(Excerpts from newspapers, plans, theses and sketches of articles). Late September — early October 1905

# Source: Lenin Miscellany XVI, p. 191
# Date: 1905-10

## NOTEBOOK OF MATERIALS FOR ARTICLES

p.
9. Creation of b[ourgeois] s[ociety] (and corresponding c[ircum]st[ances] in Eur[ope]) by the great Fr[ench] r[evolution]. 3

p. 10....... "to hide from themselves the bourgeoisly-limited content of their struggle".... (("f[ighters] for b[ourgeois] s[ociety]" of the 18th century)).4

p. 10. "In 1848—54 only the ghost of the old revolution wandered about." 5

p. 11. "The S[ocial] r[evolution] of the 19th c[entury] cannot draw its poetry from the past".... "it m[ust] let the dead bury their dead."6

p. 11. "The F[ebruary] r[evolution] caught the old s[ociety] unawares...7

p. 12. "it was not s[ociety] that won itself new content, but apparently g[over]nm[ent] reverted to the most ancient f[orm]...8

To the unexpected blow (II 48) — unexpected c[oup] (XII 51).9

F[ebruary] r[evolution]— "a tremor of the s[urface]"... gave "lessons and experience," (NB) which... "u[nder] c[orrect], so to s[peak] p[edantic] c[ourse] of d[evelopment]"... (NB)

B[ourgeois] r[evolutions]... rush from success to success... are fleeting.

R[evolutions] of the prol[etariat], (a[s] r[evolution], XIX c[entury]) critique themselves. 10

p. 45. "Weakness, as always, was saved by faith in miracles"... 11

p. 15: Prol[etariat] proclaimed the republic as a social republic... an allusion to the general content of the contemporary (NB) r[evolution]... in the most str[ange] c[ontradiction] with what could be realized immediately.

why was the nation caught unawares? p. 141

Prol[etariat] engaged in most serious deliberations on social q[uestions].... old forces found support in the p[easant] masses: p[easants] and p[etty] b[ourgeoisie].12

p. 16: N[ational] A[ssembly] (4 V 48 — V 49) was a living protest against the pretensions * of the February days... was obliged to l[ower] the r[esults] of r[evolution] to b[ourgeois] l[evel]....... contra: "social republic"!!! ** 13

F[ebruary] d[ays] initially aimed to s[eek] an exp[ansion] of the circle of polit[ical] r[ights] among the propertied classes (15)14

1 "Library of the Russian Proletariat"—publication of G. A. Kuklin. "The 18th Brumaire"— № 46 of this little library was published in Geneva in 1905 in translation by B. Krichovsky. All page references are indicated by Lenin according to this edition. We henceforth indicate the corresponding pages in the edition of the Institute of K. Marx and F. Engels (Library of Marxists, vol. VII) 1926. In № 3 of "Proletariat" from July 9 (May 27), 1905, a statement from May 1 of the "Library of the Russian Proletariat" was printed, stating that "beginning with № 46, in publishing subsequent issues, it will be guided exclusively by the program of the RSDLP and the resolutions of congresses of the Russian and international s.d.," and in № 7 of "Proletariat" from July 10 (June 27), Kuklin informed that he was ceasing publishing activities and transferring both the printing house and all publications of the Library to the CC RSDLP.

2 In the 1926 ed.— p. 4.
3 Here a summary exposition of pages 9 and partly 10 of the 1905 ed., 1926 ed.— p. 8.
4 In the 1926 ed.— p. 8.
5 In the 1926 ed.— p. 9.
6 In the 1926 ed.— p. 10.
7 In the 1926 ed.— p. 10.
8 In the 1905 ed. translated as: "To the coup de main (unexpected blow) of February 1848 replies the coup de tête (desperate trick) of December 1851. In the 1926 ed.— corresponding p. 10.
10 In the 1926 ed.— p. 10.
11 In the 1926 ed.— p. 11. Lenin placed this idea at the foundation of the document "No Deception," recorded at the end of notebook № 1292. The document was published in Lenin Misc. V, p. 381—385.
12 In the 1926 ed.— p. 13.
13 In the 1926 ed.— p. 14.
14 In the 1926 ed.— p. 13.

Further in the notebook, on pages 3—6, the following entry follows:
"Concerning the congress of zemstvos" (see Lenin Misc. V, p. 378), "Draft of agrarian program of the PPS" (ibid., p. 391—393), "Socialism and the peasantry" (ibid., p. 390—391) and "On the zemstvo congress" (ibid., p. 379).
—Ed.

## NOTEBOOK OF MATERIALS FOR ARTICLES

Excerpts from Russian and foreign newspapers, printed below, partially used by Lenin in the articles: "The Satiated Bourgeoisie and the Hungry Bourgeoisie," "A Note to M. Borisov's Article on the Professional Movement and the Tasks of Social-Democracy," "The Latest Word of Iskra Tactics" and "Lessons of the Moscow Events" (Works, vol. VIII, p. 263—268, 288, 296—309, 344—348).

p.

* THREE EXCERPTS FROM "RUS'" ABOUT A STUDENT GATHERING, ABOUT "PRAVO'S" ATTITUDE TOWARD THE BOYCOTT OF THE BULGAKOV DUMA, AND ABOUT THE GOVERNMENT'S RETREAT.

Rus' 13.IX.05 "At the University." About a gathering of 2000 p[eople] at the P[etersburg] u[niversity].

..."In bright and powerful speeches, the orators characterized the current political situation and its further perspectives. They pointed, ch[iefly], to the fact that the correlation of forces had changed: bourgeois-liberal groups, under the influence of certain concessions, have now withdrawn from full active participation in the liberation movement of the country. Therefore the proletariat in its str[uggle] is alone----

..."The student body entirely rejects the significance and appropriateness of the granted reforms. The nobility and b[ourgeoisie] have taken another point of view, betraying the proletariat. The latter needs support—and the student body, as the expression of the best forces of the country, must join, should join it. Now the student will appear as a citizen. He will go to the countryside to prepare the peasantry, to teach it socialism. This new force and the proletariat will create a different legal order, even if it costs thousands of sacrifices.

"Such is the brief political creed of the overwhelming majority of students."

[No.] C[ited] from № 36 of Pravo: Hessen (V. M.) against the "boycott." Rus' adds on its own that the idea of "abstinence in the press" (sic!) is preached by few, for instance Myakotin in Russian] W[ealth].

Further, Rus' s[ays]: ..."The question concerns the preservation in inviolable purity of the "principle," and this principled dispute reminds one of the usual dispute that divides social-democratic parties in the West, where the orthodox "principalists" consider inadmissible the participation of s.d. in "bourgeois government." This "principality" has at least the justification that all political outlook rests on "class" differences. In the general state matter, in the matter of political reform, which is the establishment of the State Duma, even this support of "principality" loses its significance."

ibidem. From Moscow] Gazette]: they s[ay] that "Petersburg" (government) "is retreating." Retreating before the zemstvos, students, etc., down to cooks and such.

"Retreat with a rearguard action"—the Moscow gazette should have noted, if one could count on its impartiality."

b.

* EXCERPT FROM "NOVOE VREMYA" CONCERNING BEBEL'S SPEECH.

N[ew] T[ime]. 13 (26) IX.05. From Russian] G[azette]. Iollo[s] cites Bebel's speech, that old Russia is impossible, that the Russian s[tate]... "will be compelled to transition to new polit[ical] f[orms], to one d[egree] or a[nother] recognizing the collaboration of the people." Russian] Gazette] adds: "I do not consider Bebel an authority on Russian affairs, but I must note that in this part of his speech he compares favorably with Kautsky and some other doctrinaires who recommend to us permanent Revolution."

N[ew] T[ime] remarks: sic! "Thus our radicals—the 'abstentionists'— will also have to exclude Bebel from the number of their allies."

c.

* EXCERPT FROM "MOSCOW GAZETTE" ABOUT THE PROFESSIONAL AND POLITICAL MOVEMENT OF WORKERS.

Mos[cow] Gaz[ette] № 250 (1905) short article: State Duma and workers. Cited from Russian] L[eaflet] (№ 248) about the State D[uma] and w[orkers]. For professional m[ovement] against political. Moscow Gazette adds on its own: "A worker should know how to influence the improvement of technique and labor and can contribute to the improvement of his situation, if his attention, as in England, will be drawn to professional rather than political movement."

d.

* EXCERPT FROM "TIMES" ABOUT THE CLOSING OF THE ZEMSTVO CONGRESS.

Times 29.IX. T[elegram] from M[oscow] 28.IX.

The Zemstvo c[ongress] completed its work this evening. Its results justify to some extent the assumption that the mood of bitterness and suspicion toward the gov[ernment] has abated. This result is entirely due to the decision of the higher spheres to move from words to deeds, which would be expressed especially in the weakening of censorship and in the liberation of Prof[essor] Milyukov. But concerning the program and plan of the election campaign, there was displayed not the slightest inclination toward compromise, except on the question of participation in elections. Some said it would be dishonest to go into the Duma without the intention to work in it, but the majority considers ethical considerations superfluous with respect to the gov[ernment], which never displayed the slightest scruple in violating its promises. They declare quite openly that they have no intention of working in the Duma, but go there exclusively to obtain an effective weapon for the struggle for complete freedom. The Assembly of the Constitutional party this morning unanimously passed a resolution to this effect, and a considerable majority of the congress endorsed it.

"The election pr[ogram], to which the congress devoted so much time, thereby loses vitality and takes on an academic character, being useful only as a means of instructing uninitiated voters and indicating in general terms what the reformers hope ultimately to accomplish if they win the battle for universal suff[rage] and real legislative power.

"At an informal gathering of the leaders of the Peasant Union this evening it was stated that they too go into the Duma with the exclusive purpose of proclaiming the demand for electoral reform and chiefly for formulating an agrarian pr[ogram], the cornerstone of which is the nationalization of land.

"From these facts it is difficult to evolve a detailed classification of parties. They remain grouped in a small number of reactionaries and an enormous host of reformers. The latter divide themselves chiefly into zemstvos and peasants, who will cooperate until the agrarian programme is brought to the front. The Governor-general forbade the projected congress of the Peasant Union."

e.

* EXCERPT FROM "LE TEMPS" ABOUT THE GATHERING AT DOLGORUKOV'S AND ABOUT THE DECISIONS OF THE ZEMSTVO CONGRESS.1

Le Temps, 30.IX, also reports about the private gathering at Prince Dolgorukov's. Milyukov and Kovalevsky argued with Stead, who assured of the government's sincerity, and proved that the government cannot be trusted and that the Duma should be used only as an instrument of struggle.

ibidem, "Members of the c[onstitutional]-d[emocratic] p[arty] held this morning (evidently 28 or 29 IX) a special gathering."

Ibidem. On Thursday unanimously with one dissent the congress voted for the autonomy of Poland.

Agr[arian] q[uestion]. Bureau project: the right of the g[overnment] to expropriate p[rivate]-l[anded] lands for division among p[easants]. Rejected. A resolution was adopted that it is necessary to ensure the division of lands and to reform the conditions of use of p[rivate]-l[anded] p[roperty].

1 The correspondence printed in "Le Temps" under the heading "Le congrès de zemstwos" ("The Zemstvo Congress") in № 16173 of September 30 and in 16174 of October 1, 1905 are cited.

* EXCERPT FROM "FRANKFURTER ZEITUNG" ABOUT THE GATHERING AT PRINCE DOLGORUKOV'S.

Fr[ankfurter] Z[eitung]. 30.IX. 1 M[orning] ed[ition]. Corr[espondence] from B[erlin] of 29 IX. Russian] Correspondence] received the following t[elegram] from Moscow of 28.IX about the gathering at Prince Dolgorukov's:

V. Stead defended the Duma and Trepov. This interference of the Englishman terribly irritated everyone. Speaking against: Kovalevsky, Nabokov, Mandelshtam, de Roberti, Priest Petrov. A storm of enthusiasm was aroused by the words of Rodichev, one of the leaders of the Zemstvo party, when he said: "From hands that have shed Russian blood, we cannot expect freedom. We go into the Duma as into an arena of struggle—armed for battle."

ibidem. 29.IX 4 M[orning] ed[ition].

"As written from Moscow to the 'Russian Correspondence,' a gathering of the 'Union of Liberation' adopted a resolution stating that members of the Union cannot be recommended to refrain from participation in elections for the State Duma. Although the latter does not correspond to clearly expressed demands of the people, friends of the people and freedom could nonetheless enter the Duma 'not in order to participate in current affairs, but exclusively for the purpose of struggle for the introduction of true freedoms and constitutional institutions on a democratic basis in Russia, without allowing themselves to be hindered in their decisions even by the prospect of a complete break with the existing government.'"

[Translation.]

"Frankfurter Zeitung." September 30. 1st morning edition. Correspondence from Berlin of September 29. "Russian Correspondence" received the following telegram from Moscow of September 28 about the gathering at Prince Dolgorukov's:

V. Stead defended the Duma and Trepov. This interference of the Englishman terribly irritated everyone. Speaking against: Kovalevsky, Nabokov, Mandelshtam, de Roberti, Priest Petrov. A storm of rapture was aroused by the words of Rodichev, one of the leaders of the Zemstvo party, when he said: "We cannot expect freedom from hands that have shed Russian blood. We go into the Duma as into an arena of struggle, armed for battle."

Ibid. 29.X. 4 morning edition.

"As reported from Moscow by the Russian Correspondence section, the gathering of the 'Union of Liberation' adopted a resolution stating that members of the Union cannot be proposed to refrain from participation in elections to the State Duma. Although the latter does not correspond to clearly expressed demands of the people, nonetheless friends of the people and freedom could go into the Duma 'not in order to take part in current affairs, but exclusively for the purpose of struggle for the introduction in Russia of true freedoms and constitutional institutions on a democratic basis, not being troubled even by the fact that their decisions may lead to a complete rupture with the existing government.'"

The plan of the article printed below served as material for three of Lenin's articles: "A Meeting of Friends," "Playing at Parliamentarism," and "Mock Elections." In these articles a detailed analysis is given of the speeches of Parvus, Cherevanin, and Martov on the question of s.d.'s attitude toward the State Duma (Works, vol. VIII, p. 209—245, 248—229, 296—309).

f.

## CHIEF TASK OF SOCIALIST POLICY.

An ind[ependent] political p[arty] of the prol[etariat] with a clear socialist pr[ogram].

First application in practice.

"K.-D." Its t[asks] (objective). Cf. Our L[ife] 18.IX: attract the p[eople], strengthen the p[eople's] confidence, etc. etc.

Cf. ibid. on the formation of k.-d. and refutation of Stock Exchange] G[azette].1

To destroy this confidence or support it on certain "conditions"?

Waverings of the n[ew]-iskr[ovtsy] (Parvus, Cher[evanin], M[artov]: "choice of d[ecisive] o[nes]").

Unconditional s[truggle] against k.-d. "Compromisers." Beginning of betrayal.

Objections: 1) "absenteeism." On the contrary, the most active agitation. 2) "support of r[evolutionary] b[ourgeoisie]." It depends. In par[liament]? yes. In supporting us from conservatives and k.-d.? yes. But now neither one nor the other, because par[liament]arism does not yet exist. Str[uggle] for it. Betrayal is flexible. On the contrary, the most active agitation.

* Real support of k.-d. at present is a str[uggle] for the r[evolutionary] uprising. On the street or in par[liament]? (Cf. Marx on Ledru-Rollin 1849).**

Use of legal and semi-legal means? Absolutely yes. Workers' c[ongress]?—yes. Gatherings? Yes. But to use something close does not mean to merge, to dissolve. To use, one must be s[elf]-sufficient, whole, unified.

The absurdity of n[ew]-iskr[ovskoy] t[actics]: "agreement and s[upport]" plus "mock elections as a possible motive for uprising." There m[ay] be thousands of m[otives].

No. T[actics] now are different: 1) Merciless str[uggle] against compromisers k.-d. 2) Persecution of them for going into the Duma. 3) Dev[elopment] of an ind[ependent] s.d. p[arty] in str[uggle] against k.-d. and in agitation regarding the State D[uma]. 4) Prep[aration] for uprising, which is coming and in which, not in "par[liament]arism," is now the crux of the matter. 5) Use for this prep[aration], for agitation of all semi-legal and legal means. 6) C[oncentration] on slogans: armed uprising, r[evolutionary] a[rmy], temporary r[evolutionary] g[overnment].

1 In № 9036 of "Stock Exchange Gazette" of September 30 (17), 1905, there was printed under the heading "New Party" the notice: "On September 16 in Moscow a new party was formed, the party of constitutional-democrats, which according to its program has shifted further left from the party of the zemstvo majority. For brevity the party will be called K-D...." With respect to this notice, "Our Life" in № 272 of October 1 (September 18) wrote: "According to information we have from a source beyond all doubt, this report is far from the truth and is the result of poor information of the newspaper."

g.

* EXCERPT FROM "VOSSISCHE ZEITUNG" ABOUT THE ZEMSTVO CONGRESS.

Z[emstvo] c[ongress].

Voss[ische] Z[eitung] (4.X.05. M[orning] O[utput]) publishes a letter from a participant of the Z[emstvo] c[ongress]. Regarding the appearance of the c[ongress]: "everything so parliamentary"... "ripe for the Duma"...

"Regarding this point, the question of boycott, I had expected more lively deliberations. It was dealt with rather quickly; the representatives had already reached agreement beforehand"... Perhaps there would not have been debate at all if de Roberti had not begun speaking against the boycott. "There is apparent unanimity; among the people there is no such unanimity"... "Son of the Fatherland" polemic with "Our Life," etc.

"It is not my intention to go deeper here into the controversial question; I also wish to leave open for now the question of whether the representatives of zemstvos and cities in recent months have not shifted somewhat further to the right than would be desirable: we shall have to return to these matters more than once. In any case, it would have been more correct to discuss the boycott question at the congress somewhat more thoroughly: I fear that into the hands of the more radical groups was given a weapon against those whom we call moderate constitutionalists."

Lenin gave dialogue form under the heading "Conversation of a Liberationist with an S.D." to a compilation of various statements by Liberationists on various questions of tactics; here mainly articles from "Liberation" are analyzed. Thus in № 73 of "Liberation" from July 49(6) Lenin notes the article "Prince Potemkin" and "What Now?" In this article the lessons of Potemkin are treated as proof of the impossibility of victory in armed uprising. In № 74 of "Liberation" from July 26 (43) the article "Our Position on the Question of Armed Uprising" is used.

Point 4 of the document has in mind the article "False Constitution and the Form of Further Struggle" from № 76 of "Liberation" from September 15 (2).

For point 5 the article "Triumph of Common Sense" from № 72 of "Liberation" from July 2 (1) is used. As for point 5, it is evident that Lenin has in mind the possibility that the Liberationists would want to use Kautsky's attack against Lenin on the question of evaluating the slogan of the III Congress "temporary revolutionary government." For more detail see Works, vol. VIII, p. 404.

h.

## CONVERSATION OF A LIBERATIONIST WITH AN S.D.

pp.

1) Impossibility of uprising after * Potemkin.

2) Reappraisal of forces.

3) K. Kautsky on t[emporary] r[evolutionary] g[overnment].

4) Unreasonableness of the idea of b[oycott]: do not utilize the weapon.

— Impossibility becomes (werden) possible.

— "thou art both poor and abundant"

— Uprising is linked** with the t[emporary] r[evolutionary] g[overnment]. Recognition of uprising by gov[ernment] = martial law.

— And here learn from your enemy, if you do not believe your friends. Fear of b[oycott] by gov[ernment].

* — after. —Ed.
** Complete "poverty" from the point of view of m[ilitary] technique, etc. But look at the movement and its spontaneous growth: 9.I—Riga,—Poland—1 1/2 million[person] str[ike]—Odessa—Caucasus—Moscow. IX.05.

5) Uprising and "elderly" w[orkers]. Tr[ade] u[nion]ism. "Class p[arty]."

6) Parl[iamentary] g[overnment]: support neighbors, otherwise you help Moscow] Gazette].

— "non-combat." Yes, use them for tr[ade] u[nionism], that is correct, but they will give rearguard [action]. *

— Yes, in par[liament] we shall support you against Moscow] Gazette], when the election is such, but now that is not the point. The str[uggle] is not in par[liament], but for par[liament]: You are not str[ugglers].

i.

* EXCERPT FROM M. MENSHIKOV'S ARTICLE "ALARM."

N[ew] T[ime]. 30.IX.05 "Alarm" by M. Menshikov.

Beginning of the article.

"While this is still not a fire, it is already an undoubted arson, which unfortunately is admired more than extinguished. While this is still not a revolution with terror, guillotines, gallows, extermination of people and culture, it is already a prologue to revolution, dangerous ferment, in a thousand places passing into outbursts of revolt.

"It is coming," [he] proved in April, and what terrible steps have been taken by "it" since then! Even 5 years ago it was hard to believe in the imminence of revolution....... I remember revolutionary ferment beginning from the end of the 1870s. For long decades it was felt that all this was nonsense.... Revolution is impossible while the masses of the people are inert....... But over the past decade a whole series of deep calamities—years of hunger, epidemics, unsuccessful resettlements, loss of hope for land settlement—all this stirred the popular element to its very depths. Finally the shameful war.... louder than all proclamations and propaganda shook the people's sleep, forced them to open their eyes. Quickly, precisely over these 1 1/2 years was felt some terrible turning point in popular thought."

etc.... and at the end about the present "reform government," its commonality with the people, etc.

## SUPPLEMENT TO THE ARTICLE: "POLITICAL STRIKE AND STREET STRUGGLE"

26738

## CONCERNING THE SO-CALLED ARMENIAN SOCIAL-DEMOCRATIC WORKERS' ORGANIZATION.

[September—October 1905. Geneva.]

We have received a letter from the Central Committee informing us that the "Arm[enian] S.-D. Workers' Organization" has expressed the desire to sign the resolution adopted at the conference of all s.-d. parties. But the C.C. does not agree to accept this signature, as it was opposed to the participation of this organization at the conference, being purely foreign without serious links in Russia.1 We hope soon to publish in Proletariat more detailed information about the true character of this organization. For now we note that all those wishing to help genuinely the social-democratic movement among Armenian workers in the C[aucasus] (and not in Geneva) should deal only with the Caucasian organizations of the Russian S.D.L.P., which publish Armenian literature in the Caucasus, and not in Geneva.

1 In a letter to the C.C. from September 7, 1905 (see Lenin Misc. V, p. 192—494) Lenin makes a substantiated objection to the inclusion of the mentioned Armenian organization among the participants of the September conference. (Detailed information about the conference see in Works, vol. VIII, p. 457—459 and 505—507, note 147 and 148.)

* FOR THE ARTICLE: "POLITICAL STRIKE AND STREET STRUGGLE IN MOSCOW"

[OCTOBER, AFTER 10, 1905. GENEVA.]

Excerpts from the foreign press about the October Moscow events, made by Lenin in a separate notebook, were used by him in the unpublished article "Bloody Days in Moscow" (Lenin Misc. V, 405—408), and then after reworking in the article "Political Strike and Street Struggle in Moscow" (Works, vol. VIII, p. 289—295), printed in № 24 of "Proletariat" of November (October 4), 1905.

Below are printed "Excerpts from foreign newspapers about events in Moscow" (under letter "a"), followed by the surviving