V. I. Lenin

Speeches
      At A Meeting Of The Central Committee
      Of The R.S.D.L.P.(B.)

January 19 (February 1), 1918

Written:19 January, 1918First Published:1 and 6 in 1922, in
      N. Lenin (V. Ulyanov),Works,Voume XV; 2 and 5 in
      1929, in the book,Minutes of the Central Committee of the
      R.S.D.L.P., August 1917-February, 1918. Published according to a
      handwritten copy of the Minutes.Source:Lenin’sCollected
	Works, Progress Publishers, Moscow, Volume 26, 1972,
	pp. 507-509Translated:Yuri Sdobnikov and
	George Hanna, Edited by George HannaTranscription & HTML Markup:Charles
	Farrell and David WaltersOnline Version:Lenin Internet ArchiveNovember,
	2000

Comrade Lenin asks what kind of conference should be
      called.[1]He believes we should have it out with the advocates of a
      revolutionary war, because their remark seems to hint at the
      charge that one group within the Party suspects the other of
      being diplomatic on the question of peace. Actually, there is no
      diplomacy involved at all, because the armistice decision said
      quite openly that any side wishing to terminate it must announce
      its intention to do so seven days before the start of
      hostilities. On that ground we have been marking time with the
      peace. How was the decision adopted at the Third Congress of
      Soviets? It was adopted as proposed by the Central Executive
      Committee, which adopted its decision on the strength of the
      Party group decision, and the latter adopted it in line with a
      C.C. resolution. Lenin believes that the best way to dissuade
      the comrades favouring a revolutionary war would be for them to
      go to the front and see for themselves that it is quite
      impossible to conduct the war. Nor does he see any sense in
      having a conference, because its decisions could not be binding
      on the Central Committee; in view of this it might be necessary
      for us to call a Party congress[2]to get precise instructions from the
      Party. By dragging out the peace talks we are creating an
      opportunity to continue fraternisation, and by concluding a
      peace we could at once have an exchange of prisoners of war,
      thereby sending to Germany a great mass of people who had seen
      our revolution in action and had been schooled by it. It would
      be easier for them to work on the awakening of a revolution in
      Germany. He believes, in addition, that in order to ascertain
      exactly what is going on in Germany we should send aviators to
      Berlin, which, they say, is quite possible.

Comrade Lenin, speaking on a point of order, suggests that
      Bukharin should give the facts on the state of affairs within
      the Petrograd Committee.

Comrade Lenin makes a concrete proposal. He points out to those
      who want a conference that it would not heal the rift. A Party
      congress is a necessity, whereas a conference merely elicits
      opinion in the Party which should be put on record. With that
      end in view he proposes the convocation of a meeting
      representing all shades of opinion and standpoints, each by at
      least three persons. Such a meeting should work out an
      agreement.

Comrade Lenin suggests the meeting should be held within two or
      three days, without publishing the theses, which should not be
      made known to Germany. The question of the conference should not
      be solved before the meeting, but it would be absurd to defer
      the question of peace until a congress without publishing the
      theses.

Comrade Lenin proposes a meeting of delegates leaving after the
      Third Congress of Soviets, without, however, anything being
      handed out in writing.

Comrade Lenin says that the Party programme will not be ready by
      February 15, and proposes that:

the meeting should be held on
      January 20, and should be made up as follows: (1) Central
      Committee; (2) representatives of clearly expressed opinions,
      namely, Lenin, Sokolnikov, Bukharin, Obolensky, Stukov. If
      Smirnov, Obolensky, Stukov and Pyatakov differ, they will send
      two representatives, and otherwise, one; (3) the Petrograd
      Committee to be represented by Fenigstein; (4) a Latvian.

Bukharin and Lomov should be authorised to talk it over
      with the Muscovites and with Pyatakov. Each group to present its
      own theses.[3]

[1]The reference is to a demand made by a group of Left Communists
      —Bukharin, Lomov (Oppokov), Osinsky (Obolensky) and
      others—on January 15 (28), 1918, to the Central Committee
      of the R.SD.L.P.(B.) for a Party conference to discuss and
      decide on the question of peace.

[2]Lenin's
      proposal for a congress was adopted. It was first set by the
      CC. meeting of January 19 (February 1), 1918, for February 20,
      but was later postponed until March 6, 1918.

[3]Lenin's proposal for a conference of various groups on peace was
      adopted. It was held on January 21 (February 3), 1918, but no
      minutes are available. There is only a record of the vote on 10
      questions connected with the conclusion of peace (seeMinutes of the Central Committee of the R.S.D.L.P.(B),
      August 1917-February 1918,in Russian, 1958,
      pp. 190-91). On the main question - Is it permissible to sign a
      German annexationiist peace now? 151;five participants said
      yes. They were Lenin, Stalin, Muranov, Artyom (Sergeyev) and
      Sokolnikov; 9 voted against. They were Lomov (Oppokov),
      Krestinsky, Bubnov, Kosior, Osinsky (Obolensky), Stukov,
      Preobrazhensky, Spunde and Fenigstein. Zinoviev, Bukharin and
      Uritsky left the conference before the vote.