The Provocation That Failed

Published:Novaya ZhiznNo. 13, November 15, 1905. Signed:N. Lenin.

      Published according to the text inNovaya Zhizn.Source:Lenin
	  Collected Works,

      Progress Publishers,1965,

      Moscow,Volume 10,

      pages52-53.Translated:Transcription\Markup:R. CymbalaPublic Domain:Lenin Internet Archive

      (2004).You may freely copy, distribute,
	display and perform this work; as well as make derivative and
	commercial works. Please credit “Marxists Internet
	Archive” as your source.•README

Theresolution of the Soviet of Workers’

			       Deputies[1]which we print in this issue marks an exceedingly important stage in the
development of the revolution.

Thealliance of the government and the bourgeoisie is making an attempt to
defeat the proletariat, taking advantage of its exhaustion. In answer to the
introduction of an eight-hour day in the St. Petersburg factories by
revolutionary means, the bourgeoisie has announced a lock-out.

Theplot has been hatched. They have decided to fight the strike by means of a
mass dismissal of workers. Government-owned works are being shut down, together
with many private works. Tens of thousands of workers have been thrown on to the
streets. The intention is to provoke the St. Petersburg proletariat, exhausted
by the previous bat ties, to a new conflict in most unfavourable conditions.

Followingthe advice of the Social-Democratic representatives, the Soviet of
Workers’ Deputies has decided to expose the plot of the counter-revolution
before the workers and to caution the proletariat of St. Petersburg against
allowing itself to be drawn into a trap. The Soviet has answered the challenge
to fight single-handed by appealing for a united struggle throughout Russia; it
has answered by immediate steps to consolidate the alliance of the
revolutionary workers with the revolutionary peasants and with those sections
of the Army and Navy which are beginning to revolt in all parts of Russia.

Atsuch a moment, more than at any other time, it is essential to direct all our
efforts towards uniting the army of the revolution all over Russia, it is
essential to preserve our forces, to use the liberties we have won for agitationand organisation increased a hundredfold, to prepare for new decisive
battles. Let the autocracy unite with the reactionary bourgeoisie! Let the
liberal bourgeoisie (as represented by the congress of Zemstvo[2]and municipal leaders in Moscow[3])

vote confidence in the
government, which hypocritically talks about liberty and at the same time uses
armed force to crush Poland for demanding the most elementary guarantees of
liberty!

Wemust counteract the alliance between the autocracy and the bourgeoisie by an
alliance between the Social- Democrats and all revolutionary bourgeois
democrats. The socialist proletariat holds out its hand to the peasantry
fighting for freedom, and calls on it to join in a concerted general onslaught
all over the country.

Itis in this that the enormous importance of the decision of the Soviet of
Workers’ Deputies lies. We Social- Democrats must see to it that the whole Party
comes to the assistance of the Soviet of Workers’ Deputies. We are bent on more
than just the democratic revolution. We are fighting for socialism, i.e., for
the complete emancipation of the toilers from all oppression, economic as well
as political. Our Party admits into its ranks only those who recognise this
great aim and who never for a moment forget the necessity of preparing the
forces for its attainment.

Butjust because we socialists want to reach our socialist goal, we are
striving for the most thorough fulfilment of the democratic revolution, for the
winning of complete liberty in the interests of a successful fight for
socialism. That is why we must go hand in hand with those revolutionary
democrats who do not want to bargain with the government, but to fight it, who
do not want to curtail the revolution, but to carry it to completion—with
these people we must go hand in hand, without, however, merging with them. Long
live, then, the alliance of the socialist proletariat and the whole
revolutionary people! All the forces of reaction, all the attacks of the
counter-revolution will break down before their joint onslaught.

[1]Seepp. 50-51 of this volume.—Ed.

[2]Zemstvo—the name given to the local self-government
bodies introduced in the central gubernias of tsarist Russia in
1864. The
powers of the Zemstvos, which were headed by the nobility, were limited to purely
local economic matters (hospital and road building, statistics, insurance,
etc.). Their activities were controlled by the governors and the Ministry of the
Interior, which could overrule any decision that did not suit the
government.

[3]TheCongress of Zemstvo and municipal leaderssat in Moscow from
November 6-13 (19-26), 1905. It declared against the convocation of a
constituent assembly and expressed the hope that the Duma would play the role of
queller of peasant unrest by slightly increasing peasant allotments.