The European War andInternational Socialism

Written:Written in late August–September 1914Published:First published on August 1, 1929, inPravdaNo. 174.

      Published according to the manuscript.Source:Lenin
	  Collected Works,

      Progress Publishers,[197[4]],

      Moscow,Volume 21,

      pages20-24.Translated:Transcription\Markup:D. WaltersandR. CymbalaPublic Domain:Lenin Internet Archive

      2002

      (2005).You may freely copy, distribute,
	display and perform this work; as well as make derivative and
	commercial works. Please credit “Marxists Internet
	Archive” as your source.•README

Tothe socialist it is not the horrors of war that are the
    hardest to endure—we are always for “santa guerra di tutti
    gli oppressi per la conquista delleloropatrie!”[1]—but

the horrors of the treachery shown by the leaders of present day
    socialism, the horrors of the collapse of the present-day
    International.

Isit not treachery to Social-Democracy when we see the German
    socialists’ amazing change of front (after Germany’s declaration
    of war); the false phrases about a war of liberation against tsarism;
    forgetfulness of German imperialism, forgetfulness of the rape of Serbia;
    the bourgeois interests involved in the war against Britain, etc., etc.?
    Chauvinist patriots vote for the Budget!

Havethe socialists of France and Belgium not shown the same kind of
    treachery? They are excellent at exposing German imperialism, but,
    unfortunately they are amazingly purblind with regard to British, French,
    and particularly the barbarous Russian imperialism. They fail to see the
    disgraceful fact that, for decades on end, the French bourgeoisie have been
    paying out thousands of millions for the hire of the Black-Hundred gangs of
    Russian tsarism, and that the latter has been crushing the non-Russian
    majority in our country, robbing Po]and, oppressing the Great Russian
    workers and peasants, and so on.

Atsuch a time, the socialist feels refreshed when he reads of the bitter
    truth so courageously and straightforwardly told byAvanti![11]toSüdekum,[12]the truth that papertold the German socialists,
    namely, that they areimperialists, i.e., chauvinists. One feels
    even more refreshed on reading the article by Zibordi (Avanti!,
    Sept. 2) exposing not only the German and the Austrian brands of chauvinism
    (which is to the advantage of theItalianbourgeoisie), but also
    theFrench, an article which shows that this war is a war of the
    bourgeoisie of all lands!

Avanti!’s stand and the Zibordi article—[as well as
    the resolution of the group of revolutionary Social-Democrats (at a recent
    conference in a Scandinavian
country)[2]]—shows

us what is right
    and what is wrong in the usual phrase about the collapse of the
    International. This phrase is reiterated with malicious relish by the
    bourgeois and the opportunists (riformisti di
destra[3]),

and with
    bitterness by socialists
(Volksrecht[13]in Zurich, andBremer
    Bürger-Zeitung[14]). There is a great deal of truth in the phrase!
    The downfall of the leaders and of most of the parties in the present-day
    International is a fact. (CompareVorwärts,[15]Wiener
    Arbeiter-Zeitung[16]andHamburger
Echo[17]versusl’Humanité,[18]and the appeals of the Belgian
    and the French
    socialists versus the “reply ”of the GermanVorstand.[19]) Themasseshavenot yetspoken out!

However,Zibordi is a thousand times right in saying that it is not a
    matter of “dottrina è sbagliata”, or of the
    “rimedio”of socialism being
    “errato”, but “semplicemente non erano in
    dose bastante”, “gli altri socialisti non sono
    ‘abbastanza
socialisti’”.[4]

Itis not socialism that has collapsed, in the shape of thepresent-day EuropeanInternational, but an insufficient socialism,
    i.e.,opportunismandreformism.It is this
    “tendency"—which existseverywhere, in all countries,
    and has found such vivid expression in Bissolati and Co. in Italy—that
    has collapsed, for it has for years beenteachingforgetfulness of
    the class struggle,etc.,etc.—from the
resolution.[20]

Zibordiis right when he sees the European socialists’ main guilt in
      “cercano nobilitare con postumi motivi la loro incapacità
      a prevenire,la loro necessità di partecipare al
      macello”, in the fact that they “preferisce fingere
      di fare per amore ciò ch’è[European
socialism][5]costretto a fare per forza”, that the socialists
      “solidarizzaronociascuno con la propria nazione, col
      Governoborghesedella propria rulzione . . . in una misura da
      formare una delusione per noi[also in all socialists who are not
      opportunists]e un compiacimento per tutti i non socialisti
      d’Italia”[6](and not of Italy alone, but of all
      countries; cf., for instance, with Russian liberalism).

Evengiven the totalincapacitàand impotence of the
    European socialists, the behaviour of their leaders reveals treachery and
    baseness: the workers have been driven into the slaughter, while their
    leaders votein favourand joingovernments! Even with
    their total impotence, they should have votedagainst, shouldnot have joinedtheir governments and uttered chauvinistic
    infamies; shouldnothave shown solidarity with their
    “nation”, and shouldnothave defended their “own
    ”bourgeoisie, they should have unmasked its vileness.

Everywherethere is the bourgeoisie and the imperialists,
    everywhere the ignoble preparations for carnage; if Russian tsarism is
    particularly infamous and barbarous (and more reactionary than all the
    rest), then German imperialism too is monarchist: its aims are feudal and
    dynastic, and its gross bourgeoisie are less free than the French. The
    Russian Social-Democrats were right in saying thatto themthe
    defeat of tsarism was the lesser evil, fortheirimmediate enemy
    was, first and foremost,Great-Russianchauvinism, but that in each
    country the socialists (who are not opportunists) ought to see their main
    enemy in their “own ”(“home-made”) chauvinism.

Isit true, however, that the “incapacità”is
    so very absolute? Is that so?Fucilare?[7]Heldentod[8]and a miserable
    death? All thisin vantagglo diun altra
patria?[9]Not always!! Theinitiativewas possible and even obligatory. Illegal propaganda and
    civil war would be morehonest, and obligatory for socialists
    (thisis what the Russian socialists are calling for).

ForInstance, they take comfort in the illusion that the war will end and
    things will settle down. .. But no! For the collapse of the present-day
    (1889-1914) International not to turn into the collapse of socialism, for
    themassesnot to turn away, and to prevent the domination of
    anarchism and syndicalism (just as shamefully [as] in France), the truth
    must be looked in the face. Whoever wins, Europe is threatened by thegrowthof chauvinism, by
    “revenge-seeking”. etc. Militarism, whether German or
    Great Russian, fosters counter-chauvinism and the like.

Itis our duty to draw the conclusion of the complete collapse of the
    opportunism, the reformism, so impressively proclaimed in Italy (and so
    decisively rejected by the Italian
comrades[21]and[10]N.B.insert: the
    contemptuous and scornful attitude ofDie Neue
Zeit[22]towards the
    Italian socialists andAvanti!: petty concessions to opportunism!
    “The golden mean.”[[BOX-ENDS:The so-called “Centre ”= lackeys of the opportunists.

]]Notes[1]“aholy war of all the oppressed, for the conquest of their own
    fatherland!”—Ed.[2]Seepp. 15-19 of this volume:The Tasks of Revolutionary
    Social-Democracy in the European War—Editor—Lenin[3]thereformists of the Right.—Ed.[4]…itis not a matter of “theory being wrong”, or of the “remedy
    ”of socialism being “wrong ”but “simply of its not
    being available in sufficient doses ”and of “certain socialists
    not being ’sufficiently
    socialist’”.—Ed.[5]Interpolationsin square brackets (within passages quoted by Lenin) have
    been introduced by Lenin, unless otherwise
    indicated.—Ed.[6]…theirattempts to backdate their justification, with plausible excuses, both
    of their inability to prevent the carnage and their need to take part in the
    latter”, . . . they “prefer to create the semblance of doing
    voluntarily [European socialism] what they are forced to do of
    necessity”, that the socialists have “lined upwith
    their own particular nation, with the latter’sbourgeoisgovernment . . . in a measure capable of engendering disappointment in us
    [also in all socialists who are not opportunists] and delight all
    non-socialists in Italy”. —Ed.[7]Shootdown?—Ed.[8]Ahero’s death.—Ed.[9]Forthe
    sake of another country?—Ed.[11]Avanti!—a daily and central organ of the Italian Socialist
    Party, was founded in December 1896. During the First World War its policy
    was not consistently internationalist, and it failed to break with the
    reformists. At presentAvanti!is the central organ of the Italian
    Democratic Left Party.[12]Südekum,Albert—a German Social-Democrat, who was an
    extreme social-chauvinist during the First World War. His name has come to
    denote social-chauvinism.[13]Volksrecht(The People’s Right)—a Swiss
    Social-Democratic daily, published in Zurich since 1898. During the First
    World War it published articles by Left Zimmerwaldists, including
    Lenin’s articles “Twelve Brief Theses on H. Greulich’s
    Defence of Fatherland Defence”, “The Tasks of the Russian
    Social-Democratic Labour Party in the Russian Revolution ”and
    “Tricks of the Republican Chauvinists”.[14]BremerBürger-Zeitung—a daily published by the Bremen
    Social-Democrats from 1890 to 1919. In 1914-15 it was actually the organ of
    the Left Social-Democrats, and in 1916 it was taken over by the
    social-chauvinists.[15]Vorwärts—a daily, central organ of the German
    Social-Democrats,  published in Berlin from 1876 by Wilhelm Liebknecht and
    other editors. Through this newspaper Engels fought against all
    manifestations of opportunism. In the latter half of the 1890s, following
    Engels’s death, the newspaper systematically published articlesby
    opportunists, who had become dominant among German Social-Democrats and in
    the Second International. During the First World War (1914-18) the paper
    pursued a social-chauvinist policy, and after the October Socialist
    Revolution it became a mouthpiece of anti-Soviet propaganda. It ceased
    publication in 1933.[16]WienerArbeiter-Zeitung—a daily newspaper, central organ of
      the Austrian Social-Democratic Party, published in Vienna from
      1889. During the First World War it took a social-chauvinist stand, Lenin
      describing it as the newspaper of “Vienna betrayers of
      socialism”. Suppressed in 1934, it resumed publication in 1945 as
      the central organ of the Austrian Socialist Party.[17]HamburgerEcho—German Social-Democratic daily newspaper
    published from 1887; took a social-chauvinist stand during the First World
    War.[18]l’Humanité—a daily founded by Jean
    Jaurès in 1904 as the organ of the French Socialist Party. During
    the First World War the news paper became a mouthpiece of the extreme Right
    wing of the French Socialist Party, and pursued a social-chauvinist
    policy. Shortly after the split in the Socialist Party at the Tours Congress
    in December 1920, and the formation of the Communist Party, it became the
    organ of the Communist Party.[19]Thereference is to the appeal addressed to the German people by the French and
    Belgian delegations to the International Socialist Bureau, and published inl’Humanitéon September 6, 1914. It accused the German
    Government of pursuing predatory designs and the German troops of
    perpetrating atrocities in the occupied areas.Vorwärtsof
    September 10, 1914  carried a protest by the German Social-Democratic
    Party’s Executive against this appeal. This started off a press
    polemic between French and German social-chauvinists, each side seeking to
    justify its own government’s participation in the war and put the
    blame on the other side.[20]Leninis
    referring to the resolution adopted by the Bolshevik group at its meeting in
    Berne, August 24-26 (September 6-8) 1914 (see this volume, pp. 15-19).[21]Eversince
    its foundation in 1892, a sharp ideological struggle was conducted in the
    Italian Socialist Party between the opportunist and revolutionary wings,
    which differed on the question of the Party’s policy and
    tactics. Under pressure from the Lefts, the most outspoken reformists
    (Bonomi, Bissolati), who supported the war and advocated collaboration with
    the government and the bourgeoisie, were expelled from the Party at its
    congress in Reggio Emilia in 1912. After the outbreak of the war, and before
    Italy’s entry into it, the Party took an anti-war stand under the
    slogan: “Against the war, for neutrality! ”In December 1914, the
    Party expelled a group of renegades (Mussolini and others) who defended the
    imperialistpolicy of the bourgeoisie and favoured Italy’s
    participation in the war. The Italian Socialists met in a joint conference
    with the Swiss Socialists at Lugano (1914) and took an active part in the
    international socialist conferences in Zimmerwald (1915) and Kienthal
    (1916). On the whole however, the Italian Socialist Party followed a
    Centrist policy. With Italy’s entry into the war in May 1915, the
    Party renounced its anti-war stand and issued a slogan “neither
    participate in the war, nor sabotage it”, which in practice meant
    support for the war.[22]DieNeue Zeit(New Times)—theoretical journal of the German
    Social-Democratic Party published in Stuttgart from 1883 to 1923. Until
    October 1917 it was edited by Karl Kautsky and afterwards by Heinrich
    Cunow. Several works by Marx and Engels were first published in it. Engels
    helped the journal with advice, frequently criticising it for its deviations
    from Marxism. In the latter half of the nineties, following Engels’s
    death, it systematically published articles by revisionists, including a
    series of Bernstein’s articles called “Problems of
    Socialism”, which launched a revisionist crusade against
    Marxism. During the First World WarDie Neue Zeitheld a Centrist
    position, which in practice supported social-chauvinists.

[See alsoGlossary
    entrywhich also contains related links]

N.B.insert: the
    contemptuous and scornful attitude ofDie Neue
Zeit[22]towards the
    Italian socialists andAvanti!: petty concessions to opportunism!
    “The golden mean.”[[BOX-ENDS:The so-called “Centre ”= lackeys of the opportunists.

]]

[1]“aholy war of all the oppressed, for the conquest of their own
    fatherland!”—Ed.

[2]Seepp. 15-19 of this volume:The Tasks of Revolutionary
    Social-Democracy in the European War—Editor—Lenin

[3]thereformists of the Right.—Ed.

[4]…itis not a matter of “theory being wrong”, or of the “remedy
    ”of socialism being “wrong ”but “simply of its not
    being available in sufficient doses ”and of “certain socialists
    not being ’sufficiently
    socialist’”.—Ed.

[5]Interpolationsin square brackets (within passages quoted by Lenin) have
    been introduced by Lenin, unless otherwise
    indicated.—Ed.

[6]…theirattempts to backdate their justification, with plausible excuses, both
    of their inability to prevent the carnage and their need to take part in the
    latter”, . . . they “prefer to create the semblance of doing
    voluntarily [European socialism] what they are forced to do of
    necessity”, that the socialists have “lined upwith
    their own particular nation, with the latter’sbourgeoisgovernment . . . in a measure capable of engendering disappointment in us
    [also in all socialists who are not opportunists] and delight all
    non-socialists in Italy”. —Ed.

[7]Shootdown?—Ed.

[8]Ahero’s death.—Ed.

[9]Forthe
    sake of another country?—Ed.

[11]Avanti!—a daily and central organ of the Italian Socialist
    Party, was founded in December 1896. During the First World War its policy
    was not consistently internationalist, and it failed to break with the
    reformists. At presentAvanti!is the central organ of the Italian
    Democratic Left Party.

[12]Südekum,Albert—a German Social-Democrat, who was an
    extreme social-chauvinist during the First World War. His name has come to
    denote social-chauvinism.

[13]Volksrecht(The People’s Right)—a Swiss
    Social-Democratic daily, published in Zurich since 1898. During the First
    World War it published articles by Left Zimmerwaldists, including
    Lenin’s articles “Twelve Brief Theses on H. Greulich’s
    Defence of Fatherland Defence”, “The Tasks of the Russian
    Social-Democratic Labour Party in the Russian Revolution ”and
    “Tricks of the Republican Chauvinists”.

[14]BremerBürger-Zeitung—a daily published by the Bremen
    Social-Democrats from 1890 to 1919. In 1914-15 it was actually the organ of
    the Left Social-Democrats, and in 1916 it was taken over by the
    social-chauvinists.

[15]Vorwärts—a daily, central organ of the German
    Social-Democrats,  published in Berlin from 1876 by Wilhelm Liebknecht and
    other editors. Through this newspaper Engels fought against all
    manifestations of opportunism. In the latter half of the 1890s, following
    Engels’s death, the newspaper systematically published articlesby
    opportunists, who had become dominant among German Social-Democrats and in
    the Second International. During the First World War (1914-18) the paper
    pursued a social-chauvinist policy, and after the October Socialist
    Revolution it became a mouthpiece of anti-Soviet propaganda. It ceased
    publication in 1933.

[16]WienerArbeiter-Zeitung—a daily newspaper, central organ of
      the Austrian Social-Democratic Party, published in Vienna from
      1889. During the First World War it took a social-chauvinist stand, Lenin
      describing it as the newspaper of “Vienna betrayers of
      socialism”. Suppressed in 1934, it resumed publication in 1945 as
      the central organ of the Austrian Socialist Party.

[17]HamburgerEcho—German Social-Democratic daily newspaper
    published from 1887; took a social-chauvinist stand during the First World
    War.

[18]l’Humanité—a daily founded by Jean
    Jaurès in 1904 as the organ of the French Socialist Party. During
    the First World War the news paper became a mouthpiece of the extreme Right
    wing of the French Socialist Party, and pursued a social-chauvinist
    policy. Shortly after the split in the Socialist Party at the Tours Congress
    in December 1920, and the formation of the Communist Party, it became the
    organ of the Communist Party.

[19]Thereference is to the appeal addressed to the German people by the French and
    Belgian delegations to the International Socialist Bureau, and published inl’Humanitéon September 6, 1914. It accused the German
    Government of pursuing predatory designs and the German troops of
    perpetrating atrocities in the occupied areas.Vorwärtsof
    September 10, 1914  carried a protest by the German Social-Democratic
    Party’s Executive against this appeal. This started off a press
    polemic between French and German social-chauvinists, each side seeking to
    justify its own government’s participation in the war and put the
    blame on the other side.

[20]Leninis
    referring to the resolution adopted by the Bolshevik group at its meeting in
    Berne, August 24-26 (September 6-8) 1914 (see this volume, pp. 15-19).

[21]Eversince
    its foundation in 1892, a sharp ideological struggle was conducted in the
    Italian Socialist Party between the opportunist and revolutionary wings,
    which differed on the question of the Party’s policy and
    tactics. Under pressure from the Lefts, the most outspoken reformists
    (Bonomi, Bissolati), who supported the war and advocated collaboration with
    the government and the bourgeoisie, were expelled from the Party at its
    congress in Reggio Emilia in 1912. After the outbreak of the war, and before
    Italy’s entry into it, the Party took an anti-war stand under the
    slogan: “Against the war, for neutrality! ”In December 1914, the
    Party expelled a group of renegades (Mussolini and others) who defended the
    imperialistpolicy of the bourgeoisie and favoured Italy’s
    participation in the war. The Italian Socialists met in a joint conference
    with the Swiss Socialists at Lugano (1914) and took an active part in the
    international socialist conferences in Zimmerwald (1915) and Kienthal
    (1916). On the whole however, the Italian Socialist Party followed a
    Centrist policy. With Italy’s entry into the war in May 1915, the
    Party renounced its anti-war stand and issued a slogan “neither
    participate in the war, nor sabotage it”, which in practice meant
    support for the war.

[22]DieNeue Zeit(New Times)—theoretical journal of the German
    Social-Democratic Party published in Stuttgart from 1883 to 1923. Until
    October 1917 it was edited by Karl Kautsky and afterwards by Heinrich
    Cunow. Several works by Marx and Engels were first published in it. Engels
    helped the journal with advice, frequently criticising it for its deviations
    from Marxism. In the latter half of the nineties, following Engels’s
    death, it systematically published articles by revisionists, including a
    series of Bernstein’s articles called “Problems of
    Socialism”, which launched a revisionist crusade against
    Marxism. During the First World WarDie Neue Zeitheld a Centrist
    position, which in practice supported social-chauvinists.

[See alsoGlossary
    entrywhich also contains related links]