V. I. Lenin

Afterword To The Theses On The Question Of The Immediate Conclusion
      Of A Separate And Annexationist Peace

Written:8 and 11 January, 1918First Published:1929 inLenin
      Miscellany XISource:Lenin’sCollected
      Works, Progress Publishers, Moscow, Volume 26, 1972,
      pp. 451-452Translated:Yuri Sdobnikov and George
      Hanna, Edited by George HannaTranscription & HTML Markup:Charles
      Farrell and David WaltersOnline Version:Lenin Internet ArchiveNovember,
      2000

I read the above Theses to a small private meeting of Party
      functionaries on January 8, 1918. The discussion on them showed
      three opinions in the Party on this question—about a half
      those present spoke in favour of revolutionary war (this was
      sometimes called the §Moscow¨ point of view because
      the Moscow Regional Bureau of our Party adopted it earlier than
      other organisations); then about a quarter were for Comrade
      Trotsky who proposed to declare the cessation of hostilities,
      demobilise the army, send the soldiers home but refrain from
      signing a treaty¨, and, lastly, about a quarter supported
      me.

The state of affairs now obtaining in the Party reminds me very
      strongly of the situation in the summer of 1907 when the
      overwhelming majority of the Bolslieviks favoured the boycott of
      tile Third Duma and I stood side by side with Dan in favour of
      participation and was subjected to furious attacks for my
      opportunism. Objectively, the present issue is a complete
      analogy; as then, the majority of the Party functionaries,
      proceeding from the very best revolutionary motives and the best
      Party traditions, allow themselves to be carried away by a
      §flash¨ slogan and donot grasp the newsocio-economic and political situation, do not take into
      considerationthe change in the conditionsthat demands
      a speedy and abrupt change in tactics. The essence of my
      argument, today as then, is to make clear that Marxism demands
      the consideration of objective conditions and their changes,
      that the question must be presented concretely as applicable to
      those conditions, that the most significant change that has
      occurred is the foundation of the Russian Soviet Republic, and
      the preservation of the republic that has already begun the
      socialist revolution is most important to us and to theinternational socialist movement;that at the moment
      the slogan of revolutionary war proclaimed by Russia would
      either be an empty phrase and an unsupported demonstration, or
      would be tantamount, objectively, to falling into the trap set
      for us by the imperialists, who wish to inveigle us into
      continuing theimperialistwar while we are still a
      weak unit, so that the young Soviet Republic might be crushed as
      cheaply as possible.

§I stand by Lenin¥s old position,¨ exclaimed one
      young Muscovite (youth is one of the greatest virtues
      distinguishing that group of speakers). And that samespeaker
      reproached me for repeating the old arguments of the defencists
      about the improbability of a revolution in Germany.

The whole trouble is that the Muscovites want to stick to the
      old tactical position, and stubbornly refuse to see the change
      that has taken place, thenew objectivesituation that
      has arisen.

The Muscovites, in their zealous repetition of old slogans, have
      not even taken into consideration the fact that we Bolsheviks
      have now all become defencists. Having overthrown the
      bourgeoisie, having denounced and exposed the secret treaties,
      having proposed peace to all peoples, actually...Here the manuscript breaks off
      .—Editor.