[2 May 1918]

I—Stalin

Serious events are occurring in Ukraine. On 28/4 during a session of the Rada, a German lieutenant with German detachments by order of Eichhorn occupied the premises of the Rada, interrupted the session, arrested some of the ministers, and placed Grushevsky under house arrest. Reason: heated debates during the session about Eichhorn's order forbidding assemblies and rallies and placing the Council of People's Ministers under control. Moreover, the disarming of several Ukrainian regiments, which was the subject of debates and protests expressed in the demand of the German government to recall German generals. The next day the Rada did not convene, although some of the arrested ministers were released. Instead, a congress of landowners calling themselves "land-tillers" met freely, declaring war on the socialists and the Rada, having expelled from their midst the democratic part of the delegates, who were arrested by the Germans that same day. Such information is completely accurate and verified; it is taken from "Kievskaya Mysl"². There is information still unverified that a new bourgeois-landlord authority has been formed under the name of the Hetmanate. From this it follows, among other things, that the peace conference will for now have no possibility, if it ever will have the possibility, of being constituted. Another, no less important, event: the Germans have occupied Feodosia, and Ukrainian units have been withdrawn by them from Simferopol further north, beyond Perekop. This means that the Germans want to keep Crimea for themselves in order to throw a bridge across the Kerch Strait, penetrate to Persia and Mesopotamia via the Black Sea railway line and the Transcaucasian line, through Kars and so on—that is, precisely what the imperialist Rohrbach³ once timidly dreamed of. This is already a second reason suggesting, like the first, that the proposed peace conference will be postponed. Our parliamentary representative is making his way or has already made his way to Vorozhba⁴. I am awaiting information from him every minute. Depending on this information, it is possible that I shall leave for Moscow tomorrow.

Have you received a radiogram from the Ukrainian peace delegation from Vorozhba that the delegation is designating Nezhin as the place for negotiations, and did you give any answer on your part?

Lenin

S T A L I N: Chicherin transmitted it to us by telephone, and he gave the Ukrainians a reply in the sense of their invitation to Kursk in these words: "Our delegation awaits you in Kursk." We ourselves did not receive the radiogram directly, perhaps because the Kursk station is lame on both legs. We sent our answer through the parliamentary representative in the sense of inviting the Ukrainians to Kursk, where, according to the statement of the Ukrainian courier, the lines have been run and everything is prepared for a meeting. In our address we sidestep the question of Nezhin, and, between us be it said, of course, we shall not make a fuss over the Nezhin issue. We have just received word that General Skoropadsky has been appointed Hetman of Ukraine, but this report has not yet been verified. By the way: do you not think that the new Ukrainian authority will not miss an opportunity to declare war on us for the restoration of order and peace with a strict, completely strict, neutrality of Germany?

L E N I N: I too do not doubt that you will not make an issue out of Nezhin, but in my opinion, this thought should have been expressed in your answer to the Ukrainians. Draft a new telegram with an inquiry to both the German government and the new Hetmanate authority. Send us this telegram here over the direct line, and we shall send it over the direct line to Berlin. Moreover, it would be useful to confirm an order to all detachments standing at the borders about a formal proposal to suspend military operations, and then discuss with Rostov the strengthening of the defense of both Rostov and the Kerch Strait. I think, in general, that in the absence of means of communication with the Ukrainian government, you should speak through Moscow with Berlin twice a day, hinting in a very polite form that Eichhorn is a more stable quantity than the Ukrainian government.

Lenin

We, both present here⁶, believe that Berlin should receive telegrams not from the peace delegation but from the Foreign Commissariat. We believe, moreover, that orders to the fronts should be given not by us but by the Supreme Military Council. We, for our part, have done everything we can and in fact created an atmosphere of armistice on the Kursk and Bryansk fronts. There is no communication with Rostov. We intend to send a man to Rostov with appropriate directives. Did you receive yesterday's tape taken by Karahan⁷ about our conversation with Antonov?

No, I did not receive it. I shall try at once to find Chicherin and Trotsky so as to speak with them, and I hope today, in about three hours, to send you a note. For now that is all. Lenin

S T A L I N: One more moment. Find Karahan and demand the tape, which he undertook to deliver to you. The content of the tape: Antonov requests in categorical form that you issue an order to the Soviets, particularly to the Voronezh Soviet, to post a border guard with white flags, which would disarm all detachments crossing its border. If this is done, Antonov undertakes officially to remove himself from the powers of Commander-in-Chief and to recognize the war with Ukraine as liquidated. I believe that this would considerably expedite the matter of peace. Rakovsky and I asked Karahan to transmit this demand of Antonov where it should go and to satisfy it. That is the content of the tape. Stalin

L E N I N: Good. I shall at once look into everything. Lenin

S T A L I N: I shake your hand; I am waiting. Goodbye.