**Source: PSS vol. 15**

At the November 1906 conference of the RSDLP, it was decided unanimously that in electoral matters all are to be subordinate to the decisions of the local social-democratic organizations.

Lenin at the same conference declared: "Let even the Vyborg district (report of the Menshevik section of the S.D. organization in St. Petersburg) not violate the decisions of the St. Petersburg Committee!" — as if thereby warning of the reciprocal nature of the obligation.

In No. 8 of *Proletariat* (November 1906), in a special article, Bolsheviks were called upon to conduct sharp criticism of blocs with the Constitutional Democrats, but to submit to the local organizations.

In the same November 1906, Comrade Dan, a member of the Central Committee, participates "in a completely private manner (according to his statement in court)" in a gathering arranged by engineer Fedorovich, where Milyukov and Nabokov are present (leaders of the Central Committee and Petersburg Committee of the Cadets), one leader of the Socialist Revolutionaries, and Peshekhonov (leader of the Trudoviks). They spoke about elections, but not in St. Petersburg (according to Comrade Dan's words). Comrade Dan did not see fit to report on this gathering either to the Central Committee or to the Petersburg Committee.

In December 1906, Comrade Dan appears at an informational gathering on the question of elections, where representatives of the Petersburg Committee of the RSDLP were present, and subsequently Constitutional Democrats, Trudoviks, and Socialist Revolutionaries. Dan declares that he is a representative of the Central Committee, but expounds "his personal view" on the desirability of district-by-district agreements in St. Petersburg.

On January 4, 1907, at a meeting of the Central Committee, a decision is adopted to make an ultimatum demand upon the St. Petersburg social-democratic organization's conference to divide into urban and provincial sections. Members of the Central Committee who were Bolsheviks (Maksimov, Zimin, Stroyev) submit a protest against this step, which was in fact tantamount to the splitting of the St. Petersburg organization by the Central Committee.

On January 6, 1907, the St. Petersburg S.D. organization held a conference, which decided the question of elections. There were 39 Bolsheviks and 31 Mensheviks. The Mensheviks left the conference on two formal grounds: 1) they considered the distribution of mandates to be incorrect; 2) as a result of the conference's refusal to divide into urban and provincial sections in accordance with the Central Committee's demand.

To assess these grounds for the split, we present three facts: 1) at the January 6 conference, 42 Bolshevik mandates and 28 Menshevik mandates were confirmed. The Mensheviks themselves, in a leaflet they published, declared that there should be considered 35 Bolsheviks and 32 Mensheviks, i.e., they recognized the Bolshevik preponderance. 2) As a result of the split, the next S.D. organization conference in St. Petersburg was elected under special supervision by a commission specially appointed by the Central Committee. The elections produced, for the March 25 conference, 92 Bolsheviks and 41 Mensheviks. The new elections confirmed an even greater Bolshevik preponderance. 3) In no other city of Russia, neither in Vilna, nor in Odessa, nor in Baku, did the Central Committee demand the division of the conference. This ultimatum demand was both illegal and clearly prompted by factional considerations directed solely against St. Petersburg.

Having left the conference, the Mensheviks elected their own executive organ, began to issue their own leaflets (with the participation of members of the Menshevik Central Committee and Comrade Dan included), and conducted an independent electoral campaign. They entered into agreements with the populist parties (Trudoviks, Socialist Revolutionaries, and Cadets) without the Bolsheviks for joint agreements with the Constitutional Democrats.

The bourgeois press of St. Petersburg (*Rech*, *Strana*, *Tovarishch*, etc.) warmly welcomed the Mensheviks for the split, called them a "moderate socialist party," urged bold struggle against the Bolsheviks, rejoiced over the isolation of these "Blanquists," etc. The Bolsheviks, having proposed on January 6 a bloc with the populists against the Constitutional Democrats, did not participate in any negotiations.

On January 14, *Rech* in an editorial promises the Mensheviks a seat from the workers' curia in the event the bloc against the Bolsheviks succeeds.

The Mensheviks at a gathering on January 17 decide that all seats obtained by them are to be placed at the disposal of the workers' curia. On January 19, *Tovarishch* publishes this news.

On January 15, Milyukov receives an audience with Stolypin, after which the Cadets clearly shift to the right.

On January 18, a conference of Mensheviks, populists, and Cadets took place. The Cadets were offering 2 seats, and 3 were being demanded from them. A break with the Cadets.

On January 20, *Tovarishch* prints excerpts from a Menshevik leaflet directed against the Bolsheviks and undermining their electoral campaign. On that same day I write a pamphlet — "The Elections in St. Petersburg and the Hypocrisy of the 31"; — it comes out three days later.

On January 25, the Left bloc in St. Petersburg is concluded. On January 28, there occurs a gathering of those elected (on January 7 and 14) from the workers' curia of the city of St. Petersburg, delegates from factories and mills. Present are 200–250 persons out of 271. By a majority against 10–12, a resolution in favor of the Left bloc is passed. The resolution specifically calls upon the Mensheviks "not to render even hidden support to the Cadets."

The Mensheviks, who had promised on January 17 to give "their" seats to the workers' curia, not only did not heed the voice of the assembly of all delegates, but directly declared it an "SR-Bolshevik witches' sabbath."

On January 30, a gathering of S.D. delegates takes place. Candidates from the Petersburg Committee are nominated for electors.

On January 29, the Left bloc compels non-partisan progressive voters in the Kolomna district to break their written agreement with the Mensheviks, for in this agreement (as in the Menshevik printed leaflet) stands the condition: "Menshevik electors are considered not bound by the conditions of the populist-Bolshevik bloc concerning the distribution of deputy seats" (Section II, subsection 3). This condition is a clear attempt to ensure for themselves the possibility of voting at the second stage with the Cadets against the Left bloc.

On February 7, elections took place in St. Petersburg. The Black Hundred danger was definitively refuted. The Cadets received 28,798 votes, the Left bloc — 16,703, the Octobrists — 16,613, and the Monarchists — 5,270. The Left bloc lacked drawing away from the Cadets 1,573 votes across 5 districts to win throughout all of Petrograd. In the Kolomna district the Left bloc received only 196 fewer votes than the Cadets.

Such is a brief enumeration of facts. From them it is clearly evident that, in essence, the electoral campaign in St. Petersburg was sabotaged by the Mensheviks. In essence, the conspiracy about the split was begun as far back as November and was begun by Central Committee member Dan. In essence, it was precisely Dan plus the Menshevik members of the Central Committee who conducted the split in St. Petersburg against the majority of the local organization…

Published in April 1907 as a separate pamphlet.

Signature: N. Lenin

Printed according to the text of the pamphlet.