SPEECHES ON WAR AND PEACE AT A MEETING OF THE C.C. OF THE R.S.D.L.P.(B.). JANUARY 11 (24), 1918

Published:First published in 1922 in N. Lenin (V. Ulyanov),Sobraniye Sochinenii(Collected Works), Vol. XV.

      Printed from the manuscript minutes.Source:Lenin
	  Collected Works,

      Progress Publishers,1971,

      Moscow,Volume 36,

      pages467-470.Translated:Andrew RothsteinTranscription\Markup:R. CymbalaPublic Domain:Lenin Internet Archive.You may freely copy, distribute,
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ComradeLenin speaks first and points out that at the
meeting on January 8 (21) three standpoints were brought
out on this question, and asks whether the question should
be discussed point by point on the theses he put forward,
or whether a general discussion should be opened. The
second alternative is adopted, and Comrade Lenin has the
floor.

Hebegins by setting forth the three standpoints brought
out at the previous meeting
(1) signing a separate
annexationist peace,
(2) waging a revolutionary war, and
(3)
proclaiming the war ended, demobilising the army, but not
signing a peace treaty. At the previous meeting, the first
standpoint received 15 votes, the second 32 and the third 16.

ComradeLenin points out that the Bolsheviks have
never renounced defence, but this defence and protection
of the fatherland must have a definite, concrete context,
which exists at the present time, namely, defence of the
Socialist Republic against an extremely strong international
imperialism. The question is only one of how we should
defend our fatherland, the Socialist Republic. The army
is excessively fatigued by the war; the horses are in such
a state that in the event of an offensive we shall not be
able to move the artillery; the Germans are holding such
favourable positions on the islands in the Baltic that if
they start an offensive they could take Reval and Petrogradwith their bare hands. By continuing the war in such
conditions, we shall greatly strengthen German imperialism,
peace will have to be concluded just the same, but then the
peace will be still worse because it is not we who will be
concluding it. The peace we are now forced to conclude is
undoubtedly an ignominious one, but if war begins, our
government will be swept away and peace will be concluded
by a different government. At present, we are relying not
only on the proletariat but also on the poor peasantry, which
will abandon us if the war continues. Drawing out the war
is in the interest of French, British and American
imperialism, and proof of this, for example, is the offer made at
Krylenko’s headquarters by the Americans to pay 100 rubles
for every Russian soldier. Those who take the standpoint
of revolutionary war stress that we shall then be engaged
in a civil war with German imperialism, and shall thereby
awaken revolution in Germany. But Germany, after all,
is still only pregnant with revolution, whereas we have
already given birth to a quite healthy infant, the Socialist
Republic, which we may kill if we start the war. We are
in possession of a circular letter of the German
Social-Democrats, there is information about the attitude to us of
two trends in the Centre, of which one considers that we have
been bought, and that the current events in Brest are a farce,
with the actors playing out their parts. This section is
attacking us for the armistice. The other section of the
Kautskyites says that the personal honesty of the leaders of the
Bolsheviks is beyond all doubt, but that the Bolsheviks’
behaviour is a psychological
riddle.[1]We don’t know
the opinion of the Left-wing Social-Democrats. The
British workers are supporting our efforts for peace. Of
course, the peace we conclude will be an ignominious one,
but we need a breathing space in order to carry out social
reforms (take transport alone); we need to consolidate
ourselves, and this takes time. We need to complete the
crushing of the bourgeoisie, but for this we need to have both our
hands free. Once we have done this, we shall free both our
hands, and then we should be able to carry on a
revolutionary war against international imperialism. The echelons
of the revolutionary volunteer army which have now been
formed are the officers of our future army.

WhatComrade Trotsky is proposing—an end to the war,
refusal to sign a peace treaty and demobilisation of the
army—is an international political demonstration. The only
thing we achieve by withdrawing our troops is handing
over the Estonian Socialist Republic to the Germans. It
is said that by concluding peace we are giving a free hand
to the Japanese and Americans, who will immediately
occupy Vladivostok. By the time they have even reached
Irkutsk, we shall have been able to strengthen our Socialist
Republic. By signing a peace treaty we of course betray
self-determined Poland, but we retain the Estonian
Socialist Republic and win a chance to consolidate our gains.
Of course, we make a turn to the right, which leads through
a very dirty stable, but we must do it. If the Germans start
an offensive, we shall be forced to sign any peace treaty, and
then, of course, it will be worse. An indemnity of three
thousand million is riot too high a price for saving the
Socialist Republic. By signing peace now, we give the broad
masses a visual demonstration that the imperialists (of
Germany, Britain and France), having taken Riga and
Baghdad, are continuing to fight, whereas we are
developing, the Socialist Republic is developing.

ComradeLenin points out that he is not in agreement
on some points with his supporters Stalin and
Zinoviev.[2]Of course, there is a mass movement in the West, but the
revolution there has not yet begun. But if we were to alter
our tactics because of that, we should be traitors to
international socialism. He does not agree with Zinoviev that
the conclusion of peace will for a time weaken the
movement in the West. If we believe that the German movement
can develop immediately, in the event of an interruption
of the peace negotiations, then we must sacrifice ourselves,
for the German revolution will have a force much greater
than ours. But the whole point is that the movement there
has not yet begun, but over here it already has a newborn
and loudly shouting infant, and unless we now say clearly
that we agree to peace, we shall perish. It is important forus to hold out until the general socialist revolution gets
under way, but this we can only achieve by concluding
peace.

ComradeLenin motions a vote on the proposition that
we drag out the signing of a peace treaty in every possible
way.

[1]Apossible quotation from the unsigned article of “a prominent
member of the German Independent Social-Democratic Party”,
which appeared inNovaya Zhizn(New Life) No. 7, January 11
(24), 1918.

[2]Areference to the following words of J. V. Stalin as entered in
the minutes: “Comrade Stalin believes that in adopting theslogan of a revolutionary war we play into the hands of imperialism.
Comrade Trotsky’s stand is not a stand. There is no revolutionary
movement in the West—no facts of it—only a potential, and
that is something we cannot reckon on. If the Germans start
an offensive this will strengthen the counter-revolution over
here.”

Lenin’sreference to G. Y. Zinoviev’s speech applies to the
following words: “Of course, we are faced with a serious surgical
operation, because if we conclude a peace we shall strengthen
chauvinism in Germany and for a time weaken the movement all
over the West. Beyond that is another prospect—the collapse
of the socialist republic” =

(Protokoly Tsentralnogo Komiteta
RSDRP[b]. Avgust 1917–fevral 1918[Minutes of the Central
Committee of the R.S.D.L.P.(B.). August 1917–February 1918],
Moscow, 1958, pp. 171–72).