Notes: Includes subsections: notes on Grimm theses, corrections on Platten drafts, letters, multiple plan drafts

LENIN COLLECTION

* THESES ON THE ATTITUDE OF THE SWISS SOCIAL-DEMOCRATIC PARTY TO THE QUESTION OF WAR

I.

In connection with the intensification of military danger for Switzerland, the leadership of the s.d. party, in April 1946, decided to work out theses on the party's attitude to the military question. Six prominent party members (Grimm, Müller, Näp, Pflüger, Schenkel and Sheerer) were instructed to express their opinion ("Gutachten"—conclusions) on this question. At the beginning of August, the party leadership decided to convene an extraordinary party congress on February 11-12, 1947 to discuss the military question.

The "conclusions" of the aforementioned persons were published in July and August 1946 in the principal Swiss socialist newspapers ("Volksrecht," "Berner Tagwacht," "Grütlianer"). Grimm's theses are printed below (see p. 45). Müller in the introductory part of his theses argued that, in order to preserve the right of small nations to self-determination, it is necessary to have armed force. He considered the "defense of the country" a duty of the entire people. Social democrats should vote for all military credits necessary for maintaining the people's militia.

Näp in his "conclusion" stated that any war conducted by a capitalist government is inevitably a predatory war. As a means of struggling against it, he proposed the rejection of all military credits and the use of illegal forms of struggle.

Pflüger in his theses acknowledged that wars can be eliminated only together with the capitalist system. As long as capitalism exists, individual countries must defend their borders and maintain a people's militia for this purpose, since as long as, for example, backward Russia refuses to disarm, more democratic Western Europe inevitably faces war. Consequently, the s.d. should vote for military credits.

Schenkel prefaced his theses with an introduction in which he pointed to the necessity of reviewing the decisions of the Stuttgart (1901) and Basle (1912) international congresses

in the direction of recognizing the necessity of defending the country against possible attacks. In his theses Schenkel spoke out in favor of rejecting military credits, insofar as the class state uses the army not only against external enemies but also against the proletariat. At the same time, he is against complete disarmament and in favor of defending the country.

Sheerer in his lengthy article expressed himself in a purely social-chauvinist spirit in favor of defending the homeland and put forward Switzerland as a model democratic country.

On November 5-6, 1916, at the Zurich party congress it was decided to convene a commission for drafting a resolution for the extraordinary party congress of February 11-12, 1917. The commission was formed with the following composition: E. Klätti (chairman), G. Affolter, N. Graber, I. Huber, G. Müller, Ch. Näp, P. Pflüger, Bobes and J. Schmid. Candidates: Genscher and I. Münzenberg.

Party secretaries F. Platten and Fendrit were members of the commission with advisory voice.

Platten took an active part in the commission's work and at the same time maintained close contact with Lenin. The Lenin theses printed below arose in connection with the discussion of the military question within the commission.

As a result of the commission's work at the beginning of January 1917, two draft theses were published: the draft of the majority (Affolter, Graber, Näp, Bobes and Schmid) (see introductory remark on p. 56) and the draft of the minority (Klätti, Huber, Müller, Pflüger). The majority resolution was drawn up in the spirit of Grimm's theses. The minority resolution had a distinctly patriotic character and spoke out in favor of defending the country.

Lenin's work on the theses began with a critical analysis of Grimm's and Platten's theses. While Grimm's theses provoked his negative evaluation, with the exception of the paragraph on the principled rejection of all military credits, Lenin approved certain parts of Platten's theses.

Proceeding from the positive part of Platten's theses, Lenin sketched out a plan for his theses (cf. letter to Vrovsky, p. 60; see also particularly the development of the "practical part," which subsequently entered wholly into both the original and final text of the theses. The most complete text of the theses is preserved in the form of a manuscript written in the hand of N. Krupskaya.

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* UNDERLININGS AND NOTES ON GRIMM'S THESES.

Thesen (Grimm) zur Militärfrage.

1. Der Kapitalismus hat rait der iinperialistischen Form seiner Entwicklung 
die Nationalstaaten tiber ihren bisherigen Rahmen hinausgetriebeu: okono- 
misch, itidem er die nationalen Volkswirtschaften dem Weltmarkt einglie- 
derte; politisch, indem die imperialistischen Staaten, um ihren herrschendeu 
Klasseu Einfiuss auf dem Weltmarkt zu sichern, Biindnisse und Allian/en 
eingeheu. Aus dieseu Wandlungen crgibt sich fiir den einzelnen Staat wirt- 
schaftlich und politisch ein Abhangigkeitsverhaltnis, das die friiheren Grund 
lagen der nalionalen Selbstandigkeit aufhebt und diese selbst za einer blosseii 
Fiktion gestaltet.

2. Unter dem Einfiuss dieser Entwicklung hat sich der Charaktcr des 
sogenannten Yerteidigungskrieges geiindert. Yon kapitalistischen} Staaten 
gefiihrt, ist der Krieg nur eine besondere Form der kapitalistischen Raubpo- 
litik. Sein Charakter wird keineswegs bestimmt durch die iiusseren Gruude,. 
durch die diplomatischen Verwicklungen und Erkliirungen, die zum Ausbruch 
der Feindseligkeilen fuhren. Wie einerseits die Maske des angeblichen Yertei
digungskrieges hiiufig nur die Angriffslust und den Eroberungszweck zu 
decken hat, so ist anderseits die Notv endigkeit der Abwehr ebenso haufig 
nur die Folge der friiheren Eroberungspolitik des angegriffenen Teils. Weder 
im einen noch im anderen Falle handelt es sich um die Wahrung der natio- 
nalen Selbstandigkeit odor um den Schutz der Kulturgemeinschaft, sondern 
im lelzteu Grunde um die Sicherung des Anteils an der Beute des kapita
listischen Profits. Indem die Arbeiter vwihnen, das Yaterland zu yerteidigen, 
indem sie sich gegenseitig niedersiibeln, yerbluten jsie in Wirklichkeit fiir 
die Interessen ihrer kapitalistischen Ausbeuter.

3. Das gleiche gilt fiir das Proletariat der kleinen Lander, in deueu 
sich der Charakter der sogenannten Landesverteidigung in zweifacher Rich- 
tung geandert hat.

Auch die kleinen Staaten, obwohl zu keiner selbstandigen imperiali- 
stischen Politik fahig, unterliegen dem Einfiuss der imperialistischen Politik. 
Wirtschaftlich ^vom Weltmarkt abhiingig, sind sie politisch nur eine Figur 
im imperialistischen Spiel der Grossmiichte. Selbst dort, wo die herrschen- 
den Klassen der kleinen Staaten ihre materiellen [nteressen und damit die 
Politik ihrer Lauder nicht direkt rait den Aspirationen der einen oder an- 
deren Machtekoalition verkniipfen, sind sie gleichwohl zur Zeit des Zustandes 
Friedens und noch viel mehr zur Zeit des Krieges gezwungen, sich dem AVil- 
len und den Geboten der imperialistischen Machte zu unterordnen. Die 
N'eutralitatspolitik der kleinen Staaten reicht dann aerade so weit, als sie 
mit den Interessen der einen oder andern Miichtegruppc oder beiden zusam- 
men nicht in Widerspruch kommt. Damit hort aber die nationale Selbstan- 
digkeit der kleinen Lander auf; sie werden zu Werkzeugen in den H3udea 
der imperialistischen Regierungen und ihrer Diplomatic.

4. Im Lichte der neuzeitlichen Entwicklung und der Erfahrungeo des 
Weltkrieges erweist sicb die Landesverteidigung der kleinen Staaten auth

THESES ON THE ATTITUDE OF THE SWISS S.D. PARTY TO WAR

a.

* UNDERLININGS AND NOTES ON GRIMM'S THESES.

Grimm's Theses on the Military Question.

1. Capitalism in its imperialist form of development has forced national states to go beyond their former boundaries: in the economic relation, through the entry of national economies into the world market; in the political relation, through the fact that imperialist states, in order to secure their ruling classes' influence on the world market, conclude alliances and agreements. These changes create for an individual state a relationship of economic and political dependence, destroying the former foundations of national independence and turning the latter into a mere fiction.

2. Under the influence of this development the character of the so-called defensive war has changed. War conducted by capitalist states is only a special form of capitalist predatory policy. Its character is determined not at all by the external causes, diplomatic complications and declarations that lead to the outbreak of hostilities. Just as, on the one hand, the mask of the so-called defensive war often merely conceals aggressive desires and conquest objectives, so, on the other hand, the necessity of defense is equally often merely the result of the previous conquest policy of the side that was attacked. In neither case is it a question of preserving national independence or of protecting cultural community, but ultimately only of securing a share in the spoils of capitalist profits. Thinking they are defending their homeland, killing each other, workers in reality shed blood for the interests of their capitalist exploiters.

3. The same applies to the proletariat of small countries, where the character of the so-called defense of the state has changed in a twofold respect.

Even small states, though incapable of any independent imperialist policy, are subject to the influence of imperialist policy. Economically dependent on the world market, they are politically only a pawn in the imperialist game of the great powers. Even where the ruling classes of small states do not directly link their material interests and thus the policy of their countries with the aspirations of one or another power coalition, they are nevertheless compelled both in time of peace and even more in time of war to subordinate themselves to the will and commands of the imperialist powers. The neutrality policy of small states then extends only so far as it does not come into contradiction with the interests of one or another group of powers or both together. But thereby national independence of small countries ceases; they become tools in the hands of imperialist governments and their diplomacy.

4. In the light of contemporary development and the experience of the world war, national defense of small states also proves to be

impossible even from a purely military standpoint. Modern militarism demands significantly greater resources than any previous military force. In the military struggle of nations, standing armies prove increasingly insufficient. Their place is taken by the so-called people's army, state-organized mobilization. Every man somewhat capable of bearing arms is subject to conscription and mobilization. At the same time, fundamental changes have occurred in the significance of different branches of warfare. In modern war heavy artillery surpasses all other branches of arms in importance and thereby makes incomparably greater demands on technical, economic and financial military preparation than before.

Small states cannot participate in that intensified competition which is the characteristic feature of modern militarism. They lack both the necessary mass of soldiers and the technical, economic and financial resources and means for successful implementation of country defense. Even if the national independence of small states were more than a mere fiction, their armies could not defend them by their own forces. In case of attack on their country, they would be forced to lean on one or another great power or coalition of imperialist states and seek its aid. But thereby small states are also deprived of the decisive voice in case of war. Not their general staffs, not their governments make decisions in case of danger about the preparation and application of military and financial means of struggle, but the organs of those states whose aid the small countries sought. Thinking they are defending their homeland, the proletarians of a small country sacrifice themselves for the interests of the united imperialist great powers.

5. The special militia character of the army and the democratic state structure of a given country change nothing in these facts. Apart from the fact that the militia character of the army increasingly disappears under the influence of modern military development, the contradiction between hierarchically organized defense and democracy becomes ever deeper as a result of the growing sharpness of class contradictions; even the democracy of a class state, blessed with the right of initiative and referendum, is not a guarantee of the people's right to free decision. If already in the period of armed neutrality the military and political dictatorship of the government takes the place of parliamentary responsibility and democratic control, then in case of serious danger democracy is completely eliminated, and the right to national self-determination, the right of peoples to free decision concerning war and peace is abolished. The demand for the right to self-determination becomes a phantom and even if it has received apparent or formal realization in the democratic constitution of the state, it can in no way serve as justification for the participation of the proletariat in the so-called defensive war. Militarism and war, in whatever form the former may exist, for whatever purpose the latter may be conducted, are not means for the protection of independence and autonomy or for the preservation of neutrality of small states. Militarism and war constitute a constant danger

*only against bourgeois pacifism, not against socialist pacifism!!

to the vital interests of small nations and threaten them—after enormous sacrifices for military preparation, the burden of which must fall on the lower classes of the people—with destruction, extermination and annihilation.

6. The only means of protecting small nations from these dangers lies in a permanent international understanding among peoples. This understanding can be neither the fruit of bourgeois-pacifist endeavors nor the result of diplomatic agreements between capitalist states. On the soil of bourgeois social order, as the present world war teaches with particular vividness, the force of the stronger decides—to which all principles of law are sacrificed if necessary. Only a worker International based on socialist conviction and united by continuous common struggle against the ruling classes is capable of laying the foundations of permanent and peaceful understanding among peoples.

7. The preconditions for such an International are increasingly created by the leveling development of economic relations and not least by capitalist concentration intensified as a result of the world war in all countries of the European cultural sphere. But in order that the socialist International fulfill its historical task, the proletariat must, both in peace and in war, place the international solidarity of workers above national solidarity with their exploiters and direct all forces capable of bringing the world peace and humanity the possibility of cultural and social transition to a state of equality and brotherhood toward revolutionary mass struggle for the realization of socialism.

8. Proceeding from these considerations, the following tasks result for the social-democratic party of Switzerland with regard to combating war danger and war:

a) International: Support of all endeavors serving the creation of a vital, capable-of-action proletarian International. Recognition and strict execution of all resolutions that will be adopted in a binding manner by such an International for all affiliated parties and organizations.

Nonsense!

b) National: Principled struggle for the elimination of militarism in all its forms. Struggle against chauvinism and nationalism and against the military education of youth. Principled rejection of all military demands and credits both in peace and in war. Obligation of social-democratic deputies to act in parliament in this spirit.

9. Should this struggle, as part of the general proletarian class struggle, prove insufficient to avert the danger of military involvement of Switzerland, then the social-democratic party, under the condition of simultaneous action by the socialist proletariat of other countries threatened by war danger, is determined to initiate a comprehensive campaign against mobilization and for universal refusal of military service, supported by a mass strike of workers in military industries and transport personnel. The party organs must in this case take the necessary measures jointly with the trade union organizations of the country.

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NOTES ON GRIMM'S THESES.

II.

Grimm Theses.

§ 1 — In general! for all states! "Relationship of dependence."

§ 2 — "Defense of the homeland" = in reality bleeding to death for the interests of capitalist exploiters (of workers) (likewise in general!)

§ 3 — and "for small countries"

"Small countries are incapable of conducting any independent imperialist policy"?? / 5.

§ 4 — in military respect not possible (??)

§ 5. Democracy and militia also change nothing in this__

§ 6. Against "bourgeois-pacifist" (?) endeavors...

§ 7. International solidarity higher than national...

§ 8. — Social-democratic party of Switzerland ((finally Switzerland!))

a) in international respect......... "support of all endeavors for the creation of a vital proletarian International" ...

b) in national respect... principled struggle against militarism... Rejection of all credits...

§ 9. "Should this struggle... prove insufficient to avoid this military danger for Switzerland (? probably not!!), then the social-democratic party is prepared under the condition of simultaneous action by the socialist proletariat of other countries threatened by war, for a general uprising against mobilization and for refusal of military service... for a mass strike..........The party organs are obligated in this case jointly with the professional organizations of the country to take necessary measures" (end).

The first (7) seven "in general"!!
and § 6 only against "bourgeois" pacifism!!
§ 8 international
§ 9

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CORRECTIONS, UNDERLININGS AND NOTES ON F. PLATTEN'S DRAFT RESOLUTIONS.*

I.

Resolution on the Military Question.

[Economic development of recent decades, characterized by an extraordinary growth in the power of capital, has expanded the scope of national economic areas beyond their political boundaries and has led to the formation of world economy and to the striving of the bourgeoisie of different countries, bound together by like interests, toward military and world domination, and thereby to imperialism.

War is an attempt to overcome by violent means those obstacles that have grown out of capitalism's peaceful expansion and that cannot be removed by peaceful means.] **

*

The present war is an imperialist war, a war for political domination and economic exploitation of the world, that is, a war for markets, sources of raw materials, fields for capital investment, in short—for the expansion of the sphere of national interests.

In order to deceive the people, the ruling class presents every war as a war for the defense of the homeland. Under this phrase there is always hidden imperialist policy conducted by means of violence.

*

Participation of the proletariat in an (imperialist) *** war means the voluntary subordination of the proletariat to the interests and aims of its exploiters, and thereby—the cessation of class struggle, recognition of civil peace, the breaking of international bonds uniting it with the world proletariat, and fraught with serious consequences [fratricidal denial of international solidarity]. ****

*

But militarism is also the strongest weapon of the possessing class for the preservation of an unjust economic and legal order.

* The Platten resolution is printed on a typewriter; notes, underlinings, erasings and corrections are made by Lenin in pencil. Ed.
** Text in square brackets here and below is crossed out by Lenin. Ed.

*** Text in angular brackets here and below is inserted by Lenin. Ed.
**** Lenin placed a sign here but did not write the insertion. Ed.

Its anti-popular character reveals itself in its application against the working class of its own state struggling for the improvement of its lot. Every active support of militaristic endeavors, every passive tolerance therefore means a strengthening of the power position of the opponent. The proletariat must therefore renounce recognition of militarism and its functions as a supposed means of defending the homeland and demand the final elimination of militarism in all its forms. ^ [This is only possible through the elimination of capitalism, which forms the breeding ground for ever new wars. [The struggle of the proletariat against war and militarism is therefore first and foremost one against the capitalist social order.] (whose elimination is sought through social revolution). All bourgeois-pacifist or socialist-pacifist talk [about] (against) militarism and war without recognition of the goal of complete * elimination of the existing social order are illusory and serve only to divert the working class from serious struggle against the foundations of militarism.

This struggle finds its strongest support in the international organization (and action) of the proletariat [and in the unceasing struggle against militarism in all its forms and by all suitable means].

*

We therefore demand:

1. Rejection of the duty [of] (to) "defense of the homeland" [and of civil peace].

4. [3.] [1.] 2. [Comprehensive] (organization of revolutionary mass actions: actions of the entire working class [against mobilization]: through (assemblies, demonstrations), refusal of military service and general strike.

2. [3.] Rejection of all military demands and credits in peace and in war.

3. [4.] [Demand for demobilization and struggle for it if mobilization has already taken place.]

3. [4.] 5. Intensification of the principled struggle against militarism and the nationalist and chauvinist endeavors that serve it, systematic education of the working class about militarism and of soldiers about their function as an army.

*

* Corrected by Lenin from an incorrectly written word. Ed.

THESES ON THE ATTITUDE OF THE SWISS S.D. PARTY TO WAR

His hostility toward the people manifests itself in its use against the laboring classes struggling for the improvement of their fate in their own state. Consequently, every active support of militarist aspirations, every passive connivance means the strengthening of the enemy's power. The proletariat must, for this reason, renounce recognition of militarism and its function as a supposed means of defending the fatherland and demand the final destruction of militarism in all its forms. The latter is possible only through the destruction of capitalism, which is the source of ever-new wars. [The struggle of the proletariat against war and militarism is therefore in the first place a struggle against the capitalist order] (toward the elimination of which social revolution leads). All bourgeois-pacifist or socialist-pacifist speeches [about] (against) militarism and war without recognition of the task of complete elimination of the existing social order are utopian and serve only to distract the working class from serious struggle against the foundations of militarism.

This struggle finds its strongest support in the international organization (and actions) of the proletariat [and in the unceasing struggle against militarism in all its forms and by all suitable means.]

Therefore, we demand:

1. Renunciation of the obligations of "defense of the fatherland" [and civil peace].

2. [Broad] (Organization of mass revolutionary actions): actions of the entire working class [against mobilization]: by means of (assemblies, demonstrations), refusal of military service and general strike.

2. [3.] Rejection of all military demands and credits, both in peacetime and in wartime.

[4.] [Demand for demobilization and struggle for it, if mobilization has already taken place.]

3. [4.] 5. Intensification of principled struggle against militarism and the nationalist and chauvinistic aspirations serving it, systematic enlightenment of the working class concerning militarism and soldiers concerning their functions in the army.

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**II. Military Question.**
30 November 1916.

1) After the World War has shown what crimes capitalist governments are capable of and how they have succeeded, deceiving the proletariat with false facts, in forcing it to take active part in these murders and devastations, the Social Democratic Party faces the obligation to revise its position on militarism and war.

2) The previous conditional recognition of militarism and its function as an instrument of class struggle is rejected, and the complete abolition of militarism is adopted as a programmatic demand. This principled demand rests on the pernicious purpose of militarism.

3) Militarism is the strongest weapon of the possessing class for maintaining an unjust economic and legal order, and its hostility toward the people reveals itself in its use against the proletarian class within its own state. Here the class character of militarism comes out clearly to the detriment of the proletariat. The struggle of the working class against this function must always and under all circumstances be waged with the sharpest means of proletarian class struggle.

4) No less hostile to the people and anti-cultural is militarism as a means of struggle against the so-called "external enemy." The safeguarding of the interests of the possessing class of a state and the pursuit of political and economic ambitions through the means of war can under no circumstances be approved and supported by the proletariat. As long as the Social Democratic Party recognizes the necessity of conducting wars under certain conditions, it must also recognize militarism and is obliged to strive for the greatest possible perfection of militarism and the militarization of the entire nation. The allocation of military budgets, the creation of the best equipment, the recognition of the militarization of youth, etc., then follow. The use of militarism against both the external and internal enemy rests on class politics in contemporary society. The working class in particular and the broad masses have nothing to expect from the use of militarism except the violation of their economic, political and individual rights.

Both purposes are equally reprehensible from the proletarian class standpoint and obligate Social Democracy to the sharpest struggle for the complete abolition of militarism.

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**Defense of the Fatherland.**

Defense of the country can be conceived:

a) as the repulsion of violations of its territory;
b) as an attack on an opponent on military-strategic grounds in order to transfer the theater of war into the opponent's country;
c) as the safeguarding of economic interests and the pursuit of political and economic ambitions.

Defense will always be a product of the preceding politics and economy, with which the proletariat, as an opponent of the present social order, can never identify itself without falling into the role of agent of its oppressors, without profoundly violating its own interests, and without betraying its international class solidarity.

The so-called "defense of the fatherland" is a hypocritical phrase for the purpose of deceiving the people. It is the veiled representation of the interests of a few, but ruling persons.

Defense means historically the repulsion of a violation of territory, as an attempt at territorial expansion; the safeguarding of existing economic interests, as an attempt at expanding the sphere of economic interests. It always means only the expression of a treacherous peace policy in condensed form. Every war is the continuation of politics by means of brute force—militarism. The dual character of militarism characterizes it as a class instrument of the possessors and makes the proletariat the sworn enemy of war and militarism.

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**III. War and Militarism.**
30 November 1916.

War is not an elementary event, but rather the condensation of bourgeois politics during peacetime. It is an attempt to eliminate obstacles of a violent nature. The fact that the cause and origin of a war can only be considered in connection with the politics pursued before the outbreak of war shows us that war is only the continuation of politics by other means.

The present World War is a struggle for economic spheres of influence and political hegemony. It is an imperialist war, waged for the political and economic exploitation of the world, for markets, raw material sources, fields for capital investment, etc. It is a product of capitalist development, which simultaneously ties the entire world to the world economy and permits the existence of national-state capitalist groups with contradictory interests.

The voluntary participation of the proletariat in a war can thus only take place if one solidarizes oneself with the capitalists of one's own country in the pursuit of economic goals. This means the abolition of class struggle, the renunciation of the aspiration toward the socialization of society, recognition of civil peace, and thus the bankruptcy of proletarian class struggle. Temporary engagement in capitalist aspirations leads to social imperialism and thereby to the proclamation of national solidarity and community of interests between capital and labor (Chamberlainism).

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**LETTER TO M. G. BRONSKY.**

[Early December 1916. Zurich.]

Dear Comrade!

It seems to me that the following logical structure of the resolution (on the basis of the Platten resolution) would be desirable: (in brackets literally from Platten).

1. "The present World War is an imperialist war."

2. ("Criminal peace policy") namely of Switzerland, which on one hand can be drawn into an imperialist war as a result of this policy, and on the other hand because of its imperialist surroundings.

3. Therefore "defense of the fatherland" is also for Switzerland a "hypocritical phrase."

4. Principled rejection of defense of the fatherland and the "sharpest means of proletarian class struggle." As complete a list of these means as possible. Immediate demobilization.

5. "Complete abolition of militarism" not in a pacifist sense, i.e., in the closest connection with the socialist revolution and as its consequence.

In my view, we can in this way obtain a good resolution in five paragraphs.

Of course, I am not providing formulations here; I am only indicating the logical sequence and course of thought.

With warm greetings,
Lenin.

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**FIRST DRAFT OF THESES.**

1. "The present World War is an imperialist war," waged for the political and economic exploitation of the world, for markets, raw material sources, new fields for capital investment, etc. The phrases of both warring coalitions about "defense of the fatherland" are nothing but bourgeois deception.

2. The Swiss government is the representative and agent of Swiss bourgeoisie, which is wholly dependent on international financial capital and most closely connected with the imperialist bourgeoisie of the great powers. In connection with this, the Swiss government, over a series of years, has pursued an increasingly reactionary and militarist policy serving the interests of a military clique, a policy of crawling before the imperialist bourgeoisie of the great powers, of shameless betrayal of the interests of the Swiss people in favor of the interests of profit.

3. Therefore, on the part of Switzerland (now also with respect to Switzerland), "defense of the fatherland" is now nothing but a "hypocritical phrase," because in reality it is not about the defense of "democracy," "independence," the interests of the broad masses of the people, etc., but about the interests of the imperialist bourgeoisie of Switzerland as well as one of the two warring coalitions of world powers. This is how it stands now, during peace, and could not be otherwise in the event of Switzerland's participation in war (in this imperialist war, as well as in future imperialist wars).

Therefore, the S.D. Party of Switzerland [must unconditionally and] principally [rejects] rejects "defense of the fatherland," and must answer the military preparations of the Swiss bourgeoisie as well as the threatening war (the war, if Switzerland is drawn into war) with the "sharpest means of proletarian class struggle," namely:

A) No civil peace. Intensification of principled struggle against all bourgeois parties as well as against the Grütli Association as an association of agents of the bourgeoisie within the workers' movement.

(2) Voting against all military credits, whatever pretext they may be given.

(3) Support for revolutionary struggles and movements against war and against their own governments on the part of the working classes of all warring countries.

(4) Demand for revolutionary mass struggle within Switzerland. Strikes, demonstrations, armed uprising against the bourgeoisie.

(5) Strengthening of systematic propaganda within the army and creation of special groups and organizations for this purpose, organizations of youth of military age, also within the army itself, etc.

(6) Creation of illegal organizations by the mass of workers themselves as an answer to any curtailment or abolition of political freedoms on the part of the government.

(7) Preparation (systematic care to ensure) such a situation that the leadership of all workers' organizations and employee organizations without exception—not only those affiliated with the socialist party, but also economic ones, such as trade unions, cooperatives, educational associations, etc.—fall into the hands of people who recognize and can carry out (can resolutely carry out) such (the aforementioned) struggle against war.

5. As the goal of revolutionary mass struggles, the complete abolition of militarism and all wars shall be considered (held). But since this goal is absolutely incompatible with the foundations of the capitalist order, the party declares that for all our actions we immediately put forward the socialist revolution of Switzerland as our program. To actually abolish militarism, we demand the replacement of the bourgeois government with a proletarian one, abolition of all indirect taxes, a single direct tax with revolutionarily high rates for large incomes, because only such measures show the real path to socialism and thus to the abolition of militarism.

THESES ON THE ATTITUDE OF THE SWISS S.D. PARTY TOWARD THE WAR

(1) No civil peace. Intensification of the principled struggle against all bourgeois parties, as well as against the Grütli Union, as a union of agents of the bourgeoisie within the workers' movement.

(2) Voting against all military credits, whatever pretext they may be requested under.

(3) Support for the revolutionary struggle and movement of the working class of all warring countries against the war and against their own governments.

(4) Promotion of revolutionary mass struggle within Switzerland, strikes, demonstrations, armed uprising against the bourgeoisie.

(5) Intensification of systematic propaganda in the troops and creation for this purpose of special groups, organizations of draft-age youth within the army itself, etc.

(6) Creation by the workers' masses themselves of illegal organizations as a response to any curtailment or elimination of political freedoms by the government.

(7) Preparation (systematic concern for this;* such a situation in which the leading organs of all organizations of workers and employees — not only those affiliated with the socialist party, but also economic ones, such as trade unions, cooperative and cultural organizations, etc. — pass into the hands of such persons who recognize and are capable of carrying out (in a position to carry out ruthlessly) such (above-mentioned) struggle against the war.

5. The goal of revolutionary mass struggle should be the complete elimination of militarism and all wars. Insofar as this goal is absolutely incompatible with the foundations of the capitalist system, the party declares that as the program for all our actions we put forward the immediate task of socialist transformation of Switzerland. In order to actually eliminate militarism, we demand the replacement of the bourgeois government with a proletarian one, the abolition of all indirect taxes, the introduction of a single direct tax with revolutionarily high rates, because only these measures indicate the true path to socialism and, consequently, to the elimination of militarism.

LENINSKI SBORNIK

о.

* THE FINAL TEXT OF THE THESES.*

1. The present world war is an imperialist war, which is being conducted for the purpose of political and economic exploitation of the world, for markets, sources of raw materials, and new spheres for capital investment, the subjugation of weak peoples, etc.

The phrases of both warring coalitions concerning "defence of the homeland" are nothing but bourgeois deception of the peoples.

2. The Swiss government is the custodian of the affairs of Swiss bourgeoisie, which is entirely dependent on international finance capital and is most closely connected with the imperialist bourgeoisie of the great powers.

It is therefore no accident, but the necessary result of these economic facts, that the Swiss government, with each passing day — and this has been happening for decades — pursues increasingly reactionary politics and secret diplomacy, undermines and violates the democratic rights and freedoms of the people, crawls before a military clique, and systematically and shamelessly sacrifices the interests of the broad masses of the population to the interests of a handful of financial magnates.

The involvement of Switzerland in the present war is now possible at any moment, both because of this dependence of the Swiss bourgeois government on the interests of the financial oligarchy, and because of the overwhelming pressure of one or another of the coalitions of imperialist powers.

3. Therefore, with regard to Switzerland, "defence of the homeland" is now nothing but a hypocritical phrase, because in reality it is not a question of the protection of democracy, independence, and the interests of the broad masses of the people, etc., but, on the contrary, of preparation for the slaughter of workers and small peasants in order to maintain the monopolies and privileges of the bourgeoisie, to strengthen the rule of capitalists, as well as political reaction.

4. On the basis of these facts, the social-democratic party of Switzerland fundamentally rejects "defence of the homeland," demands immediate demobilization, and calls upon the working class to answer the military preparations of Swiss bourgeoisie, as well as the war, should it come, with the sharpest means of proletarian class struggle.

As such means, the following are particularly to be pointed out:

(1) No civil peace; intensification of the principled struggle against all bourgeois parties, as well as against the Grütli Union, as a union of agents of the bourgeoisie within the workers' movement, as well as against Grütlian tendencies within the socialist party.

(2) Rejection of all military credits, both in time of peace and in time of war, under whatever pretext they may be requested.

(3) Support for all revolutionary movements and every struggle of the working class of the warring countries against the war and against their own governments.

(4) Promotion of revolutionary mass struggle within Switzerland, strikes, demonstrations, armed uprising against the bourgeoisie.

(5) Systematic propaganda in the army, creation for this purpose of special social-democratic groups in the army, as well as from pre-conscription youth.

(6) Creation by the working class itself of illegal organizations as a response to any curtailment or elimination of political freedoms by the government.

(7) Systematic preparation, through planned enlightenment of the workers, of such a situation that the leadership of all, without exception, organizations of workers and employees pass into the hands of persons who recognize and will be in a position to carry out the above-mentioned struggle against the war.

5. As the goal of revolutionary mass struggle, which was already recognized at the party congress of 1915 in Aarau, the party puts forward the socialist transformation of Switzerland. This transformation is economically immediately feasible; it represents the sole truly effective means of liberating the masses from the horrors of high prices and hunger; it approaches as a consequence of the crisis that Europe is now experiencing; it is absolutely necessary for the complete elimination of militarism and all wars.

The party declares that all bourgeois-pacifist and socialist-pacifist phrases against militarism and wars, without recognition of this goal and the revolutionary paths to it, it considers to be illusions or lies, which serve only to divert the working class from any serious struggle against the foundations of capitalism.

Without ceasing the struggle for improvement in the condition of wage slaves, the party calls upon the working class and its representatives to place on the agenda for propaganda the immediate socialist transformation of Switzerland, through mass agitation, parliamentary speeches, initiative proposals, etc., explaining the necessity of replacing the bourgeois government with a proletarian one, resting on the mass of the impoverished population, and making clear the urgent necessity of such measures as the expropriation of banks and large enterprises, the abolition of all indirect taxes, the introduction of a single direct tax with revolutionarily high rates for large incomes, etc.

V.

* EDITORIAL CHANGES IN LENIN'S COPY OF THE THESES.

At the end of the 2nd paragraph an addition was made:

The participation of Switzerland in this war under all circumstances will lead to the fact that our country will fight only in alliance with one or another coalition of powers, that is, the Swiss people will be forced to shed blood for the predatory goals of the great powers.

A new paragraph numbered 3 was inserted and accordingly the numbering of all subsequent paragraphs was changed. The new paragraph reads:

The proletariat cannot under any circumstances place any trust in phrases about the protection of neutrality, because 1) these phrases originate from the Swiss bourgeoisie, which seeks to cover up with them its class rule and the protection of the interests of finance capital; 2) the experience of various neutral countries in this war has shown that armed protection of neutrality, as a consequence of the international connection of capitalist interests, can at any moment lead to war.

In the 2nd point of the 4th paragraph, instead of the word "particularly," it is written: "absolutely."

At the beginning of the 2nd point of the 4th paragraph, instead of the word "Rejection," it is written: "Principled rejection."

The 6th and 7th points of the 4th paragraph are formulated as follows:

(6) To every attempt by the government to abolish or curtail the political freedoms and rights of the people, in order to make difficult the struggle of the proletariat against the war, the Swiss working class, following the example of Karl Liebknecht and his supporters (the Spartacus group in Germany), should respond with the founding of illegal organizations and the distribution of illegal printed matter for the purpose of continuing the struggle.

(7) Systematic enlightenment of workers in the party and trade unions on the fact that, as the example of Germany shows, so long as the responsible posts of workers' organizations (party, trade unions, cooperatives) remain in the hands of opportunists and supporters of defenders of the homeland, all decisions and promises to conduct a struggle against the war and militarism have no significance.

In the first sentence of the 5th paragraph, instead of the word "transformation," it is written: "reshaping."

At the end, instead of the words "making clear," it is written: "explaining."

Into the draft resolution of the majority of the commission on the military question were included a number of paragraphs from Platten's theses, including a paragraph characterizing the contemporary war as imperialist; in addition, passages were included in which it is stated that the bourgeoisie seeks to depict every war as defensive, that the class character of the army reveals itself when it is used in struggle against the working class, etc. The practical demands in the draft resolution are formulated as follows: "1) Systematic enlightenment of the working class about the essence and purpose of militarism. 2) Struggle against military institutions and rejection by the party of all military obligations of a class state. Support for those comrades who, when applied as soldiers against workers' interests, refuse to carry out military discipline. 3) Oblige the party's representatives in parliament to reject on principled grounds all military demands and credits. 4) Organize decisive and extreme resistance of the working class against the participation of our country in any war (meetings, demonstrations, strikes, etc.)." Below are printed the amendments of the Zimmerwald Left to the majority resolution. Fundamentally, these amendments undoubtedly belong to Lenin. From the numerical calculations at the bottom of the document it can be seen that the majority resolution (Grimm) and the minority resolution (Kletli), as well as the amendments of the left to the majority resolution, were voted on at some gathering of Swiss s.d., after which, once Grimm's resolution passed by a majority of 95 to 65, the amendments of the left received 52 votes. Lenin apparently attended this gathering, as the numerical calculations are made in his hand. Likewise, in his hand are a number of additions to the amendments, which were typed in German.