**"L'Echo de Paris", 13. X. 1914.**

"The Article of Junius" concerning the conversation between Jouhaux and Legien.

..."What a lesson—if our syndicalists wish to take advantage of it—is presented by this conversation between Mr. Jouhaux, secretary of the General Confederation of Labor, and the German Socialist deputy Mr. Legien—on July 24 of this year and in Brussels!—The date and place are symbolic. "What do you calculate you will do to avoid war?" asks Mr. Jouhaux. "Have you decided upon action? We, for our part, are ready to respond to your call." And he adds: "And despite the fact that these questions were repeated several times, Legien...gave no answer whatsoever. We left Brussels, convinced that our confidence in the good will of German organizations must disappear." What conclusion does he then draw from his failure? I continue citing his text: "We shall draw up an indictment that will remind everyone that the only means of making international relations stable and durable is to conduct the same work everywhere for peace and against war." Events have just proved to him that this joint work is impossible. He considers them accidental and continues to uphold a utopia whose delusions strike one with terror when one thinks about them. What would have happened if Mr. Legien had proved to be a less honest man and had promised his naive interlocutor assistance that would later not be rendered?" But let us not think about catastrophes that did not occur. And further, instruction to Mr. Jouhaux:

"Minds of the type of Mr. Jouhaux recognize, and they are not mistaken, that there exist class or rather professional interests...However, they fail to notice one thing, namely, that no profession can exist outside a country. Before belonging to any class, the worker and peasant, like the bourgeois, constitute part of a definite nation...Consequently, if the laborer belongs to a definite country before belonging to a definite class, then the interest of the country stands above the interest of the class. The entire delusion of international syndicalism consists in failure to understand this dependence, enclosed in the very nature of things. The question is not about underestimating class interest. The question is about determining its place...The false dogmas of internationalism did not withstand even an hour against obvious national necessity...We propose to them" (to them, the syndicalists) "only that they understand the lesson of this war and that, when they think about their class interests, they think about them in connection with national interest. Then we shall be able to come to easy agreement." Junius. (End of article.)

**"Volksrecht", No. 241, 16. X. 1914.**

**B. "What the conduct of war has cost thus far".**

Cost of war: In the first 2 months of war
all belligerent states—6,250 million francs
Germany—1,800 million marks = 2,250 million francs
of which for Austria, whose finances are completely shattered
England—2,150
(of which possibly...

Leroy-Beaulieu—see "L'Humanité"—calculates at 1 billion per month for each of 5 great powers, in 7 months.
5 × 7 = 35 + 15 small states and neutral [states] = 50 billion.

**Christian priests on war:**

Priest Babut (French) proposed a project for a declaration (and sent it to German priests):

"We the undersigned, Christians of Germany, England, Austria, France, Russia, Belgium and Serbia, agitated and distressed by the conflict that devastates and drenches Europe in blood, declare:

1° Being deeply attached each to his own country, they do not wish to do or say anything that would not correspond to the sincere and fervent patriotism that inspires them,

2° but at the same time they cannot forget or deny that God is the God of all nations and the father of all men, that Jesus Christ is the savior of all; that he commanded his followers to consider each other brothers and love one another as brothers and that for evangelical faith, as St. Paul says, there is neither Greek nor Jew, neither barbarian nor Scythian—and consequently there is no longer German and Frenchman, Austrian and Russian, but in all things and in all Christ.

In view of this they bind themselves before the face of God and with God's help to expel from their hearts all hatred toward those whom they are obliged at the present time to call enemies, and to do them good if the occasion presents itself; to use all the influence at their disposal in order that war be conducted with the maximum possible humanity, that the victor, whoever he may be, does not abuse his power, that the person and rights of the weak be respected; they bind themselves to love with the former brotherly love their brothers in faith, whatever nation they may belong to, to pray to God for all victims of war without exception, to beseech him urgently that the horrors of war he soon replace with the benefits of a just and final peace and that the disastrous and cruel events which we observe may bring nearer the coming of the kingdom of God."

("Journal de Geneve", 17. X. 1914.)

This letter was written on August 4, 1914. Sent by Mr. Babut, a respected pastor from Nîmes, to Mr. Driander, a German, court preacher in Berlin.

This Driander replied on behalf of himself and two other priests (Lahusen and Axenfeld) with his signature ("Journal de Geneve", 18. X. 1914) dated 15. IX. 1914 with a long letter saying that—

..."we gladly express our agreement with proposals 1 and 2. They constitute part of the common heritage of all Christians. Patriotism and Christianity do not exclude each other, but rather mutually presuppose one another"—

as for the rest, we accept it in principle, but cannot sign, not wishing to give occasion, even the most remote, to think that Germany is conducting war in violation of the principles of humanity etc. We supposedly did not want war, we are a peaceful people etc. etc. The attacking side—the English and others, etc. etc. and so forth.

N.B. "Volksrecht" (1914) No. 239 ("Toward Eternal Peace") and No. 242 (Bernstein)
"Frankfurter Zeitung" (1914) No. 291 (II morning edition) 20. X. (Scheidemann for war).