## Sketches and Outlines for the Article "New Events and Old Questions"[74]

**Special Section V. Intrigue and confusion among the government.**

Lull – intensification of despair and loss of faith – terror – its factual significance – its failure in the matter of stirring up the lull.

Now before us begins a political "season" and revival of the revolutionary movement.

** In two words. Ed.

* The phrase breaks off here. Ed.

Apparently there passes

α – temporary lull

β – terror and "People's Will-ism" as its product; alas, the people not soon

it is easy to speak of armed demonstrations; individual resistance must be met with

γ – Rostov struggle

time and again shows the revolutionary energy of the working masses

truly heartening

truly disorganizes the government, arouses tens of thousands, clarifies the meaning of the revolutionaries' activity, "disorganizes"

truly represents a direct transition to popular uprising.

Truly "heartening" significance of the Rostov events.

Apparently, the lull (some temporary lull) in the popular-revolutionary movement is coming to an end and again a wave of revival begins.

With the lull, the following recedes into something distant and its product – unprincipled conduct, its exultation, resurrection of People's Will-ism, despair etc. terror

– individual resistance

– the people not soon

– disorganization of the government (and not of the revolutionaries?)

– about armed demonstrations it is easy to speak

etc. etc.

Rostov Struggle

When there exist and act such volcanoes of revolutionary upheaval in the working masses – how absurd and pretentiously comical the talk of artificial excitation, agitation, disorganization by means of gunfire etc.?

What an obvious deviation from the direct task: to help these already rising masses, to organize their leaders etc.

And, contrary to talk about the discouraging effect of demonstrations – we draw encouragement from the speeches of their participants – the Nizhny Novgorod workers.

And here       deep       roots in the working masses

"             upheaval and

"             readiness for struggle and sacrifice.

A reminder of these "roots" of the movement and its "backbone" should show how profoundly erroneous are the theories and attempts to turn away from the workers' movement, to replace the socio-class perspective with the vagueness of Populism etc.

* See Works, 5th ed., vol. 4, p. 373. Ed.

Fusion with the workers' movement ≠ weakening and narrowness. On the contrary, from this absolutely firm ground we can and must attract everything else.

It is precisely the workers' movement that has caused revival in other strata and now it is growing: zemstvo opposition is beginning in some places to transition to "action."

{a few words about Voronezh}{141}

– student and secondary school movement

– peasant movement

General aspect of government tactics:

– fragmentation of the masses, diversion, cajolery

– revolutionaries diverted in pursuit of "dogs" ((as one liberal called Valey, Obolenskys and Co. We may yet return, perhaps, to this liberal)).

Do not allow yourself to be provoked.

Do not lose your principled ground.

Strengthen your ties with the working masses and move together with them, participate in such events as those in Rostov, striving to raise them to the level of popular uprising.

Written in late November 1902.

First published in 1939 in the journal *Proletarskaya Revolyutsiya* no. 1

Printed from the manuscript

## Plan of the Letter "On the Question of Reports by Committees and Groups of the RSDLP to the All-Party Congress"[75]

I. The workers' movement, its history and present condition.

(1.3–7.36)

II. History of the social-democratic movement, struggle of tendencies and contemporary theoretical questions.

(2.13)

III. Committees and groups of the RSDLP. Their composition and functions.

District organizations.

(2.9 + 26.35)

IV. Content, scope and character of local work.

(10–12.14–19.30)

V. Relation to revolutionary (social-democratic especially) groups of other races and nations.

(31)

VI. Practical undertakings and conspiratorial equipment.

(32–34)

VII. Ties and work among other strata of the population, besides the working class.

(20–25)

VIII. Condition of non-social-democratic revolutionary and oppositional tendencies and relation to them.

(27–29)

Written in December 1902 – January 1903.

Printed for the first time, from the manuscript

## Materials for the Pamphlet "To the Village Poor"

### 1. Plans for the Pamphlet


1. Workers' struggle in the cities, which many have already heard of.

2. What do the workers want? (The social-democratic party. Socialism.)

3. The same for peasants. Oppression of taxes, landlessness, capital etc.

4. Union of the village poor with the workers.

5. The agrarian order.

{illusions of "communal principle"}

6. 6½ million union with workers in the cities (and attracting 2 million to their side){142}

7. Deceptiveness of expectations from personal diligence, cleverness etc. industry, thrift etc.

8. Obstacles to the union of these 6½ million:

9. Political disenfranchisement. Struggle with workers for political freedom.

10. – Civil disenfranchisement of the peasant in particular. Mutual responsibility, absence of freedom of movement, attachment to the commune, attachment to the landowner's economy through labor-rent, bondage, cut-off lands etc. Σ[77] = remnants of serfdom.

11. The necessity of liberating all peasantry (both middle and bourgeois) for the liberation of the poor for their struggle for socialism.

12. Analysis of the requirements of our agrarian program.

13. Distrust of well-to-do peasantry: whether it will go further or not.

14. Experience with peasantry in other countries: betrayal of well-to-do and middle peasantry after political and agrarian reform.

15. Application of this experience to Russia, i.e., union of 6½ million in advance with the city workers, with the social-democratic party.

16. This union is beginning now in Europe as well.

In Russia we must at once consolidate this tie and thereby ease for ourselves the entire struggle for socialism.


1. Workers' struggle in the cities. Struggle against the government.

Its spread and intensification.

2. What do the workers want? They struggle

* Against. Ed.

148 Referred to is a graphical illustration by V. I. Lenin of the agrarian order of Russia in the form of four horizontal strips: the first – 0.1 million landowner estates, the second – 1½ million rich peasant estates, the third – 2 million middle and the fourth – 6½ million poor peasant estates (see present vol., p. 380.)

8. What remnants of serfdom? Analysis of the requirements of the agrarian program.

Cut-off lands at the end.

in this order:

* Points 1–5 crossed out by Lenin. Ed.

Liberation of both well-to-do and middle peasants and the proletariat from the oppression of serfdom, liberation for free struggle for socialism.


(1)       1. Workers' struggle in the cities.

(2)       2. What do the social-democrats want?

(3–6)   3. Wealth and poverty in the village.

(7)      4. Participation of the village poor in the workers' struggle.

Union of village workers with city workers.

(8)      5. Elimination of the remnants of serfdom.

(9)      6. Class struggle in the village.

Appendix I (draft program)

Appendix II.


I. Struggle of city workers.

II. What do the social-democrats want?

III. Wealth and poverty, owners and workers in the village.

IV. Where is the middle peasant headed?

V. Union of village workers with city workers.

VI. Elimination of the remnants of serfdom.

VII. Class struggle in the village.

### 2. Plans and Sketches of Individual Chapters of the Pamphlet

Neither fish nor fowl

improved implements, sell the plow and the soul

cooperatives

"high profitability"

deception = lottery

4 questions

4 questions:

landowners

rich peasants

149 {143}

3½ + 3 million poor

struggle for money.

Cooperatives

"highest profitability"

for small production

diligence and industry

deception = lottery, drawing upward

4 questions

cooperatives {credit and dairy}

(German data)

1 "highest profitability"

2 "industry," diligence, industry – draw upward along the ladder

3 one will be raised, 10 deceived. Lottery…

* Section IV crossed out by Lenin. Ed.

V. For what improvements in peasant life do the social-democrats struggle?

(α)        1. Social-democrats against all bourgeoisie, all who live by others' labor.

2. For all improvements in the peasant's life that can be won, for every liberation from the oppression of landowners, state, officials, police, priests.

(β)        3. Political freedom.

** Points 4–10 crossed out by Lenin. Ed.

(γ) Factory laws in the village.

*** The text from the words "working day" to the words "from workers" crossed out by Lenin. Ed.

Besides, not only to rural workers, but also to peasants: § VI.

Answers of Populists, social-revolutionaries, social-democrats.

§ VI in fine[78]:

α. 3 requirements – β. unification of interests of rich and poor – γ. further cut-off lands? depends on the rich – δ. socialist revolution – ε: it is important not to demand much, but to take a step toward unifying peasants

1) Agreement will reveal the interests of rich and poor.

2) First step: together with the rich, for the most modest requirements.

3) Unification of the village poor by means of committees.

4) Further: struggle for socialism.

5) Some say: not cut-off lands, but all the land from the landowners.

Poor – socialism.

Rich peasants??

6) One cannot rely on rich peasants[79].

VII. Class Struggle in the Village.

1. What is class struggle? Struggle of the oppressed part of the population against oppressors. Struggle against serfdom. – Struggle of the poor against the rich.

2. The peasant movement of 1902. Heroism of the fighters: their great beginning. We must continue. But we must analyze why they were defeated?

3. From lack of consciousness, from lack of preparation. Peasants did not know what to demand. Peasants did not know who their enemy was. Peasants did not see the connection between landowners and the government. Peasants wanted life to be according to justice, according to God's will, not knowing how to do this.

[distrust]

4. Our answer. Again: Union of village and city against

3 requirements together.

5. Practical methods of unification and struggle.

Agitation. Circles. Support of city workers.

§ VII.

1) Peasant movement of 1902.

2) Heroism. Reprisal.

3) How to achieve victory?

4) We must understand clearly. Not God's – but human.

3 requirements.

5) We must prepare union with city workers

social-democratic circles

agitation (leaflets, books).

Class struggle in the village (distrust of rich peasants).

6) Support of workers, when they begin in the cities.

### 3. Excerpts from "Brockhaus and Efron Encyclopedic Dictionary" and Calculations on Land-holding in Russia

Vol. 12 "Land-holding"

Land-holding in Russia (Encyclopedic Dictionary)

In 49 guberniyas of European Russia (without the territory of the Don Cossack Host)

The Treasury from its lands: 69.3% forest (100 million desyatinas in Arkhangelsk, Vologda, Olonets and Perm guberniyas). 28.1% unfit land and 2.6% fit {less than 4 million desyatinas}

Three northern guberniyas (Arkhangelsk, Olonets, Vologda) belong almost entirely to the Treasury (97, 93 and 83% of guberniya territory). 2 eastern (Perm and Vyatka) – half (51 and 48%). In these five guberniyas 1337 million desyatinas of Treasury land (= 88½% of state lands).

Ergo[80]:

estates:

76 thousand large landowners – 85.2 million desyatinas of land + 7.4 million desyatinas – appanage 93 million.

### 4. Distribution of Horses Among Peasants in Rural Communities

1888 and 1891. 49 guberniyas of European Russia{144}

1893/94 38 guberniyas: 8,288,987 peasant courtyards – 11,560,358 horses.

1900 year.

Lokhtin, p. 280:

Horses in 50 guberniyas.

1846 – 16,056,000

1861 – 15,300,000

1870 – 15,611,400

1882 – 20,015,000

1888 – 19,663,000

1898 – 17,004,300

### 5. Calculations and Graphical Illustrations for the Analysis of Class Groups in the Village


The Agrarian Order of "Peasantry"

10 million peasant courtyards 14 million horse courtyards

2 {145}

Total in Russia approximately 21 million horses


Property in Land (total approx. 250 million desyatinas)

Written in March – April 1903.

First published in 1932 in *Leninskiy Sbornik* XIX

Printed from the manuscript

## Plan of a Pamphlet Against the Social-Revolutionaries{146}

Fact of war. It is only beginning. Literary polemic. Why? Clarification of the grounds making war inevitable.

Particular attention must be paid to theoretical, principled disagreements.

A) Halfway and unprincipled position between revolutionary Marxism and opportunistic critique.

1. Article in no. 2 of *Vestnik Russkoy Revolyutsii* (editorial). Examination of it.

2. Theory of collapse. Citation p. 55–56 = denial of economic necessity of socialism. (Trusts forgotten.)

3. Agrarian question. Citation p. 57 ("even").

4. Theory of value. Citation p. 64. "Shaken"!

p. 66 (again "even"!)

{p. 67 and 48 = crisis of all socialism}

5. "Sharp and exclusive Marxism recedes into the realm of history" (75)!! NB

6. Zhitlovsky in *Sozialistische Monatshefte*…

* To section B, point 3. Ed.

8. *Vestnik Russkoy Revolyutsii* no. 2, p. 82 and 87. "Corrections," "revision" etc. [81]

9. Σ[82] = complete lack of principle. Anyone who wishes can be a social-revolutionary.

10. Complete separation from international socialism: "originality."

B) Halfway and unprincipled position between Russian Marxism and People's Will-ism, or more precisely: liberal-Populist tendency.

153 Reference is made to the programmatic appeal "From the Peasant Union of the Party of Socialist-Revolutionaries to All Workers of Revolutionary Socialism in Russia," published June 25, 1902 in the newspaper *Revolyutsionnaya Rossiya* no. 8. Below, in section C, point 3, Lenin has in mind the same appeal.

4. Σ = purely eclectic combination of Populism and Marxism by means of "critique."

C) Halfway relation to class struggle and the workers' movement.

1. From the theoretical sins of the position they transition to practical ones. Their relation to class struggle and the workers' movement. How do they pose the question?

4. Intelligentsia and proletariat. And the People's Willers too!!! No. 3 of *Vestnik Russkoy Revolyutsii* – p. 9–11. Special leaflet.

5. In practice their relation? Illustrated by "economism." *Iskra*: a long process of work, of persuasion, of education. *Iskra's* rejection of illusions of unity.

Cf.: Gloating

+ Throwing sticks in the wheels of revolutionary Marxism.

Σ = sight-seeing dilettantism.

6. How do they explain their difference from social-democrats? No. 9, p. 4, column 2.

D) Independent of their will, they lead to the subjugation of the working class to bourgeois democracy.

1. We have examined the theoretical position of social-revolutionaries and their relation to the workers' movement. Σ = halfway-ness, eclecticism. Their relation to Russian bourgeois democracy.

154 Reference is made to the article by A. N. Potresov "Contemporary Vestal Virgin. (From Studies of Contemporary Journalism)" signed "St.," published in December 1901 in the journal *Zarya* no. 2–3.

3. And Mr. Struve? And the liberal-Populist tendency? They capitulate before it!!! And this means they capitulate before bourgeois democracy, do not clarify class contradictions to the workers, do not develop an independent socialist ideology.

4. And what does intelligentsia + proletariat + peasantry mean? In practice, intelligentsia and peasantry represent nothing but bourgeois democracy!!

5. And their relation to the liberals? Return to

We have war, not verbose arguments: on one hand, on the other hand.

But we understand that liberals represent a class, that they are tenacious, that they have a social, popular movement, while social-revolutionaries do not have this!!

6. L. M. was right in *Zarya* (no. 2–3): social-revolutionaries wear their double name because their socialism is not at all revolutionary, and their revolutionism has nothing in common with socialism. This and = leads to defeat before bourgeois democracy.

* In fine – at the end. Ed.

1) The contemporary village can support and strengthen the pressure on the government "and can, probably, more energetically than we think, completely cut off in most cases from the peasant for so many years now, thanks to government espionage and oppression." *Revolyutsionnaya Rossiya* no. 4 (February 1902), p. 2.

3. "Socialization of land." Bourgeois nationalization? (and its significance in a class state?) "Socialization of land" – empty promise (minimum!).

This is after all = to the People's Will slogan "the people is ready for revolution" de facto.

4. Cooperatives (instead of class struggle!) pure (bourgeois-) petty bourgeois demand.

5. For the commune. Against free disposition.

6. "Narodnoye Delo"{147} no. 2, p. 18–19. How to unite peasant and workers' struggle?

"Narodnoye Delo" no. 2, p. 51: "in common parlance." Unprintable.

F) Terror.

1. Polemic concerning Balmashev. Unparalleled.

2. Polemic concerning the proclamation of April 3. Citation (no. 11, p. 25 inf.){148} and conclusion of fiction.

3. "*Vpered*" no. 5. Citation, no. 5, p. 7–8

157 Lenin has in mind an article (without a title) signed "S-r" from the hectographed periodical "*Vpered*" no. 5 from September 15, 1902, issued in St. Petersburg by a circle of Populist orientation "*Vpered*".

* Same. Ed.

** Text designated (α) is located in the manuscript on the reverse of the page. Ed.

158 In this section, Lenin cites the article "The Terrorist Element in Our Program," published in June 1902 in the newspaper *Revolyutsionnaya Rossiya* no. 7.

159 Reference is made to the article "How to Answer Government Atrocities?", published in October 1902 in the newspaper *Revolyutsionnaya Rossiya* no. 12.

* Text designated ((3) is located in the manuscript on the reverse of the page. Ed.

(G) Conclusion.

Tasks of contemporary revolutionaries:

α) Theoretical defense and development of revolutionary Marxism.

β) Utmost participation in international ideological struggle.

γ) Development of Russian Marxism, its application, struggle with the liberal-Populist tendency, exposure to the working class of its bourgeois and petty-bourgeois nature.

δ) Organization of the proletariat. Gaps in abundance. Urgent requirements.

ε) "People in masses and yet no people." Leaders must prepare the masses for uprising.

Written in spring 1903.

First published in 1939 in the journal *Proletarskaya Revolyutsiya* no. 1

Printed from the manuscript

## Plan of an Article Against the Social-Revolutionaries{149}

On the social-revolutionaries (a party without a program).

* Program, exposition of worldview. Ed.

** Summa summaram – total sum. Ed.

Written in the first half of July 1903.

First published in 1939 in the journal *Proletarskaya Revolyutsiya* no. 1

Printed from the manuscript

## Materials for the II Congress of the RSDLP

### 1. Notes for a Report at the II Congress of the RSDLP on the Activity of the Organization "Iskra" {150}

Protest against the Credo – {151}

formation of a literary group – {152}

attempt to participate in a party congress – {153}

trips throughout Russia by members of the literary group – meetings in St. Petersburg, Pskov, Moscow, Nizhny, Kazan, Samara, Poltava, Kharkov, Ufa, in the Crimea, in Kiev.

Work on *Iskra* + *Zarya* from Russia.

1) February 1900 – December 1900{154}.

2) December 1900 – February 1902.

166 "Horses" – the conspiratorial name of the Baku group of Iskra supporters, which organized in 1901 the transportation of *Iskra* and Iskra literature from abroad to Russia and the printing of *Iskra* in an illegal Baku printing house. Transport went through Vienna to Persia (Tabriz), and from there the literature was transported to Baku on horses (hence the conspiratorial name of this group – "Horses"). The group consisted of L. B. Krasin, V. Z. Ketskhovelie, S. Ya. Alliluyev, V. A. Shelgunov, L. E. Galperin and others.

3) February 1902 –

167 The talk concerns the organization of transportation of *Iskra* and illegal Iskra literature from abroad to Russia. The transportation of literature was conducted by special transport groups and individual persons by land and sea routes.

The Latvians mentioned above – a group of Zurich Latvian students É. Rolau, É. Skubik and others, who organized the transportation of illegal literature to Russia through the Baltic. As later became clear, the gendarmes had information about the work of this group; transports of Iskra editions organized by the Latvians in December 1900 and June 1901 were confiscated.

Information about the work of the above-mentioned group of Poles is not available.

"Suitcases" – one method of transporting illegal literature in traveling suitcases with a false bottom.

* The lower edge of the manuscript page where the last words of the phrase were written is torn off. Ed.

Written in May – July, no later than July 17 (30), 1903.

First published in 1927 in *Leninskiy Sbornik* VI

Printed from the manuscript

### 2. Program of the II Forthcoming Congress of the RSDLP{155}

First page of the manuscript of V. I. Lenin "Program of the II Forthcoming Congress of the RSDLP." – 1903.

A. Regulations of the Congress and its Constitution.

B. List and Order of Questions Subject to Discussion and Decision at the Congress.

A. Regulations of the Congress.

* In the manuscript, apparently a slip: the total number of bureau members outlined by Lenin constitutes 12. Ed.

** Text in brackets crossed out by Lenin. Ed.

* Point 4, as well as point 11 in section B ("List and Order of Questions"), was inserted by Lenin additionally. In view of this, as well as in connection with the change in the order of arrangement of points, their numbering by Lenin changed. Here is given the final variant of the numbering of points.

Later Lenin crossed out point 4 and wrote after it: "ad 3" (to point 3). Ed.

* Reference is made to § 9 (according to the original numbering § 8). Ed.

** Text in brackets crossed out by Lenin. Ed.

* Text in brackets crossed out by Lenin. Ed.

* Point 4 crossed out. Above in unknown handwriting is written: "Delegate Reports." Ed.

** Text from the word "Confirmation" to the words "by points" crossed out by Lenin. Ed.

*** Text in brackets crossed out by Lenin. Ed.

* Text from the word "Struggle" to the words "and so forth" crossed out by Lenin. Ed.

** Paragraph crossed out by Lenin. Ed.

**Text from the words "i.e. with the provision" to the word "decision" crossed out by Lenin. Ed

* Near this point in unknown handwriting is written: "23. Relation of the RSDLP to Other Revolutionary and Oppositional Parties and Tendencies Existing in Russia." Before the point number in Lenin's handwriting is written: "23". Ed.

** Text crossed out by Lenin. Ed.

Written in the second half of June – first half of July 1903.

First published in 1927 in *Leninskiy Sbornik* VI

Printed from the manuscript

### 3. Composition of the II Congress of the RSDLP{156}

* In small type in square brackets are given the figures crossed out by Lenin. Ed.

170 Delegates from the Tver Committee of the RSDLP did not attend the congress, as the Tver Committee was part of the Northern Union and was represented by its delegates.

171 Delegates from the Nizhny Novgorod Committee of the RSDLP did not arrive at the congress.

172 Delegates from the Caucasus had at the congress not eight votes, but six. In correcting zero to six, Lenin, however, did not cross out the figure two written by him earlier.

The correction of the number of votes from the Caucasus was not taken into account in the total figures of this column.

173 The total figure 36 was written by Lenin instead of the original figure 32. It accounts for the corrections made by Lenin in the list in connection with the absence of delegates from the Nizhny Novgorod Committee (two votes) and the presence of six votes from the Caucasus instead of the originally recorded two, as well as two additional votes from the Crimean Union entered in the list.

174 A question mark is apparently placed here by Lenin because two delegates that the Russian organization of *Iskra* was to send to the congress did not arrive.

175 The special notation of the figure 2 apparently expresses Lenin's doubt about the consistently pro-Iskra position of the delegates of "*Yuzhny Rabochiy*".

176 In the general total figure of 47, the crossing out, correction, and addition of figures denoting the number of votes from the Nizhny Novgorod Committee, from the Caucasus, and from the Crimean Union are not taken into account.

177 In the total figure of 36, the correction of the number of votes from the Caucasus is not taken into account.

* Summa summaram – total sum. Ed.

Written in July, before July 17 (30), 1903.

First published in 1927 in *Leninskiy Sbornik* VI

Printed from the manuscript

### 4. Diary of Sessions of the II Congress of the RSDLP

2:55 p.m. Opening of the Congress by Plekhanov, on commission of the Central Committee of the Russian SDLP (in the name of the former group "Emancipation of Labor")

3 p.m. Election of the bureau. Majority for open election.

178 Nikolai Petrovich – one of the conventional nicknames of the St. Petersburg Social-Democratic Committee (pro-Iskra), which was used for conspiracy by the *Iskra* editorial board in its correspondence with local organizations. Here, apparently, is meant delegate of the St. Petersburg Committee at the II Congress of the party A. V. Shotman.

Chairman – par acclamation[83]

2 Chairmen – by note (Lenin + Ignat)

3:40 – 4 p.m.

Report of the Central Committee on the convening of the Congress.

4 p.m. St. Petersburg "Union of Struggle"…

Union of Russian social-democrats did not receive notice of the Central Committee.

Voronezh Committee asked to intervene: did not receive list of organizations. Voronezh Committee is not present because of this{157}. I am for the Voronezh Committee.

4:05 p.m.

2. Sister Akimova (from St. Petersburg Union of Struggle).

In the Central Committee there was no delegate from the SPB Committee. (We are the real committee and there was no delegate from us.)

I was formerly a member of the Voronezh Committee. I firmly protest against the expression: "improper" polemic.

Opposition in the committee is not "personal" – I protest…

A commission was elected{158} ((4:40 p.m.))

to the rapporteur 1/2 (3 times 10 min.)

Adopted by 24 votes the Leninist [version] (15 for Martov){159}.

7 p.m. (minus five). Lipin's order{160}:

July 31.       Second Session.

9:30 a.m. Opened.

Lenin – reply to the Bund[84].

Akimov – for the Bund.

Lipov – Lenin illuminated the question incorrectly:

not 2 lines ("prejudgment")

[Lenin prejudged the question]

10:30 a.m.

11 a.m. Report of Koltsov (11:30 end).

Statement from Baku (protest that they were never for "Struggle"){161}.

Break at Yury's request…

12 p.m. – Martynov speaks for the admission of "Struggle"

Plekhanov

Akimov

3:30 p.m. to 3:50 p.m. Protocol of 1st Session.

4:05 p.m. – statement by Martyn: "The Central Committee proposes to the congress

7 p.m. Voronezh inquiry.

August 1.

Third Day

Fourth Session

9:30 a.m. Opening.

9:55 a.m. Report by Lipov{162}.

The concept of autonomy says nothing yet: "independence" – in what?

* To point 2. Ed.

In what does autonomy consist? Can we limit it in something, enumerate?

We – are centralists.

Autonomy – decentralization.

"Charter" {163}.

§§ § 1. Tract[85].

2. Unlimited by district – (sole representative of Jewish proletariat)

3. The Bund elects its representation in the Central Committee, Foreign Committee and congress.

4. Competence: program – the same

II complements for itself not contradicting{164}

5. Its own congresses, its own Central Committee

6. Its own resolutions before general congresses

7. Freedom in its own affairs

8. Unhindered publication in Yiddish and other languages

(without the agreement of the Central Committee of the Bund not to appeal to Jews)

9. (a) Temporary agreements with revolutionary organizations (if there is no special "prohibition")

– informs the Party Central Committee.

((Only for practical undertakings.

(b) With special permission of the Party Central Committee and permanent agreements

10. The party congress has the right to annul all decisions of Bund congresses, except for decisions adopted on the basis of this constitution

11. Relations of the Party Central Committee with parts of the Bund only with the consent of the Bund Central Committee

12. All the listed points – are fundamental.

Changed only with mutual agreement of the party parts

(local and district organizations are not considered parts).

(if by simple majority congresses could annul them, then this charter could be annulled each time).

11:15 a.m. Martov.

Fifth Session.

Saturday, August 1. 3:10 p.m.

Protocol of 2nd Session.

Sixth Session.

9:35 a.m. Isari

Rashid-Bek

Bergman

Seventh Session.

9:40 a.m.

12 p.m. Martov (after break).

Eighth Session.

3:20 p.m.

4:20 p.m. after a break for the
