V. I. Lenin

The First International Socialist Conference at Zimmerwald{5}

AUGUST 23–26 (SEPTEMBER 3 –8), 1915

Published:Source:Lenin
	  Collected Works,

      Progress Publishers,1977,

      Moscow,Volume 41,

      pages349-355.1.Translated:Yuri SdobnikovTranscription\Markup:R. CymbalaCopyleft:V. I. Lenin Internet Archive (www.marxists.org)
      © 2004

      Permission is granted to copy and/or distribute this document under the
      terms of theGNU Free Documentation License.

VARIANT OF THE DRAFT RESOLUTION OF LEFT-WING SOCIAL-DEMOCRATS FOR THE FIRST
INTERNATIONAL SOCIALIST CONFERENCE

Thepresent war springs from imperialism, i.e., the highest stage of
capitalism, when the development of the productive forces and the growth of
capital have gone beyond the narrow framework of separate national states,
and induce the “great” powers to try to enslave other nations and seize
colonies as sources of raw materials and areas for the export of capital.

Theobjective conditions are quite ripe for socialism and the great
powers are fighting the current war in an effort artificially to delay the
collapse of capitalism, by preserving and intensifying the dependence of
colonies, by seizing privileges on the world market, and by splitting and
sup pressing the international revolutionary struggle of the workers.

Social-Democratsfully recognise the necessity of freedom for all
nations. In the epoch of struggle against feudalism, absolutism and foreign
national oppression, they recognised defence of one’s country—today they
recognise as just the war waged by the oppressed nations (especially
colonies) against their oppressors, the “great” powers.

Butthe current war between the great powers is a war between
slave-owners to intensify and consolidate slavery, for a redivision of the
colonies, for the “right” to oppress other nations, for the privileges of
great-power capital and for the reactionary suppression of the
working-class movement. That is why talk about “defence of one’s country”
on the part of both belligerent groups of powers is a bourgeois swindle of
the people. Neither the victory by any of the present governments, nor the
status quo ante heliumcan safeguard the freedom of nations from the imperialist great powers, nor can
it give the possibility of a decent life to the working class, which is
      being increasingly weighed down by the high cost of living, the trusts,
      militarism and its attendant political reaction, even in the freest
      countries.

Thereal meaning of the “defend your country” slogan in this war is
defence of the great-power privileges and advantages, defence of the
“right” of the given bourgeoisie to oppress other nations, it is a
national-liberal labour policy, an alliance between a small section of the
workers and their “own” national bourgeoisie against the mass of
proletarians and the exploited. Socialists conducting such a policy are in fact
chauvinists—social-chauvinists. The policy of voting for war credits,
entering ministries,
Burgfrieden,{1}etc., is a policy of opportunism and betrayal
of socialism. The working class cannot attain its great aim of labour
emancipation, without carrying on a resolute struggle against opportunism and
social-chauvinism.

TheBasle Manifesto of 1912, adopted unanimously in anticipation of precisely
the kind of war between the great powers which has in fact come about,
definitely recognised the reactionary and imperialist character of the war, and
clearly announced the approach of aproletarian revolutionin
connection with such a war. In effect, the war has created a revolutionary
situation, and has generated revolutionary sentiments and discontent. It is the
task of Social-Democrats to maintain and develop these, help to clear the
revolutionary awareness of the masses and purge their minds of the falsehood of
bourgeois and socialist chauvinism, promote every effort at revolutionary mass
struggle against imperialism, for socialism, and to work to transform the
imperialist war into a civil war for socialism.

Tointensify their revolutionary agitation, Social-Democrats must make use of
the growing massive desire for peace, which expresses the disappointment of the
masses and the clearing of their revolutionary consciousness. But in so doing,
Social-Democrats should not deceive the people by holding out hopes for any kind
of stable democraticpeace, that would rule out the oppression of nations, and that would come
soon and without the revolutionary over throw of the present governments.

THESES FOR A REPORT AT A MEETING OF LEFT-WING
SOCIAL-DEMOCRATS{6}

PLAN FOR A SPEECH AT THE ZIMMERWALD CONFERENCE

SPEECHES IN THE DEBATE ON THE MANIFESTO AND THE DRAFT RESOLUTION ON THE WAR AND
THE TASKS OF SOCIAL-DEMOCRACY

AUGUST 25 (SEPTEMBER 7)

Itwas inevitable that things here should have come to a struggle of opinion
between Ledebour and
us.{8}However, I must protest against the
method used here by Ledebour in attacking Radek. The assertion that our
manifesto has been signed only by men who are safe is inadmissible. It has also
been signed by the Latvian delegates and Borchardt. Another old and hackneyed
argument is saying that one should not call the masses to revolutionary action
unless one is able to take a direct part in it oneself. Further more, I deny
that there should be no mention of the means of struggle. That has occurred in
all revolutionary periods. The means should be made known to the masses so that
they could be explained and discussed. We in Russia have always acted in this
way; in fact, the interpretation of the means of struggle had been the subject
of arguments between Plekhanov and myself even in the pre-revolutionary
years. When the objective historical situation of 1847 confrontedGermany with revolution, Marx and Engels sent out an appeal from London
calling for
violence.{9}The German movement is faced with a decision. If we are
indeed on the threshold of a revolutionary epoch in which the masses will
go over to revolutionary struggle, we must also make mention of the means
necessary for this struggle. According to the revisionist view taken by
David and others, that is naturally something quite useless: after all,
they do not believe that we are on the eve of a revolutionary epoch. We who
believe this must act otherwise. You cannot make revolution without
explaining revolutionary tactics. It was precisely the worst feature of the
Second International that it constantly avoided explanations; and it is
that which the Dutch
Tribune-Marxists{10}quite correctly called the German Centre’s
“passive revolutionary attitude”.

Nowon the question of persecutions. You in Germany should in general
do more than legal work, if you want real action. You must combine legal
and illegal activity. The old methods are no longer adequate to the new
situation. You yourselves have said: we are going forward to an epoch of
great class battles. In that case, you must also have the means for
this. And it is not at all necessary for the manifesto to be signed, it
could well be issued without signatures. At any rate, you should not act
semi-legally, like Clara Zetkin, for instance. That calls for too much
sacrifice.

Hereis how things stand: either a truly revolutionary struggle or mere
empty talk which will help no one but the deserters, against whom
Liebknecht speaks out so sharply in this
letter.{11}Coming out for peace does not mean much in itself. David
also writes: we are not for the war, but only against defeat. Everyone
wants peace. Taking account of the new situation, we should use new and
specific means of struggle which should not be similar in any way to the
old German or Russian methods.

Ido not agree with Serrati that the resolution will appear either too
early or too
late.{12}After this war, other, mainly colonial, wars will be
waged. Unless the proletariat turns off the social-imperialist way,
proletarian solidarity willbe completely destroyed; that is why we must determine common tactics. If
we adopt only a manifesto, Vandervelde,L’Humanitéand
others will once again start deceiving the masses; they will keep saying
that they, too, oppose war and want peace. The old vagueness will remain.

ADDENDA TO THE STATEMENT BY THE ZIMMERWALD
LEFT{13}

{1}Peace at home.—Ed.

{2}Socialist duty.—Ed.

{3}Has done its duty.—Ed.

{4}Neither touches on the highly important question of opportunism,nor exposes
the exceptionally harmful role
of the S.D. Centre.—Ed.

{5}The First International Socialist Conference at Zimmerwald(Switzerland) was held from September 5 to 8, 1915.

Itwas attended by 38 delegates from 11 European countries. Most
delegates took a Centrist stand. It discussed the following questions: 1)
reports by representatives of the various countries; 2) joint declaration
by representatives of Germany and France; 3) proposal by the Zimmerwald
Left on the adoption of a resolution of principle; 4) adoption of a
manifesto; 5) elections to the International Socialist Committee; 6)
adoption of a resolution voicing sympathy for the victims of the war and
the persecuted.

Lenintook an active part in the work of the Conference: he made
speeches, sent notes to delegates during the sittings and spoke to them
during the recesses. Before the Conference, he carried out extensive
preparatory work in rallying the Left wing against the social-chauvinists
and the Centrists. On the eve of the Zimmerwald Conference, between
September 2 and 4, there was a meeting of Russian and Polish delegates to
discuss a “Draft Resolution Proposed by the Left Wing at Zimmerwald”
which was written by Lenin, and a draft resolution motioned by Karl Radek
which Lenin had criticised before the meeting. After the discussion it was
decided to motion at the Zimmerwald Conference Radek a draft corrected on
the basis of Lenin’s remarks. The draft resolution and the draft manifesto
written by Lenin condemned social-chauvinism and Centrism, raised the
question of rejecting the slogans: “defend your country” in the
imperialist war and a “civil peace”, and pointed to the need for the
propaganda of revolutionary action.

Amajority at the Conference rejected the draft resolution on the war
and the tasks of Social-Democrats and the draft manifesto motioned by the
Left wing. However, the appeal “To the Proletarians of Europe” adopted by
the Conference contained, thanks to Lenin’s insistence, a number of basic
propositions of revolutionary Marxism.

Lenin’s“Draft Resolution Proposed by the Left Wing at Zimmerwald”,
his articles “The First Step” and “Revolutionary Marxists at the
International Socialist Conference of September 5–8, 1915”, in which
Lenin assesses the Zimmerwald Conference, are published in Vol. 21 of the
present edition, pp. 345–48, 383–88, 389–93.

Theproceedings of the Zimmerwald and the Kienthal conferences from
which Lenin’s speeches published in this volume have been taken, were
received by the Institute of Marxism-Leninism of the C.P.S.U. Central
Committee from the International Institute of Social History at Amsterdam
in 1964. Some minor remarks by Lenin are not included in the volume.

p. 349

{6}These are theses for a report on the character of the First World War
and the tactics of revolutionary internationalists, which Lenin gave at a
private meeting of Left-wing Social-Democratic delegates at the Zimmerwald
Conference on September 4, 1915, before the Conference opened. It was also
attended by some other delegates. The meeting adopted the draft manifesto
and the draft resolution motioned by the Left wing at the Zimmerwald
Conference.

p. 351

{7}A reference to the Vorkonferenz, a preliminary conference, on the
question of convening an international socialist conference, held at Berne
on July 11, 1915. It was called on the initiative of the Italian and Swiss
socialists, and was attended by representatives of the R.S.D.L.P. Central
Committee, the Regional Executive of the Polish Social-Democratic Party,
the P.P.S.-Lewica and the O.C. of the Mensheviks. Most of those attending
were Centrists. The main question was the composition of the Forthcoming
First International Socialist Conference. The Kautskian majority of the
Vorkonferenz tried to get the Centrists led by Kautsky and even avowed
social-chauvinists, Troelstra and Branting, to attend the conference. The
representative of the R.S.D.L.P. Central Committee motioned a proposal that
invitation to attend the next preliminary conference should be sent out to
representatives of real Left-wingers in the international working-class
movement, who had by then separated themselves from the official parties in
most countries (the Dutch Left, the Bulgarian Tesnyaki, the Left-wing
opposition in the Swedish and the Norwegian Social-Democratic parties, the
group of German Left-wingers—Inter national Socialists of Germany, the
Polish Social-Democrats [opposition] and the Latvian Social-Democrats). But
the Kautskian majority at the conference rejected the proposal. The
preliminary conference adopted a decision to cell the second Vorkonferenz
which was to take the final decision on the conference. But it was not
held, the Zimmerwald Conference being convened instead.

p. 351

{8}In the discussion of the draft manifesto and the draft resolution on
the war and the tasks of Social-Democrats, motioned on behalf of the
Zimmerwald Left by Karl Radek, a sharp struggle flared up at the Conference
between the revolutionary internationalists led by Lenin and the Kautskian
majority led by the German Social-Democrat G. Ledebour. Opposing these
documents, Ledebour and the Swiss Social-Democrat R. Grimm declared that,
in putting forward concrete demands for revolutionary action, the draft
manifesto and resolution motioned by the Left gave away the tactical
measures of revolutionary Social-Democracy to the enemy. They said that
people who signed these documents and spread their ideas in the belligerent
countries could be subjected to reprisals.

p. 353

{9}An apparent reference to theCommunist Manifesto(see Marx and
Engels,Selected Works, Vol. I, Moscow, 1962, pp. 21–65).

p. 354

{10}The Tribunists—members of the Social-Democratic Party of
Holland, whose organ was the newspaperDe Tribune. Their leaders
were D. Wijnkoop, H. Gorter, A. Pannekoek and Henriette Roland-Holst. They
were not consistent revolutionaries but represented the Left wing of the
labour movement in Holland, and during the First World War mainly took an
internationalist stand. In 1918, they set up the Communist Party of
Holland.

p. 354

{11}A reference to Karl Liebknecht’s letter of September 2, 1915, to the
International Socialist Conference at Zimmerwald. He could not take part in
the Conference, because he had been drafted into the German army in early
1915. In his letter he opposed “civil peace” and called for a civil war
against the bourgeoisie, for the international solidarity of socialists of
all the belligerent countries, S or a struggle against the imperialist war
and a break with the social-chauvinists.

p. 354

{12}In his speech, the Italian Socialist Party delegate G. Serrati declared
that the resolution on the war and the tasks of Social-Democrats, motioned
by the Left, was either premature or belated, because the war was already
on and it had been impossible to prevent its outbreak.

p. 354

{13}The addenda were not included in the final text of the statement read
out at the Conference in which the Zimmerwald Left motivated its voting for
the official manifesto.

p. 355