for a short period with exceptionally favorable turn of events even a fool could manage.

From this: the tactic of the "open letter" is obligatory everywhere. This must be said directly, precisely, clearly, for wavering on the question of the "open letter" is most harmful, most shameful, and most widespread. There's no point in hiding it. Everyone who has not understood this obligatoriness of the tactic of the "open letter" should be excluded from the Communist International no later than one month after the Third Congress of the Communist International. I see clearly my own error in voting for the admission of the KAPD,[391] and this must be corrected more quickly and thoroughly.

Rather than have thought sprawl across the tree, as Radek does, it would be better to translate the entire text of the "open letter" into German (and in German: bring the entire text into shape) and explain its significance and present it as an example.

I would limit the general resolution on tactics to precisely this.

Only then will the tone be set. The central idea will be clear. There will be no vagueness. There will be no possibility for everyone to read into it whatever they wish (as with Radek).

Then Radek's initial draft would be shortened by a factor of four, at minimum.

It is high time to stop writing and voting on pamphlets instead of theses. Even with undisputed agreement among all of us, particular errors are inevitable with this system. But with bonelessness and disputability, we will run into major errors and spoil the whole affair.

And then, if you have a strong itch for it, you can add a supplement: on the basis of such tactics, in particular, by way of example, not as a principle, but precisely as an example, let us add this and that.

Furthermore.

To generalize Serrati and Levi into one "opportunism" is stupidity. Serrati is guilty; of what? This must be said precisely, clearly, on the Italian question, not on the question of general tactics. In the fact that he split with the Communists, did not exclude the reformists, Turati and Co. Until you Italian comrades accomplish this, you are outside the Communist International. We are excluding you.[392]

And to the Italian Communists—a most serious piece of advice and a demand: as long as you have not managed persistently, patiently, skillfully to convince and draw over to yourselves the majority of Serratian workers, do not swagger, do not play at leftism. The "Fall Levi"* is not in general tactics, but in the evaluation of the Marzaktion,** on the German question. Brandler says: it was defensive. The government was provoking.

Let us suppose this is true, that this is the fact.

What conclusion follows from this?

1) That all the cries about an offensive were erroneous and absurd, and there was a multitude of them;

2) that it was an error in tactics to call for a general strike, given that there was government provocation, which desired to draw into struggle a small fortress of Communism (that district in the center where the Communists already had a majority).

3) Such errors must be avoided in the future, for Germany has a special situation, after the killing of 20,000 workers in civil war through the skillful maneuvers of the Right.

4) To call the defensive of hundreds of thousands of workers (Brandler says: a million. Is he not lying? Is he not getting carried away? Why is there no data by regions, by cities???) a "putsch" and even more a "Bakuninist putsch"—is worse than an error, it is a violation of revolutionary discipline. Since Levi added to this: such and such other violations (list them precisely, most cautiously), he deserved punishment and justly received it through expulsion.

A term should be set for the expulsion, well, at least six months. Then he will be allowed to petition to rejoin the party again, and the Communist International advises accepting him if he conducts himself loyally during this period.

I have not yet read anything except Brandler's pamphlet, and I write this only on the basis of the pamphlets of Levi and Brandler. Brandler proved—if he proved—one thing: the Marzaktion was not a "Bakuninist putsch" [for such abuse Levi deserved to be expelled], but a heroic defense of revolutionary workers, hundreds of thousands; but however heroic—

* — "The Levi Case." Editor.

** — the March action. Editor.