**Resolution on the Immediate Tasks of Internal Party Struggle, Adopted at the Three-Day Conference of 17 Supporters of the Minority of the II Congress of the R.S.-D.R.P. (L. D. Trotsky and Yu. O. Martov)**

Source: Leninskiye Sborniki vol VI (LS-06)
Date: Between September 13 and 20, 1903
Pages: 245–249

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RESOLUTION OF 17 SUPPORTERS OF THE "MINORITY" OF THE II CONGRESS OF THE R.S.-D.R.P.

...which is merely a transmission mechanism of the administrative power of the new editorial board of *Iskra* and an instrument of its guardianship over the Central Committee, thereby reducing the latter to the role of a mere administrative-technical apparatus;

taking into account that such a method of action must inevitably split the party into a closed, one-sidedly-selected central organization, on one hand—and into a broad, scattered mass of social-democratic workers on the other, and thereby compromise the very idea of a unified, combative, strictly centralized party—

we recognize it necessary in the interests of preserving and developing the unity of our party to conduct an energetic, principled struggle against the aforementioned tendency of monstrous centralism, preparing party public opinion for the III Congress.

But taking further into account that systematic ideological struggle by the means ordinarily applied within the party is now unthinkable for us, since the formal victory of the "siege" tendency, fixed in a definitively artificially-selected personal composition of the Central Committee, the editorial board of the Central Organ, and consequently of the Soviet, means nothing other than the maximum possible abolition of internal party ideological struggle and its replacement by administrative measures—

taking into account that such an organization of the party's highest institutions is adapted, as was formulated at the Congress, for the strict implementation of the "siege" tactic, the entry to which was marked by a break with those literary and practical forces which, having played a leading role before the Congress, struggled against the new course at the Congress, the nearest application of which can only be measures of excommunication, expulsion, and demotion, in place of the more complex, but sole positive work of systematic organizational and ideological influence—

we consider it morally and politically binding upon ourselves to conduct organized, practical-organizational struggle with the application of all measures which, not placing us outside the party and not compromising either the party itself or the idea of its central institutions, could in the nearest possible time lead us to such a change in the composition of the party's highest institutions as would ensure for it the possibility of working freely upon the ideological and organizational education of the party.

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**LENIN COLLECTION**

**I.** For the achievement of the goal we have set, all means must be applied which, without placing us outside the party, would expand the sphere of our influence and would contribute to instilling our views into the consciousness of party members.

**II.** In view of the fact that one of the causes which determined the triumph of disorganizing tendencies at the Congress is the weakness of local committees and the low consciousness of their members—we must undertake organizational work in the localities and through local organizations exert influence upon the central institutions of the party with the aim of their transformation.

**III.** While working in the localities, members of the opposition refuse to occupy official positions in the Central Committee until such time as its composition undergoes the aforementioned changes, which would guarantee its efficiency and capacity to develop this institution into an actual leader of the party. [Struck out: The minimum guarantee in this regard would be the admission into the Central Committee of two persons from the opposition.]

**IV.** Agitation on the basis of criticism of the Congress's work must set before itself practical tasks: 1. Expression on the part of committees of negative attitude toward the policy of "siege" and toward those practical steps which both the Congress and the Central Committee and the Central Organ have adopted in the spirit of this policy; 2. struggle against all tendencies of party centers directed toward suppressing freedom of action or opinion of individual members and organizations or toward strengthening in the party organization [a family] narrow clique principle; 3. exposure of the inefficiency [and lack of independence] of the party institutions created by the Congress, insofar as it manifests itself in their policy, and pressure on the part of local committees with the aim of forcing a change in the composition of these institutions.

**V.** With respect to the Central Organ in its present form, the opposition undertakes a boycott, expressed in a refusal of all collaboration, of [active] assistance in the delivery of materials, etc.

*Note:* This boycott does not exclude the use of the Central Organ as an official party institution for the publication in it of resolutions, letters to the editor, refutations, etc., nor does it exclude the fulfillment of the obligation of party members to send to the editorial board of the Central Organ all leaflets, reports, and other materials published locally.

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RESOLUTION OF 17 SUPPORTERS OF THE "MINORITY" OF THE II CONGRESS OF THE R.S.-D.R.P.

249

**VI.** The boycott of the Central Organ shall be lifted only upon the restoration of the old composition of the editorial board of *Iskra*, or else after the Central Committee grants the former editorial board of *Iskra*, [as] a separate group, the opportunity to fulfill those tasks in the sphere of party literature which the present editorial board of *Iskra* is incapable of or rejects from the standpoint of the "siege" policy.

**VII.** A collegium of former editors [and contributors to] *Iskra* forms a literary group, which appeals to the Central Committee seeking from it permission to independently publish brochures and leaflets on all questions of agitation, propaganda, and organizational work. The group sets before itself the special tasks:

1. the formation of a literary center which [would]—pending the conquest of the central institutions of the party [inserted: or a change in present circumstances]—group "oppositional" elements in the party; 2. propaganda of those tactical and organizational ideas which separated the "opposition" from the "majority" and literary struggle against the tendency of "iron fists" and "siege" tactics; 3. service to the agitational needs of local organizations, both through corresponding publishing activity and through assistance in organizing literary work for the committees.

**VIII.** In the event that the Central Committee does not permit the formation of such a group, it shall seek a way out: a) in the formation of itself as a literary group under some local committee, b) in the dissemination of its works in private form to individual committees for publication locally, c) in the publication of its works outside the party firm.

**IX.** In the event that arbitrary and manifestly illegal interpretation of its rights by the central institutions places us—against our will—in an illegal position in the party—the opposition openly protests against the tactic of the central institutions, refuses obedience to illegal resolutions, and continues its work [inserted: appealing to the future Congress].

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**A. M. KALMYKOVA—TO V. I. LENIN.**

Monday [September 21] 1903. Dresden. *)

What I write to you from here will serve as an explanation for why I did not reply to your letter at once.

My God, what goings-on in this world, wherever one looks! And these lines are not even a reply. I torment myself and wait, wait to see how you will end this.

I have lived too long in this world not to know that in such cases the truth is not on one side alone, but on both.

I wait to see what direction the resultant will take...

And to judge, and to decide—it is so difficult, so painful.

I wait for information from both sides about what you will arrive at, so that I might adjust my own further stance accordingly. 2) Do not delay in informing me. There is no need for you to explain to me what it is like—to wait.

Until further notice, the address is my sister the doctor's. 3) Not to shake hands, but to seize by the shoulders and not let go until you have shaken everything out of one's soul—that is what I wish for!

*) The letter has no precise date (day and month). But it can be established from the following considerations. This letter from A. M. Kalmykova, which is a reply to the above-cited letter of V. I. Lenin from September 7, was received by him before September 30, as is evident from his note on the letter. Consequently, the letter was written later than September 7 and earlier than September 30, on one of the Mondays during this interval, as noted by the author herself, i.e., on September 14, 21, or 28. But it is unlikely that A. M. Kalmykova wrote it on September 14, since judging by the duration of the interval separating the first pair of their letters, she could scarcely have received Vladimir Ilyich's letter around that date, and in her letter she says that she "did not reply at once." Likewise, the letter was scarcely written on September 28, since Vladimir Ilyich had already managed to reply to it by September 30. Consequently, the date of the present letter from A. M. Kalmykova can, with considerable probability, be ascribed to September 21, new style.

*) In pencil, in Vladimir Ilyich's hand, a note was made at the end of the letter: "Answered 30 IX [19]03."
Ed.

2) Here A. M. Kalmykova apparently has in mind her further work in support of *Iskra*, in particular in supplying it with material resources.

3) It is not established of whom exactly the reference is here.