p. 22)...

Answer of the p a r t y Vorstand of October 7, 1914 condemning Liebknecht's conduct in Belgium, Holland, Stuttgart. ..."If you believe yourself called to thoroughly regenerate German Social-Democracy, we must ask you to postpone this activity"... (until discussion of the question "in full publicity")... (p. 24)

L i e b k n e c h t wrote in a letter of October 2, 1914: ..."I declared that the German party, according to my deepest conviction, must be regenerated to the very marrow of its bones, if it does not want to forfeit the right to call itself social-democratic, if it wants to regain in the eyes of the world the prestige which it has now thoroughly lost. I emphasized that the struggle necessary for this will be doubly difficult because it must be conducted not only as before, and still more acutely, against the government and the ruling classes, but also against certain official party institutions, against an increasingly powerful current in the party,—against currents which are making the party today to a certain extent into an official instrument of the government (chauvinism, annexationism, obscuring of class struggle, youth guidance, etc.)" (p. 22—23).

Liebknecht to the Party Vorstand of October 10, 1914.

..."Party Vorstand, whose emissaries abroad, among other things, defended the German attack on Belgium and acted practically almost as heralds of German imperialism;... Party Vorstand,
"regenerate"
the party
NB
NB


LENIN COLLECTION

NB

under whose eyes the party sinks ever deeper into the Masurian swamps of shallow nationalism and illusionism and surrenders position after position—up to the commanded—temporary—open renunciation of class struggle without any significant struggle"... (p. 25)

..."Its (the Party Vorstand's) ultra-opportunistic policy"... (p. 26)

Liebknecht to the Party Vorstand of October 16, 1914... Südekum in Sweden and Jansson for militarism, etc.

Party Vorstand to Liebknecht of October 17, 1914... you have "false claims"...

Südekum
by
instruction!!
on banning (and
opening) of
"Vorwarts"

N o t a  b e n e

"The International will understand our position in calm times, as we understand the position of our brother parties in other countries"... (p. 29)....

Party Vorstand to Liebknecht of October 28, 1914.... "Before Comrade Südekum traveled to Italy by instruction of the Party leadership, a detailed discussion with him took place concerning the task assigned to him"....

L i e b k n e c h t to the Party Vorstand October 26, 1914 "Here not even an attempt was made, common even under the Anti-Socialist Law, to create substitute newspapers" (p. 31)... (regarding the banning of "Vorwarts") ..."Immediately they began to 'haggle' and, before the cock had crowed three times, capitulated" (p. 31)....

..."Certainly, the question concerns an imperialist war, the imperialist world war which was bound to break out long ago and to which we solemnly swore, on an international scale, to devote all our strength in opposition. But it is we Germans who had a special reason to oppose it; the rapidly rising German imperialism was historically the aggressive force. Before us lies a crude Austro-German preventive and simultaneously conquest war" (p. 32)...

..."The French vote of August 4... was already under the impression of the resolutions of our Fraction, which were prophetically announced by the press even before their actual adoption; with this I certainly do not want to justify it by any means" ... (33)...

..."A proclamation which clearly expresses the will to end the war, to international solidarity, to self-determination of peoples and to struggle against every annexation would be a deliverance, would have a liberating effect on the proletariat of the whole world"... "This policy would certainly be a different one from that of Comrade Bauer, who does not want to 'lose the present sympathy of the government'.... than a policy which stands still far below the slogan: 'Cannons for the defense of people's rights,' and much more deserves the motto: 'Through self-mutilation to victory!'" ....

Liebknecht to the Party Vorstand of October 31, 1914—repeats the demand for a declaration against annexations.

Sessions of the Fraction from November 29 to December 2, 1914. ...Stormy scenes... David for the majority...

Liebknecht: ..."The international class struggle against war was thereby recognized as the sole possible policy of the proletariat in the imperialist war that has now broken out" (37—38)...

Liebknecht's draft declaration (to be submitted December 2, 1914):

Südekum
by
instruction!
on banning (and opening)
of "Vorwarts"
Nota bene

NB
N o t a  b e n e


LENIN COLLECTION

N o t a  b e n e  ! !
ultimatum

"It concerns an imperialist war and indeed especially on the German side with the aim of conquests on a large scale.... It also concerns a Bonapartist undertaking for the crushing and demoralizing of the rapidly growing revolutionary workers' movement.... It is not a German defensive war and not a German war of liberation. It is not a war for a higher 'culture'—the most powerful European states of equal 'culture' are fighting each other, and precisely because they are states of the same, i.e., capitalist, 'culture.' A war is being conducted under the deceptive flag of a national and racial war, when in both camps there is the most motley mixture of nationalities and races" (38).

Against Article 7 it was decided to vote... "A letter from Victor Adler brought for reading, which implored the Fraction to issue an energetic declaration for peace and against the violation of Belgian neutrality, remained without success".. (40)...

As on August 3, the draft was submitted to the government and bourgeois parties. ("As on August 3, when the declaration adopted was immediately submitted to bourgeois parties and the government, so was it done also with the one adopted now".... p. 41). The bourgeois parties and government wanted (December 1) to achieve a softening, but then: ..."When on the evening of December 1 the machinations directed at changing the declaration became known in the Fraction, about 20—30 members of the Fraction gathered at the initiative of Hoch and decided solemnly that if the Fraction majority yielded to the wishes of the bourgeois parties and government, they would publicly oppose it and present on the plenary session of December 2, as a minority vote of the Fraction, the declaration drafted on November 30... The threat was sufficient"... (41)...

p. 41: "Voting statement" by Liebknecht (submitted to the Chairman of the Reichstag, but not read by him and not included in the stenographic record).

p. 43: Liebknecht's letter to the Fraction Vorstand of December 3, 1914 (party discipline above, etc.).

p. 44: Condemnation of Liebknecht by the Fraction Vorstand (from "Vorwarts" of December 3, 1914).

p. 44—48. Letters from Franz Mehring, Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht (not Zetkin) in "Labour Leader."

48—50. Several resolutions:
Conference of "trusted people in X." December 20, 1914,—"electoral district in Y." January 20, 1915, —"electoral district in Z." January 25, 1915

the war is imperialist and "Bonapartist" (p. 48), for a democratic peace, etc., against voting for credits... condemnation of the violation of Belgian neutrality—"class struggle against war"...

Session of the Reichstag Fraction February 2—4, 1915.

..."Legien demands the exclusion of Liebknecht from the Fraction" (51)...

..."Edmund Fischer states that he and, as he learned, not fewer than 20—30 other Fraction members decided on August 3 to vote publicly for the credits against the possible decision of the Fraction at that time for rejection of credits; under such circumstances any condemnation of Liebknecht would be injustice and hypocrisy.

"Ed. Bernstein, finally, characterizes the awkwardness of voting 'yes' by command and frankly declares that he was precisely delighted by Liebknecht's conduct." (p. 52)...

...Liebknecht.... (speaks)... ..."Agitation and clarification are needed today, not agreement on some middle line" (54)...

"Heine and others accuse Liebknecht of fanatical hatred toward Germany; through his attacks on the government he endangers the interests of Germany"... (54).

" L i e b k n e c h t . ..."The policy of international class struggle against war is advancing; it is possible; it is necessary also in the interest of the German proletariat. Not he, Liebknecht, endangers these interests, but the party imperialists with their sufficiently exposed shortsighted non-socialist slogan of 'holding out' to complete victory." (55) ..."The bourgeois press, in whose mild wings the reformist discipline-breakers of the past were sheltered and protected from the radical 'discipline-wielding,' now with ruffled feathers and shrill cackling descended upon the radical discipline-breakers. The patronage which certain bourgeois newspapers took upon themselves in the development of the present revisionist party leadership found its eloquent and justified expression in the demand of the 'Berliner Tageblatt' and Co. to expel the scapegoat as quickly as possible from the paradise of the Social-Democratic party, where the sun of government never sets" (56)...

..."If I (Liebknecht) did not decide even then (August 4) to go my own way completely alone, then no one more than I myself and no one before I myself regretted this" (57)...

"Legien's motion was withdrawn, after Richard Fischer declared that the expected rejection of this inadmissible motion would be exploited by Liebknecht as a vote of confidence in the Fraction" (58)...

p. 59: Legien complains about "special conferences" of Hoch and Co., but Edmund Fischer again admits that he too participated in special conferences of the right wing.

p. 64:--------February 3, 1915 condemnation of Ledebour's conduct.

"At the beginning of February... Liebknecht was called to military service"...

p. 62: Landtag deputies Hue, Hantsch (and Leinert) threatened that if Strobel spoke for peace, they would polemicize with him. "This threat prevented Strobel's speech" (62). (Session of the Prussian Fraction of the Landtag February 23, 1915).

p. 65--------March 7, 1915 the Party Committee by 35 votes against 5 approves voting for credits; 30 against 10 for voting for the budget.

March 8, 1915 session of the Fraction (budget of 10 billion marks)... From the debate of March 18, 1915...

"Wurm warns the Fraction not to overextend the bow; in the worker masses opposition is growing against Fraction tactics; it is necessary to remain at the Marxist center. David accuses Wurm of preparing the rejection of credits. Hoch and Wurm's conduct is labeled in an interjection as 'dishonest.' David continues: our possible opposition would force the government to extreme measures. Legien thinks Hoch-Wurm tactics are 'hatched in conventicles.' Südekum not only is convinced that proceeding in the sense of Hoch's proposal is hopeless (to reduce 10 billion to 5 billion), but also that the government, in reliance on future indemnification, will simply dissolve the Reichstag if it refuses to grant the 10 billion and begin managing on its own. From this powerlessness of the Reichstag Südekum concludes that Social-Democracy must not allow itself to be excluded from participation in this—powerlessness! Hoch characterizes the policy of David, Heine, Südekum as national-liberal; he cannot participate in this".. (67).

77 votes against 23 for 10 billion marks. | Liebknecht and Rühle voted in the Reichstag against. |

p. 70: "Vorwarts" of March 22, 1915: The Fraction condemns Liebknecht and Rühle.

p. 71—88: "From a speech which Comrade Liebknecht delivered in January 1915 in Neukölln, we give the following excerpts according to stenographic notes"...

The essence of imperialism ("whose chief bearer on the European continent is Germany" (71))—striving for expansion—Belgium and France (heavy industry)—Asia Minor, etc.

"The appeal to the mood of the masses of the people is disposed of in a few sentences. Who knew and who knows this mood? The howling, shrieking, raging mob that filled the streets, that tore the clothes off and assaulted everyone who was or seemed foreign, must have been repugnant, not exemplary, to every social-democrat. No freedom of the press, no assemblies, no possibility of coming into contact with the people! But even if the great mass of the people demanded the approval of credits: although the Social-Democracy will always properly take such mass opinion into account, study it and use it for its own enlightenment, it will not follow it uncritically" (73)...

..."These patriots out of fear before the 'destruction' of organizations do not recognize in their shallow opportunism the fundamental essence of the workers' movement and the roots of its strength and greatness: a large organization dominated by the spirit of haggling, cowardliness, internal weakness and uncertainty of aim means not an advantage, but a brake, a misfortune, a negative magnitude"... (73)

..."These patriots out of fear" (in other places: "patriots of fear") "are often at the same time patriots from profit-seeking considerations, patriots from good prospects, from hunger for reward for obedience".. (74)...

..."He (the people) is today a tool in the hands of imperialists, a tool for capitalist purposes and no more; but also no less: the most essential tool and a living tool; and such a living, ensouled tool has inherently that dangerous property, that it can revolt against those who use it. And will revolt, if it is dealt too bad a hand"...(75).

..."Class struggle is the watchword of the day. Class struggle not only after the war. Class struggle during the war. Class struggle against war." (76)...

Can one expect a "new orientation" of internal policy from a "reward" for good behavior of the S.D.? ..."Certainly! A "new orientation" may come. But not through the refutation of the fraud of some "Reichsverband," but through the revolt of the tools against those who use them, as a result of the inevitable, despite everything, stirring of minds because of the war" .... (79—80)

I am not saying that war is a profitable business. I think that it is a "miserable business"... (80) ...But in its tendency both war and peace is a capitalist "business."

..."A party which so obviously displayed its lack of resistance against mass psychosis, against the howling rabble of the street, against brazen government demagogy (81—82), against a sheet of paper with printer's ink announcing the state of siege, a party which honored the name of an overthrow party only through the overthrow of its own principles, and whose firmness in a great historical moment was so small that the firmness of a house of cards appears in comparison like a fortress wall, such a party will lack both that confidence (confidence of the masses) and this respect (of enemies). And all the more so, the more 'socialist' spring larks will flutter about and twitter to the people about empty dreams of a near Canaan in the midst of the harsh winter of imperialist discord. To imagine that in the direction of such 'direct action' of national-liberal caliber one can pave the way for the proletariat means to throw the ABCs of dialectical materialism to the winds.

The enemies of the proletariat have learned the art of beating us while we play. The Social-Democracy must reconquer its lost prestige; reconquer it in struggle. If it begins this struggle still during the war, it can reach this goal quickly and thoroughly. If it postpones the struggle until after the war, it will be more bitter for it, precisely because then it is less dangerous"... (82)

very good!!
"national-
liberal"
speech
January 1915
peace and
revolution!!

....The section heading (of the speech): "The War as a Bonapartist Undertaking" ...

"The inseparability of external and internal policy has been recognized by the oppressed classes frequently enough, but by the ruling classes never. For many Social-Democrats, yes, for the official policy of the central party institutions, when they spoke in favor of the war, it was a determining factor the hope for a new orientation of internal policy to be facilitated through this policy, and the fear of the destruction of workers' organizations in case of an oppositional policy". (82)...

When in 1910 in runoff elections the S.D. won, the agitators screamed, demanding an "external (foreign) conflict" in order to crush the proletariat.

(Don't forget the Bissing corps order—83).

"The methods of Bonapartism are two: effective force when the opportunity is good, and corruption" (84)...

The section heading (of the speech): "Principle for Social-Democratic Tactics in the War" (86):

"War is the continuation of (peace) policy by other means" (86)... "Did we judge correctly before the war the conditions that led to it or not? Or have other decisive circumstances occurred that would have proved our previous view wrong? No one will be able to answer these questions affirmatively. On the contrary, it is evident that this world war, as it is, is precisely that world war which we foresaw and fought against in advance. Thus, if our previous opposition to this war was seriously meant and truly conducted, was carried with an understanding of all the complex interconnections, then there is no possibility of abandoning it; if we nevertheless abandon it, then we cannot complain if our previous opposition is regarded as incorrect or not serious, as apparent opposition, a conclusion which has been fully justified" (86).

..."Either opposition before and after the outbreak of war, or n a t i o n a l - l i b e r a l g o v e r n m e n t p o l i c y before and after the conclusion of peace." (87)

"And to the proletariat's influence on ending the war applies the law: it is possible only in class struggle. Every m a n i f e s t a t i o n by the Social-Democracy for peace—no matter what kind—will have power only to the extent that it awakens an international echo, and the strength of this international echo will always correspond to the revolutionary force that produces it. But the Social-Democracy of each country has the right to speak in the name of the International and to act in an international direction only if it speaks socialistically and fights socialistically against militarism and capitalism" (88
