in his interpretation, which drags backward the revolutionary initiative and the forward tasks of social democracy.
This is where the idea of separating and counterposing technical and political leadership of the revolution leads—

# DRAFT [OF FOUR] CONGRESS RESOLUTIONS.

## I. Resolution on the Disorganizing Conduct of the Mensheviks

The Congress recognizes it necessary to establish precisely the indisputably proven facts concerning the conduct of the Mensheviks or Neo-Iskrists after the Second Party Congress. Without even attempting to dispute the legality of the decisions and elections of this Congress, they unscrupulously tore up the Congress resolutions. Immediately after the Congress they boycotted the central institutions created by it and secretly formed a special organization within the party. This organization pursued the aim of forcibly introducing six candidates rejected by the Congress into the editorial board of the central organ and into the central committee of the party. In the struggle for this aim, which contradicted the will and interests of the party, the Mensheviks disorganized the positive work of the party everywhere, introducing secret schism everywhere, demoralizing comradely relations among social-democrats, transforming the central organ of the party into an organ of gossip and intrigue, permitting themselves [unheard-of] vulgar and abusive outbursts against the committees of the party that had elected the central institutions and demanded accountability from them, reducing the Party Council to an instrument of clique revenge, not stopping short of direct falsification of the voice of the party, which demanded a Third Congress.

The Congress condemns this disorganizing conduct in the most decisive manner and warns all conscious social-democrats against the notorious theory of organization-as-process, which justified disorganization and degraded revolutionary Marxism to an unprecedented degree.*) 

г.

or

*) The manuscript breaks off here. —Ed.

# DRAFT OF FOUR RESOLUTIONS OF THE CONGRESS

The Congress recognizes that the supporters of the party majority, in drawing up resolutions against the disorganizers and demanding a 3rd Congress, have exhausted all means of honest comradely struggle against party members. Now that the centers created by the party have definitively evaded responsibility to the party, the Congress is compelled to recognize them as standing outside the party.

The Congress [emphatically] states that for the supporters of party principles there is no other way out but to work separately and independently from the disorganizers. The Congress therefore resolves that supporters of the minority or Neo-Iskrists may not be accepted into any of the organizations of our party.

The Congress instructs the Central Committee of the party to publish a brief pamphlet explaining this resolution for the information of all Russian and international social-democracy.

## 2. Resolution on Plekhanov's Conduct in the Party Crisis.

The Congress recognizes as correct the position of Plekhanov on programmatic, tactical, and organizational questions, which he occupied at the Second Congress of the party and at the Congress of the Foreign League. The Congress recognizes that after the League Congress Plekhanov, in the interests of party peace and the elimination of the schism already accomplished by the Mensheviks, proposed a policy of concessions to people whom he had correctly characterized before the entire party (No. 52 of Iskra, November 7, 1903), as revisionists and anarchical individualists. The Congress expresses profound regret that Plekhanov did not maintain this position, that he began to pursue satisfaction of all the demands of the Mensheviks by the most unscrupulous means and against the will of the party, that he descended, in the interests of justifying the Mensheviks, to defending a principled position recognized by him as incorrect and to inventing unprecedented disagreements with the party majority.

The Congress decisively condemns this policy of cunning toward party members, for such a policy, whatever humane motives toward individual persons it might be prompted by, cannot fail to have a demoralizing influence on the party.

## 3. Resolution on the Principled Position of the Neo-Iskrists.

The Congress recognizes absolutely necessary the struggle against the principled position of the Mensheviks or Neo-Iskrists, who have deviated from revolutionary social-democracy in the direction of opportunism.

Already at the Second Congress of the party this manifested itself both in individual arguments and in the entire composition of the minority from opponents of the old Iskra and the least principally stable tendencies. After the Second Congress this turn of the Mensheviks toward trade-union opportunism became so apparent that they themselves acknowledged the gulf between the old and new Iskra. And indeed, on a whole series of questions the new Iskra advanced absolutely incorrect slogans and theories that obscure the class consciousness of the proletariat. Here belongs the theory of organization-as-process, which degrades Marxism to justification of disorganization and intellectual anarchism. Here belongs the return to incorrect views on the relation of the party to the class, views that diminish the tasks of the party as the vanguard, leader, and organizer of the class. Equally incorrect and reactionary were the disagreements advanced by the new Iskra with the old Iskra on the question of relations with liberals and on plans for a zemstvo campaign—on preparation for insurrection and the notorious utopianism of ideas about its designation and implementation—on the tasks of arming the masses, technical and organizational leadership of them during the revolution—on the impossibility and undesirability of a revolutionary democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and petty bourgeoisie at the epoch of the overthrow of autocracy, etc. All these views drag the party backward not only in theoretical but also directly in practical respects, being especially harmful and ruinous for a party of revolutionary proletariat in the revolutionary moment Russia is experiencing. The Congress therefore instructs all party members to explain the incorrectness of such views in their propaganda and agitation.

## 4. Resolution on Relations between Workers and Intellectuals in the Social-Democratic Party.

The Congress decisively condemns the policy of sowing*) mistrust and enmity between workers and intellectuals in social-democratic organizations, which the Neo-Iskrists are conducting. The Congress reminds conscious workers how they experienced similar methods of struggle from the trade-union wing of the party several years ago and rejected these methods. Empty phrases about workers' self-activity and the elective principle, cast about by the Neo-Iskrists, are not accompanied by any actual improvement in the work of our organizations and demagogically promise the impossible. Under free political conditions our party can and [must] be built entirely on the principle of the elective system. Under autocracy this is unattainable for the entire mass of thousands of workers entering the party.

The Congress once more repeats and reminds of the task of conscious supporters of the social-democratic workers' party: to strengthen by all means the connection of this party with the mass of the working class, constantly raising broader layers of proletarians and semi-proletarians to full social-democratic consciousness, developing their revolutionary and social-democratic self-activity, taking care to secure from the working masses themselves the largest possible number of workers capable of fully directing the movement and all the organizations of the party.

The Congress repeats on behalf of the party the advice of revolutionary social-democrats: to create as many workers' organizations entering our party as possible; to strive for workers' organizations unwilling or unable to enter the party to at least affiliate with the party; to achieve so that the largest possible [number] of conscious social-democratic workers [participate] enter as members into the committees of the party [so that].

*) The word "sowing" is written above the word "planting". —Ed.

*) Point 1 was developed by Lenin in a draft of a separate "Resolution on the Disorganizing Conduct of the Mensheviks or Neo-Iskrists" (see pp. 200-201). Instead of resolutions provided for by points 1, 2, and 3 of Lenin's general plan, the Congress passed one general resolution on the split-off part of the party.

2) Point 2 was developed by Lenin in a draft of a separate "Resolution on Plekhanov's Conduct in the Party Crisis" (see p. 201). The Congress did not adopt a special resolution on Plekhanov.

The reference is to Plekhanov's article "What Is Not to Be Done" in No. 52 of Iskra.

3) The characterization of the Mensheviks as "revisionists and anarchist-individualists" is taken from Plekhanov's "What Is Not to Be Done."

4) Point 3 was developed by Lenin in a draft of a separate "Resolution on the Disorganizing Conduct of the Mensheviks or Neo-Iskrists."

5) See p. 87: "Opportunism = petty betrayal, betrayal = great opportunism" (Parvus).

6) Words of Comrade Trotsky from his pamphlet: "Our Political Tasks," published in Geneva by the editorial board of Iskra in 1904, shortly after the split. (Pp. 25-26.)

7) This part of the document represents a listing of the fundamental questions of tactics that divided Bolsheviks and Mensheviks at that moment.

8) Point 4 is developed by Lenin in a draft of a separate "Resolution on Relations between Workers and Intellectuals in the Social-Democratic Party" (see pp. 202-203). The corresponding resolution was adopted by the Congress.

9) The numeral 7 signifies an interweaving of themes 5 and 7, that is, the question of insurrection with the question of a combat agreement for insurrection. The general plan lacks points 6 and 8, for which according to Lenin's notation in his "list of resolutions" (p. 194) special secret resolutions were to have been passed.

10) On the repeal of Starovér's resolution see Protocols, p. 526.

11) Point 10 serves as the plan for "Resolution on the Zemstvo Plan of the New Iskra." At the Congress a separate resolution on the plan for the Iskra's zemstvo campaign was not passed.

12) A word is omitted. Perhaps "conversations," "proposals," etc.

13) The reference is to the first letter of Iskra on the plan for the zemstvo campaign. (Works, Vol. VII, pp. 410-416.)

14) Point 11 was developed in the Congress resolution on relations to the peasant movement. (Protocols, pp. 522-523.)

15) Point 12 served as the plan for "Resolution on Relations to the Peasant Movement" (see present Collection, pp. 267-268).

16) Point 13 served as the plan for "Resolution on Work in the Military." A separate resolution on work in the military was not passed at the Congress.

17) Je nachdem—depending on circumstances.

18) Point 14 served as the plan for "Resolution on Propaganda and Agitation." (Protocols, p. 527.)