French, German, and American. At one time the French firm Schneider and the German firm Krupp united in a syndicate for the development of iron ore mines in Wenès in Algeria" (p. 92).

"Throughout the whole world these concentrated forces, decisive and well-informed, steadily suppress the more fragmented and less amenable to centralized direction forces standing behind disarmament and peace. The number of persons profiting from armaments and war is relatively small compared with the entire population of the civilized world. But their individual significance is greater; they work in alliance with 'society,' which regards empire as a field for the careers of its sons, and with financial circles, which regard it as a sphere for investments" (p. 93).

"Mr. Gladstone came to power after the Midlothian Campaign with a program of decisive opposition to imperialism. The chief act of foreign policy of his government was the occupation of Egypt. Since then a lie has taken root in the soul of Liberalism" (pp. 103-104).

"Under such influence Liberalism became an imperialist party with Lord Rosebery, and later Sir Edward Grey, as the only possible leaders of its foreign policy. Lord Rosebery was connected by marriage with the Rothschild family, and it was precisely the influence of Rothschild that led to the occupation of Egypt" (p. 105).

"There would have been no rupture with France, and the Entente Cordiale could have been established twenty years earlier. European armaments would not have been so overwhelming, and Bismarck's diplomacy would have had less triumph. And most importantly, the alliance would never have been concluded, which filled the coffers of the Russian autocrat with French gold and thus perpetuated the most ruthless of European despotisms" (p. 108).

"During 1907 the following public works were begun or completed in Kumasi: a post office, a women's prison, a hospital and dispensary, a European hospital, a laundry for washing the linen of Europeans, and several buildings for the regiments of the Gold Coast."

Turning the page, one learns that "a golf course with 13 holes was laid out." Gold mines, prisons, barracks, a laundry for Europeans built on public funds, and a golf course—there is our civilizing work. But not a single school" (p. 127).

"In other words, whatever party is in power, the foreign secretary will always be an imperialist, a person who can be trusted unconditionally by *The Times*, the City, and the Conservative Party. A Radical has no more chance of becoming Foreign Secretary than a Roman Catholic has of becoming Lord Chancellor. The doctrine of 'continuity' means that foreign affairs are in fact removed from the sphere of party government and are now subject to the influence only of the ruling class, i.e., the opinion of those who move in court and society, who regard the army and civil service as occupations settled on their families, and who look upon the world lying beyond the British Isles chiefly as a sphere for the investment of their surplus wealth" (p. 132).

"Even more important is the powerlessness of the House of Commons in regard to treaties. If they do not contain financial clauses, it is not necessary to present them to Parliament, and no discussion of them can take place until they are finally signed, ratified, and published. A consequence of this is, among other things, that a secret treaty binds us no less than a published one. A secret treaty, properly signed and ratified by one British government, binds its successors. In theory—the King and his Foreign Secretary, acting with the consent of their Cabinet colleagues, have the right to assume the most important and essential obligations on behalf of the forty-million population they govern, without asking their elected representatives" (pp. 137-138).

* — coup d'état. —Ed.

"In these letters it is openly admitted that Lord John Russell, the Prime Minister, was completely unable to control Palmerston, who constantly decided important matters without the authority of the Cabinet as a whole and even of its head. He went so far as to recognize Louis Napoleon after the coup d'état exclusively on his personal responsibility and against the wishes

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