Page: 102

100
LENIN COLLECTION
p. 6 (to be reworked). Self-determination of nations ["the old, worn-out"
(schabig)
bourgeois-democratic lozung ((new for 1000 million of the earth's population!!)] —  to make a deception into truth.

Deception for England, France — and for Germany

2 Forms of deception: Plekhanov contra Parvus — "most worn-out" slogan.
Only a bourgeois-democratic principle? But brotherhood of workers?

No, and also a socialist principle.

When we put forward the slogan: freedom of self-determination, that is, freedom of separation, we with all our agitation demand of the oppressors: try to hold us by advantages, by culture, and not by violence. When we do not recognize and do not place in the foreground the freedom of separation, we practically leave the door wide open for the lackeys of violence.

Nur so treffen wir den Nagel auf den Kopf** — we teach workers: drive out everyone who does not recognize the democratic and socialist principle sincerely and honestly.

18398
Theses

[Four] Five (?) (better four)*** theses: 1) Social-democrats of the oppressing nation, especially the so-called great powers, must demand the right to self-determination = the right of separation for oppressed nations, upholding this right not only in legal but especially in illegal publications and especially during wars. — 2) Social-democrats of oppressed nations must demand the most complete, including organizational, fusion, and not merely rapprochement, of the workers of the oppressed with the workers of the oppressing nation. — 3) On the basis of these principles, social-democrats of all advanced countries of the 20th century, and especially the great powers, must place at the forefront of their national policy the principle: "workers have no fatherland," while in no way denying the world-historical importance of the national-liberation movement of the backward countries of Eastern Europe and the colonies of Asia and Africa. — 4) Social-democrats of all countries must not uphold the federal principle, not the formation of small states as an ideal, but rather all possible rapprochement of nations, the harm of any separation of nations, the harm of cultural-national autonomy, the benefit of democratic Centralism, the benefit of the largest states and unions of states.

5th thesis: In view of the elementary simplicity of thesis 1, its recognition by all democracy and by Marx + Engels 1848—1876, its confirmation by the experience of war — it is obligatory to treat social-democrats who do not recognize this thesis as enemies of the proletariat, the worst deceivers, and to exclude them from the party.

It is insufficient to recognize the struggle against every national oppression, against every national inequality:

(a) Is "the right to state-building" included in "inequality"? or not?

(b) The right of separation or not?

(c) The character of day-to-day agitation: directed at the main [issue].

The unity of workers, the unity of the international class struggle of the proletariat is infinitely more important than the question of state boundaries, a question which in the epoch of imperialism will be especially often re-decided and precisely through wars.

18382

Imperialism and the Right of Nations to Self-Determination
(SKETCH)*
[28/X 1915]

INTRODUCTION.

(1) The urgency of the question. It is on everyone's lips or in everyone's ears. Why? (a) War inflames national hatred and threatens national oppression.

(b) Imperialism is the epoch of oppression of nations on a new historical basis.

(2) The task of the Zimmerwald Left is to rally and on this ground too to defeat social-chauvinism, to clarify the consciousness of the working class.

I. THE ECONOMIC POINT OF VIEW.

(3) "Capital has outgrown national boundaries. The union of nations (in a single state) is inevitable and progressive." True! But Marxism ≠ Strivism, not justification and defense of violence against nations, but revolutionary struggle for socialism, the union of workers of different nations, their brotherhood.

(4) Against violence, for the democratic unification of nations. "Freedom of separation" is the highest expression of democratism.

(5) Economic unification benefits from democratism, from freedom of separation (Norway and Sweden; America versus Germany).

II. THE POLITICAL-HISTORICAL POINT OF VIEW.

(6) "Self-determination of nations is a worn-out slogan of the bygone epoch of bourgeois-democratic revolutions and movements."

—  Imperialism creates oppression of nations on a new basis. Imperialism renews this old slogan.

(7) The East and colonies (over 1000 million of the earth's population). "New" bourgeois-democratic national movements.

Colonies 1876 — 314 million,
1914 — 570 + 1/2 of 1 million

* Lenin's heading. Editor.

[ IMAGE OF HANDWRITTEN MANUSCRIPT ]

IMPERIALISM AND THE RIGHT OF NATIONS TO SELF-DETERMINATION"
103

III. THE POLITICAL POINT OF VIEW.

(8) We do not reject bourgeois-democratic slogans, but proceed more consistently, more completely, more decisively to carry through democratism in them.

(9) Not the interests of nations, but the interests of brotherhood, solidarity of workers of different nations.

IV. THE POINT OF VIEW OF STATE BOUNDARIES.

(10) We do not uphold the given boundaries of states.

(11) We are not for the utopia of small states, we do not demand everywhere and always "independence of national states"....

(12) We place foremost the interests of the class struggle of workers in any possible changes of state boundaries.

(13) The "dissolution" of Russia (England, Austria?) = United States.

V. THE POINT OF VIEW OF THE INTERNATIONAL CLASS STRUGGLE OF THE PROLETARIAT.

(14) The danger (and inevitability under capitalism) of national hatred and distrust (a la Axelrod? No!)

(15) The crux: the attitude of oppressing nations to the oppressed.

(16) Class solidarity of workers of different nations is impossible without recognition of the right to separation.

VI. "PRACTICAL FEASIBILITY."

(17) "Utopia!" Norway versus Sweden.

(18) "Exception!" ("Backwater").

Yes, as are all democratic reforms and transformations.

(19) "Practically ≈ zero."

No = (a) freedom of agitation for separation

(b) the decision of the question of separation by referendum (2 §§ of the constitution).

(20) "What guarantees? Only war will decide!"

(Our guarantees are the education of the working masses in the spirit of brotherhood of nations.)

VII. THE MILITARY POINT OF VIEW.

(21) "Self-determination of nations = justification for participation in war."

There is war and there is war. We do not "reject" national wars. They are possible even now.

(22) "If self-determination, then Holland, Sweden etc. have the right to defend themselves." How can one defend oneself in an imperialist war?

VIII. STRUGGLE WITH SOCIAL-CHAUVINISM.

(23) Social-chauvinism is as inevitable a product of imperialism as wireless telegraphy. The struggle against it = the essence now.

(24) Struggle with the chauvinism of one's own nation.

(25) The main thing — great-power chauvinism.

(26) "Recognition of equality" = circumventing the question of state-building, of separation, of cases of imperialist war.

(27) Wir treffen den Nagel auf den Kopf only through our formulation. Only this formula strikes and cuts international social-chauvinism.

IX. COMPARISON WITH DIVORCE.

(28) Rosa Luxemburg on divorce (versus autonomy).

(29) Semkovskii's objection.

(30) His incorrectness.

X. THE CASE OF WEYL.

(31) Social-chauvinists excluded Weyl — betrayal of their principles.

(32) Participation in war from our point of view is not a sin. But for agitation in the army? for the transformation of war into civil war?

(33) The choice of nation. (In which army?)

XI. THE ATTITUDE OF LIBERAL BOURGEOISIE.

(34) In Russia: we (Constitutional Democrats) are for equality, but have never undertaken to defend the right to separation from the Russian state.

(35) Karl Kautsky on political self-determination ("enough of cultural and autonomy")...

XII. THE EXPERIENCE OF THE RSDLP.

(36) The formulation of the question at the 1903 congress.

(37) The departure of the PSD and entry in 1906.

(38) Never officially demanded the annulment of § 9.

(39) The "union" of opportunists with Rosa in 1914 (liquidators: Semkovskii; Libman; Yurkevich; Aleksinskii).

XIII. THE EXAMPLE OF MARX AND ENGELS.

(40) 1848 Germany versus oppressed nations (Nachlass, III, p. 109, 113 and 114*).

1866 Engels and the International (Marx) on Poland and Germany.

1869 Marx on Ireland.

(41) The point of view of the interests of workers of the oppressing nation.

(NB) Marx was for federation with Ireland (NB)

XIV. THE "FORMULA" OF THE "ZIMMERWALD LEFT."

(42) "No maintenance of the dominion of one nation over another"...

Question: does it include freedom of separation? Or not?

Not proclaiming freedom of separation is itself "maintenance of dominion."

This formula = "the first step towards rapprochement"....

1 In the latter part of October 1915, Lenin planned to deliver reports in Zurich and Geneva: "On the 22nd in Zurich, on the 20th in Geneva," he wrote to Karpinsky in Geneva (see "Lenin Collection" XI, 184). The report in Zurich on the theme "International Socialist Conference September 5—8
* "From Literary Legacy," III, p. 109, 113 and 114 (see below, p. 201—203). Editor.

106
LENIN COLLECTION
of 1915" took place on October 23. Informing Karpinsky of the appointment of the day of the report, Lenin wrote: "If possible, set [in Geneva. Editor.] the day two days before or after" (ibid., p. 185). The theme of the report in Geneva was apparently determined later: "I will write about the report tomorrow" (letter to Karpinsky of October 6, ibid., p. 189). The sketch "Imperialism and the Right of Nations to Self-Determination," evidently relates to the report in Geneva, delivered by Lenin on October 28, 1915. This date in the manuscript Lenin wrote later, to the side of the heading, placing it in square brackets.

2 Axelrod's point of view is set out by him in the pamphlet "Crisis and Tasks of International Social-Democracy," which came out shortly before the Zimmerwald Conference (see Lenin, Works XVIII, 306).

3 See Lenin's article "On a Caricature of Marxism" (Works XIX, 232—233).

4 G. Weil — German social-democrat, revisionist, native of Alsace; during the imperialist war went over to the side of the French, enlisting as a volunteer in the French army; for this was excluded from the party in Germany, deprived of his parliamentary mandate, and declared a deserter.

5 See Lenin's article "The First Step" (Works XV III, 297—301).

20189 and 20791

FRAGMENTS FROM THE ARTICLE "THE REVOLUTIONARY PROLETARIAT
AND THE RIGHT OF NATIONS TO SELF-DETERMINATION"1
NOVEMBER 1913. BERN

Excerpts from the Article

STRUCK-THROUGH PAGES OF THE ORIGINAL TEXT OF THE ARTICLE

["the right of nations to self-determination" seems to Comrade Parabellum2
a return to the outlived old days, to petty-bourgeois utopia of "separatism" and peaceful competition between independent national states.

Fighting with this enemy (petty-bourgeois utopians), who is essentially long dead and buried, Comrade Parabellum inadvertently plays into the hands of social-chauvinists, who dominate in England, France, Germany, partly in Russia.

We cannot counterpose revolutionary mass struggle for socialism to a revolutionary-consistent program in the national question. We must combine the first with the second. One cannot represent the struggle for socialism, the socialist revolution in the image of a single battle on a single front: imperialism against socialism. This revolution will be an entire epoch of sharpened class struggle and all manner of social upheavals, an entire series of battles on the most diverse fronts, over the most varied economic and political transformations, that have ripened and demand the fundamental overthrow of old relations. Among these democratic transformations, encompassed in the concept of social revolution, national relations cannot fail to occupy a prominent place. The revolutionary proletariat will not fulfill its task if it does not now uphold a consistent program on this question as well.

• • • • • •

(a)4 [a revolutionary program in the national question. With Comrade Parabellum it comes out as though the socialist revolution is a single battle on a single economic front: socialism against imperialism. This is not true. The revolution of the proletariat will be an epoch of an entire series of battles on all fronts, i.e., on all questions, economic and political, including national. [The sum of conflicts] The resolution [of all this] sum of conflicts arising from all these unresolved questions will give the social revolution. The sum of battles over all these transformations will give the overthrow of the bourgeoisie, the dictatorship of the proletariat, the establishment of complete democracy, and the organization of socialist society. It is absurd to counterpose the revolutionary struggle against capitalism to one of the questions of democracy, the national question. The proletariat can conquer only through democracy, only by realizing democracy completely. Therefore all democratic [transformations] demands—militia, the election of officials by the people, equality of nations, self-determination of nations, etc. must be [supplemented, united with revolutionary struggle] completed and united with the demand of revolutionary struggle against capitalism. Not to counterpose this struggle to particular democratic demands, but in the sphere of each democratic question to give—connected with the general revolutionary struggle for socialism—an equally revolutionary definition of our tasks — that is the only social-democratic formulation of the question.

[In the 3rd] Comrade Parabellum, instead of defining the revolutionary line of the proletariat in the national question, gives us the assurance that "we are against annexations, against violence against nations." There is any amount of such assurances among social-chauvinists and among Kautsky & Co. All these people will reject Parabellum's formula "revolutionary mass struggle against capitalism," but will gladly

* Page (a)4 remained uncorrected by the editor. Editor.

** This page initially served as the continuation of page (a)4; then the numeration (a)5 was crossed out and replaced by the digit c7. Editor.

THE REVOLUTIONARY PROLETARIAT AND THE RIGHT OF NATIONS TO SELF-DETERMINATION 109

acknowledge self-determination of nations hypocritically, not extending this recognition precisely to those nations oppressed by their own nation [(Kunov, Parvus, Plekhanov, Hyndman)] —  here belong not only Plekhanov and Hyndman, but also Kautsky, who, seeking "unity" with social-chauvinists, wrote that to demand "state independence" (staatliche Selbststandigkeit) for each nation means to demand the "excessive," "zu viel" (Neue Zeit 33, II, 77, 16. IV. 1915)3. Either they altogether deny the right to self-determination by arguments like Parabellum's (Kunov, Parvus, Russian opportunists and liquidators).

Kautsky's position is the most harmful and dangerous for the working class, because he recognizes self-determination of nations in words, recognizes in words that the social-democratic party "respects and demands the independence of nations in all respects (!) and unreservedly (?)"
(p. 241 ibid., 21. V. 1915)4, but in reality reduces this right to a meaningless formula, curtails it precisely, not distinguishing socialists of the oppressed

UNSTRIKING-THROUGH PAGES OF THE ORIGINAL TEXT OF THE ARTICLE

after 1848, fighting not at all with petty-bourgeois democrats (they were already killed and buried by then), but with the chauvinism of English workers, with Proudhon's anarchism, "denying" the national question almost as decisively as Parabellum denies it now.

Marx demanded in 1868 the separation of Ireland from England! Marx not only did not harbor any illusions about the possibility of the separate existence of a small Irish people next to mighty England, which was already at that time the greatest world empire, — no, Marx directly and immediately foresaw the necessity of federation with England immediately after separation. Marx for a moment

of imperialism, vital and topical in relation to all great powers and all the nations they oppress.

The "great-power" nations, the English, the Germans, the French, the Great Russians, oppress directly and indirectly, mediately and immediately, more than half the earth's population, now waging the first — and probably not the last — imperialist war for the expansion, the consolidation of this oppression, for a more "just," more corresponding to the given strength of capital of different countries, redivision of great-power rights, privileges and advantages.

It is precisely the point of view of the struggle with the chauvinism of the dominant, advanced, holding the destiny of the world in their hands, great-power nations — and not at all the point of view of "small peoples" and various "corners of Europe" that must now be decisive. It is precisely the interests of the revolutionary struggle [of the masses] of the proletariat against capitalism, and not at all the interests of little peoples, that demand that socialists of the great powers defend the right to separation (= the right to self-determination) of oppressed nations. The struggle for socialism is the struggle of the internationally-revolutionary proletariat. It is precisely because capitalism has bound the entire world into one economic organism that this struggle cannot but be international. And to be such in fact, not in words only, it is necessary that the proletariat not struggle against the oppression of nations in a bourgeois way, not in a

15
[...] national democrats. Unlike them, unlike the Sheidemanns, in the name of the Vorstand "assuring" that they are against annexations, unlike Kautsky, who reduces the demand for self-determination to something harmless for the bourgeoisie, acceptable to the bourgeoisie, to a demand obligating no one for cultural (non-political) self-determination, we must put forward, precisely from the point of view of the revolutionary struggle of the proletariat of advanced countries, a demand that fundamentally exposes the bourgeoisie, fundamentally undermines its sophistries, formulating what is fundamental and chief in the matter of the freedom of nations, namely the demand for freedom of separation. The unacceptability of this demand for the bourgeoisie — in the overwhelming majority of cases and in all the fullness of its implementation the demand is of course unacceptable — does not mean its "utopianism" (only Kunovs and those like them, lackeys of imperialist bourgeoisie, so understand "utopianism"!).

No, unacceptability for the bourgeoisie means that we, representatives of the revolutionary proletariat, do not dream of any peaceful development of capitalism, do not sow illusions on this account, but expect precisely the sharpening of the struggle and revolution from the clarification of the masses, from the insisting before the masses on our consistently-democratic demands.

It is obvious in itself, — and the example of Marx's demand for the separation of Ireland from England in 1868 especially clearly confirms this, — that freedom of separation in no way means the propaganda of the formation of small national states in general. [It is not subject to] It means only, on the one hand, the demand for democratism carried through to the end, with proletarian revolutionariness, and not with bourgeois half-measures, — not stopping at the fact that consistent democratism leads to social revolution, but on the contrary drawing strength and firmness for decisive struggle for democracy precisely from this. It means, on the other

• • • • • •

will comprise the socialist revolution and unfold all its content, there will also be national conflicts over the oppression of nations. Incidents like the Zabern affair5 will occur not more rarely but more often, and the task of the proletariat will be not to ignore all such "incidents," but on the contrary to intensify, broaden, transform them into the beginning of the socialist revolution. Only the consistently-democratic program in the question of self-determination, which we propose, answers such a calling.

Petty-bourgeois democrats and routine socialists, not seeing the depth of the collapse of the Second International, content themselves with the old formula "self[-determination]

20791

Fragment of a Plan of the Article*

(4) Against annexations (this is acceptable even to bourgeois pacifist-democrats).

(5) The distinction of oppressing and oppressed nations is inessential from the point of view of the utopia of "brotherhood of peoples" under capitalism. It is essential from the point of view of the revolutionary struggle against pacifism.

(6) The bourgeoisie is ready to promise any "equality," any "national autonomy," only so that the proletariat will peacefully, in Sheidemann fashion, in Kautskian fashion, submit to it on the question of state boundaries.

1 The fragments printed here represent scattered manuscript of the article "The Revolutionary Proletariat and the Right of Nations to Self-Determination." In the archives of the IMEL there is preserved the same article, but in a different version, as a manuscript of Lenin's in the German language and as a translation of it into Russian, made by Krupskaya and edited by Lenin. The latter two manuscripts were printed in the "Lenin Collection" VI, pp. 6—7. The article is included in Lenin's Works, XVIII, 323.

The manuscript has two versions: one — struck through by Lenin, another — written on the back of the struck-through pages.

2 Lenin speaks of the article by Parabellum "Annexations and Social-Democracy" ("Annexionen und Sozialdemokratie"), printed in the Swiss social-democratic newspaper "Berner Tagwacht," No. 252 and 253, of October 28 and 29, 1915.

3 Lenin cites the article by Kautsky "Two Articles for Re-learning" ("Zwei Schriften zum Umlernen"), printed in "Neue Zeit," XXXIII. Jahrg. II. Bd. 1915, pp. 34-42; 71—81; 107—116; 138—146 (see "Lenin Collection" XVII, 267—269).

4 The article by Kautsky "Once More on Our Illusions" ("Nochmals unsere Illusionen"), printed in "Neue Zeit," XXXIII. Jahrg. II. Bd. 1915, pp. 230—241 and 264—275.

5 See Lenin's article "The Zabern Affair" (Works XVII, 99).

18397

GERMAN SOCIAL-DEMOCRACY AND THE RIGHT OF NATIONS TO SELF-DETERMINATION*

[1916. Zurich]

German social-democracy was the strongest and most influential party of the Second International. Therefore, on the one hand, it is most responsible for its collapse, and on the other hand, its example and its experience are most important for studying the causes of this collapse and for analyzing the measures, means, and paths of struggle against the opportunism that stifled this party.

The opportunism that stifled the social-democratic party of Germany, transforming it into a national-liberal workers' party, took the form of social-chauvinism in the war of 1914/15.**

* Lenin's heading. Editor.

** The manuscript breaks off here. Editor.

[ 117 ]

18389

EXCERPTS FROM THE ARTICLES OF P. LENTSCH ON THE RIGHT OF NATIONS TO SELF-DETERMINATION AND ON ANNEXATIONS

[1916. Zurich]

Dr. Paul Lentsch: "The Self-Determination Chatter"
(Die Glocke No. 8. 1915, 15. XII).

... "Petty-bourgeois whim" (p. 465) — the same as "Disarmament"

"petty-bourgeois phrase" (ibid.), the same as "Disarmament nonsense" — what "Right to Work" etc.

For example, Engels in Neue Rheinische Zeitung 14. II. 1849 wrote of "democratic Pan-Slavism" (p. 466), that "the word freedom replaces everything," simply "absolute demand for freedom," "fantastic abstraction from reality" —

and Lentsch: the same "fantastic abstraction from reality as is the self-determination chatter" (467)...

Engels wrote then that "the theory of general peoples' brotherhood, which without regard to historical position, to the level of social development of individual peoples, further wants nothing but to fraternize in the blue" (467)...

and then against "Bakunin's utterances about terrible violence against South Slavs by Hungarians and Germans." — What then does Engels say here?

that it is ridiculous to call a "crime" what the Germans and Hungarians — "at a time when great monarchies in general became a historical necessity in Europe," — beat together these nationlets into a great state "and thereby enabled them to participate in historical development"... "And are the Persians, Celts, and Christian Germans not worth the Czechs, Oguliner and Serezhane?" (467).

And Lentsch triumphantly: "So that is what 'self-determination right' looks like in Marx and Engels!" (p. 468) recommends to "illiterate socialists of the Vorwarts editorial board."

"In reality the chatter about the right to self-determination is by its essence foreign to socialism..." Socialism is the idea of dependence of the individual on the whole...

The theory of individualism created "self-determination"... and wanted to apply it, according to him, "the worst enemies of democracy" (470), for example, Napoleon III.

"The case of 1859 (Napoleonic farce with a vote of the people on the joining of Nice: Bernstein supposedly in his afterword to Eritrean "ironically" dismissed it) was so acceptable to absolutism that even Bismarck initially was ready to repeat it in the provinces conquered after the Danish War" (470).

NB | cf. Engels on the same NB |

and further on "naive" (472) self-determination, etc. = "petty-bourgeois idyll" (ibid.). And how to carry this out practically (p. 473)? For example, on the Balkans? A mixture of peoples, etc.

NB | cf. Engels on the same NB |

"We must not

"cripple the existence conditions of the great cultural nations, which until now have been the bearers of historical progress, in favor of some 'gentle national flowerlet'" (473) (as Engels expressed it), etc. — nationlets, "which allowed themselves to be used as willless henchmen of Tsarism and reaction."

And now Serbia... the interest of progressive central powers to reach the sea...

social-democracy is an enemy of "small canton economy" (474)...

Alsace-Lorraine for French socialists is only an attempt "to escape from an embarrassing situation" (ibid.).

For Germany, Alsace and Lorraine are necessary (476), and "the social-democratic faction" had "completely right" when it completely excluded the self-determination chatter from its August theses on the Alsace-Lorraine question (476).

Engels wrote, so it is said, in 1891 that between socialist France and socialist Germany there could not "arise" an Alsace-Lorraine question. "The misunderstanding is resolved instantly" — you can wait, so it is said, until the hour of liberation of the proletariat (476).

He himself. "Socialism and Annexations in the Past" (ibid., No. 9, 1. I. 1916).

"Against annexations?" (494—495) this cry, so it is said, demands "Marxist criticism"... against any conquests?

Marx and Engels stood on the point of view of "European democracy," against phrases "like disarmament, the right of peoples to self-determination, no annexations" (496).

"We must not

"allow crippling in favor of some 'gentle national little flower'" (as Engels expressed it) the conditions of existence of the great cultural nations that have hitherto been bearers of historical progress" (473), etc. — nationlets, "which allowed themselves to be used as willless henchmen of Tsarism and reaction."

And now Serbia... the interest of progressive central powers to reach the sea...

social-democracy is an enemy of "canton economy" (474)...

Alsace-Lorraine for French socialists is only an attempt "to escape from an embarrassing situation" (ibid.).

For Germany, Alsace and Lorraine are necessary (476), and "the social-democratic faction" was "completely right" when it "completely excluded the self-determination chatter from its August theses on the Alsace-Lorraine question" (476).

Engels wrote, it is said, in 1891 that between socialist France and socialist Germany there could not "arise" an Alsace-Lorraine question. "The misunderstanding is resolved instantly" — you can wait, it is said, until the hour of liberation of the proletariat (476).

He himself. "Socialism and Annexations in the Past" (ibid., No. 9, 1 January 1916).

"Against annexations?" (494—495) this cry, it is said, demands "Marxist criticism"... against any conquests? |

Marx and Engels stood on the point of view of "European democracy," against phrases "like disarmament, the right of nations to self-determination, no annexations" (496).

"Link*

EXCERPTS FROM ARTICLES BY P. LENSCH

Marx and Engels called England a "counter-revolutionary" force in world war. In the *Neue Rheinische Zeitung* (1848–9, vol. III of *Literary Heritage*, p. ?*), [it said] that universal war would crush "entire reactionary peoples" (497)...

and in the same place an article by Engels: "from us and the other revolutionary nations of Europe, [they] demand that we ... guarantee the counter-revolutionary hordes unimpeded existence directly at our gates"

"we must in the heart of Germany create a counter-revolutionary Czech state, we must break the power of the German, Polish and Hungarian revolutions by means of Russian outposts wedged between them... To the sentimental phrases about brotherhood... we answer that hatred of Russians was and still remains the first revolutionary passion among the Germans" ** (497–498)...

And in 1859 Engels in *Po and Rhine* wrote that changes (in Europe) in boundaries amount to [the goal of] "giving the large and viable European nations increasingly their real, natural boundaries, which are determined by language and sympathies" ***... (and small nations must be incorporated; in the revision of the political map of Europe Germany must receive all its rights)....

and Lensch writes further:

"It is strange, by the way, that precisely those comrades who still today gladly repeat the words: the proletarian has no fatherland, in the present world war seem to know no other concern than to give each proletarian an independent fatherland (499–500), in any case to prevent with all their might that any 'fatherland' should disappear from the world map" (499–500).

But the interests of the working class do not require that "every three miles a new 'nation' begins — and that is what the theory of self-determination would amount to in practice" (500), but rather, [they require] large economic bodies, etc.—————((end of excerpts)).

APRIL 1916. ZURICH
INSERTION IN THE GERMAN PROOFS OF THE THESES "SOCIALIST REVOLUTION AND THE RIGHT OF NATIONS TO SELF-DETERMINATION"

...From the recognition of the right of nations to self-determination, these sentences [we have underlined] do not differ in substance, and if this "right" is formulated in other expressions, we naturally do not dispute about words. These sentences suffer only from still greater vagueness and indefiniteness of political formulations than the majority of programs and resolutions of the Second International.

NOTE

There is a certain similarity between how humanity must come to the abolition of classes and how it must come to the later fusion of nations. Namely: only the transitional stage of the dictatorship of the oppressed class leads to the abolition of classes. Only the genuine liberation of oppressed nations, the genuine eradication of national oppression, leads to the fusion of nations, and the criterion of this reality in the political sense consists precisely in the freedom of separation. Freedom of separation is the best and the only political means against the idiotic system of small states and national isolation, which, to the good fortune of humanity, is irremediably destroyed by the entire development of capitalism.

SUMMARY OF THE ARTICLE ON IMPERIALISM AND NATIONAL OPPRESSION
FROM THE *ROBOTNICZY GAZETTE*

[Autumn 1916. Zurich]

I (1) Definition of imperialism (economic). Change of boundaries. "National state." Not the only form (existed under certain conditions + state of nationalities). Colonies and indemnities. Annexations—strengthening of national oppression.

(2) (Contradicts the interests of the working class)—(especially of oppressed nations). (Revanche).

(3) Against annexations and national oppression (vigorously combat). (Colonies not needed by socialism). Against peace with annexations.

(4) Struggle against the forceful retention of dominance consists of:

(1) Rejection of defense of the fatherland.
(2) Denunciation of national oppression.
(3) Struggle with moral violence against national movements.

[(5)] One cannot transform imperialism according to the interests of the working class. One cannot free imperialism from national oppression. Only [through] socialism... the struggle must be revolutionary.

And in socialism not self-determination but co-determination. No deferment, no false hopes.

II. 1) There cannot be freedom of nations under capitalism.

2) Self-determination presupposes a classless society. Isolation of the nation [as a presupposition]. Utopia.

3) There should be no utopia in the program. [It] awakens unfulfillable hopes in the adaptability of capitalism. "National-reformist." One needs... clear, unobscured socialism.

A) One should not have these so-called "rights"... Remnant of petty bourgeois democratic ideology.

PLAN OF AN ARTICLE ON KAUTSKYANISM

[September–October 1916. Zurich]

1). Definition of imperialism. (893).
3 bis. 1912 on the loss of its significance (o 153).
5. Character of the war. (*Communist*).
2. Trade policy (free trade) (*Communist*).
4. Struggle against imperialism (and "part of capitalists for").
8. Annexations...
7. Peace: "all for" (referent)...
3. Theory of ultra-imperialism.
9. Monitor and Kautsky.
10. K[autsky] 26. XI. 1915 against street demonstrations.
11. Chemnitz *Volksstimme* on unity with K[autsky] & Co. (cf. Ernst Heilmann in *Glocke*).
6. Denial of the connection of the present crisis with opportunism (K. K[autsky] 28/V 1915) (*Communist*).

Relation to war before:
Social Revolution 1902
Path to Power 1909
1905 (o 33)
1910 (o 15)
1912

*Rühle versus Vorwärts*.

{Revolution in connection with war}
{Disarmament and United States of Europe}

D. Economics and fundamental relation of classes (1–4)
B. Politics (5–8)
C. "Bog" in internal party relations (9–12)
G. Russian Kautskyists (Axelrod, Martov, [Chkheidze and Skobel'ev])

For translation:
1) Kemmerer:
2) Gilbreth: "Motion Study"
3) Hobson: "Imperialism"

FRAGMENT OF AN ARTICLE

[1916. Zurich]

How far Frederick Engels was from the contemptuous attitude toward modern German annexations, characteristic of some doctrinaire falsifiers of Marxism among contemporary German Social-Democrats, is shown by the following statement of his, dating to 1893:

"We must not forget that 27 years of Bismarck's rule have made Germany hated everywhere abroad—and rightly so. Neither the annexation of the Danish-inhabited North Schleswig, nor the non-observance and finally the fraudulent abolition of the Prague Treaty article concerning them, nor the annexation of Alsace-Lorraine, nor the abominable measures against the Prussian Poles had anything in common with the creation of 'national unity'." (*Can Europe Disarm?* Nuremberg 1893, p. 27). By the Prague Treaty of August 23, 1866, Austria renounced to Prussia Schleswig-Holstein on the condition that the population of the northern districts of Schleswig should be transferred to Denmark if in a free vote it expressed itself in favor of union with Denmark. The fraudulent abolition of this article took place by the Vienna Treaty between Germany and Austria on October 11, 1878. Even 15 years later, in 1893, Engels did not forget this deception and condemns it, emphasizing the difference between the creation of German national unity and a series of violent and fraudulent measures of oppression against peoples dependent on Germans.

OUTLINE FOR AN ARTICLE

[1916. Zurich]

I–I) Wars, diplomatic colonial policy.
I–II) Economic policy (§ 8).
I–III) Workers' movement and socialist parties.
2–IV) Revolutionary movements and other and other democratic national movements.
2–V) Democratic reforms; social reforms.

II

1) Wars.
2) Diplomacy...
3) Colonial policy.
4) Workers' movement and socialist parties.
5) Revolutionary (bourgeois) movements, not only socialist.
6) Democratic reforms (including against the Church).
7) Social reforms.
8) Economic policy—trusts; tariff legislation; commercial treaties; tariff wars.
9) National movements.

NOTEBOOK WITH EXCERPTS FROM ARTICLES BY GUESDE ON PACIFISM
AND A SUMMARY OF A BROCHURE CONTAINING MATERIALS ON THE "LIEBKNECHT CASE"

END OF 1915 OR BEGINNING OF 1916. BERN

Jules Guesde. *En Garde!*
Against Counterfeits, Mirages and False Currency of Bourgeois Reforms. Polemics. Paris. 1911.
(Preface by Bracke)

"Class Struggle Against War!"
("Materials on the Liebknecht Case")

In this notebook:
p. 1 — David's speech
p. 3 — Liebknecht's letter October 2
        "       "        "    October 26
p. 9 from speech—January 1915

JULES GUESDE. "ON GUARD!"

Guesde (articles)... "On Guard!"

..."One might almost say that the era of great European wars has closed today; but there are other wars, which will arise and do arise every day—these are wars for markets, for outlets for goods... From this side, war not only does not disappear but threatens to become permanent... it is war capitalistic par excellence, war for profit, between the capitalists of all countries, struggling at the cost of our gold and our blood for the universal market.

Well then, can you picture to yourself, in the capitalist government of each of the countries of Europe, a socialist presiding over this kind of mutual slaughter for plunder! Can you picture to yourself an English Millerand, an Italian Millerand, a German Millerand, joining the French Millerand and driving the proletarians against one another in these capitalist brigandages? What would remain, I ask you, comrades, of international working class solidarity?

The day when the Millerand case became a general phenomenon, one would have to say farewell to any internationalism and become nationalists, which neither you nor I will ever consent to be.

(General Congress of French Socialist Organizations 1899.—Excerpt from the official stenographic record.)
(Page 175–176)...

"PARLIAMENTARISM AND REVOLUTION"

..."Far from excluding one another, electoral action and revolutionary action complement, have always complemented one another in our country where—for all parties—victorious insurrection was only the continuation, the crowning of electoral struggle" (p. 90)....
(*Le Socialiste*, November 10, 1894)

And immediately following this phrase:

"The antagonism that one would like to establish—useless to inquire why—between voting, which is the beginning, and armed uprising, which is the finale, has never existed except in the emptiest of verbiage. History, all our history, is there to prove that breaches of legality (italics by the author) have always and necessarily been preceded by the use, the employment of that legality, as long as it served as a defensive—and offensive—weapon for the new idea, for new interests developing, and as long as the revolutionary situation had not yet arrived" (p. 90).

"But it is particularly stupid to divide means (italics by the author), to divide them into legal and illegal, peaceful and violent, in order to accept some and reject others" (p. 91–92).
(p. 92 anti-revolutionary general strike) [ibid].

"Peace and Disarmament are only words and can only be words—for the naive and the clever—in present capitalist, class (italics by the author) society" (p. 184. *Le Socialiste*, September 11, 1898).

Article "Why".

"CLASS STRUGGLE AGAINST WAR! MATERIALS ON THE LIEBKNECHT CASE"

Class Struggle Against War!

Materials on the Liebknecht Case.
(Pages 88) (("Printed as manuscript"!))

Epigraph: "German socialists above all denounced the errors of German diplomacy; French socialists above all denounced the errors of French diplomacy. When this spirit prevails in international relations, peace and law will be assured." Jaurès, *L'Humanité* (April 1905).

p. 3: On July 12, 1914 there was a demonstration for peace in France in "Conde-sur-l'Escaut" on the Belgian border. Liebknecht also spoke.—I cannot forget this—wrote Liebknecht.

July 23, 1914—Austria's ultimatum to Serbia. Quotations from *Vorwärts* and other newspapers of July 24–25—condemnation of Austria and Germany. Appeal of the Vorstand (July 25, 1914)—p. 7—the same...

July 31, 1914 and (August 1) "complete reversal in a large number of party newspapers" (p. 9)—quotation "we will fulfill our duty" (p. 9: many newspapers).

p. 10: "One should recall two facts: words spoken in 1913 by the War Minister at the Budget Commission meetings of the Reichstag: Social Democratic anti-militarism does not frighten him; if the slogan is 'against Tsarism,' the entire Social-Democracy will march. And the remark of a high German government official after the outbreak of war: 'Is it not true that our slogan against Tsarism worked splendidly?'"

The German White Book passes over in silence the negotiations of Vienna and Berlin before the Serbian ultimatum, and this is the most important thing (p. 12).

p. 13: Giolitti's speech of December 5, 1914 proved that Austria already in August 1913 wanted war. A telegram from di San Giuliano (Minister of Foreign Affairs) to Giolitti of August 9, 1913, [stating] that Austria wants to attack Serbia (cited from *Berner Tagwacht* of December 7, 1914).

p. 14: "And already on August 1 it became known from the bourgeois press that the Social-Democracy would presumably vote for credits on August 4"... August 3 Fraction session... "At this occasion the collapse of the so-called radical wing of the Fraction became apparent. Three comrades—Ledebour, Lensch, Liebknecht—with the greatest haste, since only minutes were at their disposal, drafted a brief resolution to be proposed to the Fraction, which ended with a demand for rejection of credits."

First David spoke in favor of voting yes (invasion, against Tsarism, Bebel's words)—p. 15.

"Moreover, it said: 'We cannot set ourselves against the mood of the people.... If we reject credits, our organizations will be destroyed, broken up, but a "yes" vote will tremendously strengthen the position of Social-Democracy'..." (p. 15).

..."Kautsky, who raised the question about emergency credits, proposed demanding assurance from the government that it did not want any conquests, and in case of assurance [to vote] for, in case of refusal—against. The proposal found universal rejection" (p. 15).

..."The majority listened to the representatives of the minority only with impatience and unrest. A motion to end debate put a rather early end to the very agitated debates" (p. 15). ((4 votes against; 78 for.))

"A proposal to stand up at the call 'Hurrah for Kaiser, People and Fatherland' was opposed, but was nevertheless accepted by a huge majority with reference to the concession contained in the mention of People and Fatherland" (p. 15).

"It was... communicated that the government would wish a weakening of the clause of the declaration directed against conquests, since the menacing danger of English intervention could be sharpened by this clause. The government's wish was complied with" (p. 16).

At the end of August Liebknecht proposed to the Vorstand (Berlin) to organize meetings against annexations and for peace. "The meetings were rejected on the grounds of supposed fears that comrades might speak out in favor of annexations at them" (17).

"Documents"... Letter of Liebknecht of September 3, 1914 in *Bremer Bürgerzeitung*, that the vote on credits went against the opposition, with "extraordinarily heated debates" (17)...

Letter of Liebknecht, Clara Zetkin, Rosa Luxemburg and Franz Mehring of September 10, 1914, in many newspapers, about their disagreement with Südekum and Richard Fischer (p. 18).

Letter of Liebknecht of September 26, 1914 (in many newspapers)... that the minority of the Reichstag Fraction: "I need not tell you that it (the minority) in no way negates the right to national self-defense" (p. 18). ..."Even starting from the most extreme nationalist standpoint, our Fraction committed a monstrous error and assumed the heaviest responsibility" (p. 19), because it strengthened the eagerness for war among enemies...

Resolution of "the District Vorstand" "of District NN" (September 29, 1914)—demand to the Party Vorstand for a declaration against annexations and for peace.

Response of Vorstand (of October 5, 1914)—"there was no need" for such a resolution, because the Party Vorstand acts ("as much as possible") in precisely such a manner. Resolution of the "expanded conference of the chairmen of local unions of District NN" (of October 11, 1914) joins the resolution of September 29, 1914 and regrets the conduct of the Party Vorstand in the matter of the ban on *Vorwärts* (p. 20).

Response of the Party Vorstand (of October 15, 1914)—we are doing everything, you are poorly informed (p. 21).

On October 2, 1914 Liebknecht was invited to a session of the Party Vorstand. Exchange of letters: Liebknecht to the Party Vorstand (of October 2, 1914), that I indeed had the right to speak both in Belgium and in Stuttgart, etc.

..."I stressed that the reconstruction of the International, in my deepest conviction, is only possible on the basis of such an understanding as rejects the standpoint of the Fraction majority; —nota bene: the reconstruction of an International that should not be exposed to children's mockery" (p. 22)...

Response of the Party Vorstand of October 7, 1914 condemning Liebknecht's conduct in Belgium, Holland, Stuttgart. ..."If you believe yourself called to thoroughly regenerate German Social-Democracy, then we must ask you to defer this activity"... (until discussion of the question "in full publicity")... (p. 24).

Liebknecht wrote in a letter of October 2, 1914: ..."I have declared that the German Party, according to my most inner conviction, must be regenerated from hide to hair if it is not to forfeit the right to call itself Social-Democratic, if it is to re-win the respect of the world, which it has now thoroughly squandered. I have emphasized that the struggle required for this will be doubly difficult, because it will not only, as before and now intensified, have to be waged against the government and the ruling classes, but also against certain official Party instances, against an ever more powerful current in the Party—against currents that have now caused the Party to some extent to become an official government instrument (Chauvinism, the annexation question, obscuring of the class struggle, youth education, etc.)" (p. 22–3).

Liebknecht to the Party Vorstand of October 10, 1914.

..."Party Vorstand, whose emissaries abroad, among other things, defended the German invasion of Belgium and in fact acted almost as heralds of German imperialism; ... Party Vorstand, under whose eyes the Party...

"CLASS STRUGGLE AGAINST WAR!"
157

mania, which rejects the point of view of the majority of the Faction; — nota bene: the creation of such an International, which would not become a laughingstock for children" (p. 22)...

Response of the Party Vorstand from October 7, 1914 on condemning Liebknecht's conduct in Belgium, Holland, Stuttgart.
..."If you consider yourself called upon to radically regenerate German social democracy, then we must ask you to postpone this activity"... (pending discussion "with full publicity")... (p. 24)

Liebknecht wrote in a letter of October 2, 1914: ..."I declared that the German party, according to my deepest conviction, must be regenerated to the very marrow of its bones, if it does not want to lose the right to call itself social-democratic, if it wants to restore in the eyes of the world its prestige, which at the present time has been fundamentally lost. I emphasized that the struggle necessary for this will be doubly difficult, because it must be conducted not only as hitherto, and even more sharply, against the government and the ruling classes, but also against certain Official party institutions, against the ever-strengthening currents within the party, — against currents which make the party today to a certain extent an Official instrument of government (chauvinism, annexationist question, obscuring of class struggle, direction of youth, etc.)" (p. 22-3).

Liebknecht to the Party Vorstand from October 10, 1914.
..."The Party Vorstand, whose emissaries abroad defended, among other things, the German attack on Belgium and acted virtually as heralds of German imperialism;... the Party Vorstand,

"regenerate"
the party
NB

NB

158
LENIN COLLECTED WORKS
NB

immer tiefer in die masurischen Sümpfe eines seichten Nationalismus u[nd] Illusionismus gerat u[nd] Position auf Position — bis zur kommandierten — zeitweiligen — öffentlichen Abschwörung des Klassenkampfes ohne nennenswerten Kampf räumt... (S. 25)

..."His (Party Vorstand's) super-opportunistic policy"... (S. 26)

Liebknecht to Party Vorstand from October 16, 1914... Südekum in Sweden and Jansson for militarism etc.

Party Vorstand to Liebknecht from October 17, 1914... you have "false assertions"...

Südekum
by
commission!!
on the ban (and 
opening) of
Vorwärts

Nota bene

"Die Internationale wird in ruhigen Zeiten unsere Stellung verstehen, wie wir die Stellung unserer Bruderparteien in den anderen Ländern verstehen"... (S. 29)....

Party Vorstand to Liebknecht from October 28, 1914.... "Before Comrade Südekum traveled to Italy on the commission of the party leadership, there took place a detailed discussion with him about the task assigned to him"....

Liebknecht to Party Vorstand October 26, 1914 "Here one did not even attempt, so customary already during the law against socialists, to create substitute newspapers" (S. 31)... (regarding the ban on Vorwärts) ... "They immediately began to 'haggle' and, before the cock had crowed thrice, capitulated" (S. 31)....

..."Certainly, it is a question of an imperialist war, of that imperialist world war which should have broken out long ago and against which we, proceeding from fundamental principles, solemnly promised internationally to direct all our strength. But it is precisely we Germans who had special grounds to oppose it; the rapidly ascending German imperialism had historically been the aggressor. Before us lies a crude German-Austrian preventive war and simultaneously a war of conquest" (S. 32)...

NB

Südekum
by
commission!
on the ban
(and opening)
of Vorwärts

Nota bene

on this side of the Masurian bogs of shallow nationalism and illusionism, and yields position after position — down to the commanded — temporary — public abjuration of class struggle without any significant struggle"... (p. 25)

..."Its (Party Vorstand's) super-opportunistic policy"... (p. 26)

Liebknecht to the Party Vorstand from October 16, 1914... Südekum in Sweden and Jansson for militarism and so forth.

Party Vorstand to Liebknecht from October 17, 1914... you have "incorrect assertions"...

"The International in peaceful times will understand our position, as we understand the position of our brother parties in other countries"... (p. 29)....

Party Vorstand to Liebknecht from October 28, 1914.... "Before Comrade Südekum traveled to Italy on the commission of the party leadership, there took place a thorough discussion with him regarding the task set before him"....

Liebknecht to the Party Vorstand October 26, 1914 "Here they did not even make an attempt, so customary already during the anti-socialist law, to issue substitute newspapers" (p. 31)... (concerning the ban on Vorwärts) ... "They immediately began to 'haggle' and, before the cock crowed thrice, capitulated" (p. 31)....

..."Of course, the question is of an imperialist war, of that imperialist world war which should have broken out long ago and against which we, proceeding from basic principles, solemnly promised on an international scale to direct all our strength. But it is precisely we Germans who had special grounds to oppose it; the rapidly ascending German imperialism was historically aggressive. Before us lies a crude German-Austrian preventive and simultaneously a war of conquest" (p. 32)...

...«The French voting of August 4... was already under the impression of the decisions of our Faction, which the press had prophetically proclaimed even before their actual adoption; naturally, by this I do not wish to justify it in any way»... (33)...

..."A proclamation that clearly expressed the will to end the war, to international solidarity, to the self-determination of peoples and to the struggle against every annexation would have been a salvation, would have had a liberating effect on the proletariat of the entire world"... "This policy would certainly have been different from that of Comrade Bauer, who does not wish to 'forfeit the present favorable attitude of the government toward him'.... than a policy that still stands deeply under the slogan: 'Guns for the defense of popular rights', and much more deserving of the motto: 'Through self-mutilation to victory!'"....

Liebknecht to the Party Vorstand from October 31, 1914 — reiterates the demand for a declaration against annexations.

Meetings of the Faction from November 29 to December 2, 1914. ...Turbulent scenes... David for the majority...

Liebknecht: ..."International class struggle against war was thereby recognized as the only possible policy of the proletariat in the imperialist war that has now broken out" (37-38)...

Draft declaration by Liebknecht (for submission December 2, 1914):

NB
!!
ultimatum

"It is a question of an imperialist war and namely also on the German side with the aim of large-scale conquests.... It is also a question of a Bonapartist undertaking to crush and demoralize the rapidly growing revolutionary workers' movement.... It is no German defensive war and no German war of liberation. It is no war for a higher 'culture' — the most powerful European states of equal 'culture' are fighting one another, and precisely because they are states of the same, that is, capitalist, 'culture'. Under the deceptive flag of a nationalities and racial war, a war is being waged in which on both sides the most motley mixture of nationalities and races is deployed" (38).

Against Article 7 it was decided to vote... "A letter brought for reading from Victor Adler, who beseeched the Faction to issue an energetic declaration for peace and against the violation of Belgian neutrality, remained without effect".. (40)...

As on August 3, the draft was communicated to the government and bourgeois parties ("Just as on August 3, when the adopted declaration was immediately communicated to the bourgeois parties and the government, so was done with the one now adopted".... p. 41). The bourgeois parties and government wanted (December 1) to achieve a softening, but then: ..."When on the evening of December 1 the machinations directed at changing the declaration became known to the Faction, about 20-30 Faction members on the initiative of Hoch gathered together and solemnly decided that in the event the Faction majority yielded to the will of the bourgeois parties and government, they would Officially oppose it and present at the plenary session on December 2, as a minority vote of the Faction, the declaration drawn up on November 30... This threat was sufficient"... (41)...

p. 41: "Voting statement" by Liebknecht (delivered to the chairman of the Reichstag, but not read by him and not taken into the stenographic record).

p. 43: Letter from Liebknecht to the Faction Vorstand from December 3, 1914 (party discipline above all, etc.).

p. 44: Condemnation of Liebknecht by the Faction Vorstand (from Vorwärts of December 3, 1914).

p. 44-48: Letters from Franz Mehring, Rosa Luxemburg, and Karl Liebknecht (not Zetkin) in Labour Leader.

48-50: Several resolutions:
Conference of "trusted people in X." December 20, 1914, — "electoral district in Y." January 20, 1915, — "electoral district in Z." January 25, 1915

the war is imperialist and "Bonapartist" (p. 48), for a democratic peace etc., against voting for credits... condemnation of the violation of Belgian neutrality — "class struggle against war"...

Meeting of the Reichstag Faction February 2-4, 1915.

..."Legien demands the exclusion of Liebknecht from the Faction" (51)...

..."Edmund Fischer states that he and, as he learned, some 20-30 other Faction members were resolved on August 3 to vote Officially for the credits against a possible Faction decision to reject the credit; under these circumstances, every condemnation of Liebknecht would be an injustice and hypocrisy.

"Ed. Bernstein finally characterizes the impropriety of voting 'yes' on command and frankly declares that he was delighted by Liebknecht's conduct" (p. 52)...

...Liebknecht.... (speaks).... "Shaking up and achieving clarity are needed today, not agreement on some middle line" (54)...

"Heine and others accuse Liebknecht of fanatical hatred toward Germany; through his attacks on the government he endangers Germany's interests"... (54).

"Liebknecht. ..."The policy of international class struggle against war is advancing; it is possible; it is necessary also in the interests of the German proletariat. It is not he, Liebknecht, who endangers these interests, but the party imperialists with their sufficiently exposed shortsighted and non-socialist slogan of 'holding out' until complete victory" (55) ....«The bourgeois press, in whose gentle wings the reformist discipline-breakers of the past were nursed and sheltered from the radical 'discipline-riding' of radicals, fell with ruffled feathers and shrill cackling upon the radical discipline-breaker. The protectorate which certain bourgeois newspapers assumed during the development of the present revisionist party rule found its eloquent and justified expression in the demand of the 'Berliner Tageblatt' and Co. to hastily expel the scapegoat from the paradise of the social-democratic party, in which the sun of government favor does not set» (56)...

..."If I (Liebknecht) did not resolve already then (August 4) to go my own way completely alone, then no one else and no one before myself regretted this more" (57)...

"Legien's motion was withdrawn after Richard Fischer declared that the expected rejection of this inadmissible motion would be exploited by Liebknecht as a vote of confidence in the Faction" (58)...

p. 59: Legien complains about the "special conferences" of Hoch and Co., and Edmund Fischer again acknowledges that he also participated in special conferences of the right wing.

p. 64:-------- February 3, 1915 condemnation of Ledebour's conduct.

"In early February... Liebknecht was drafted for military service"...

p. 62: Landtag deputies Hue, Hanisch (and Leinert) threatened that if Strobel spoke for peace they would polemicize with him. "This threat prevented Strobel's speech" (62). (Meeting of the Prussian Landtag Faction February 23, 1915).

p. 65-------- March 7, 1915 the party committee by 35 votes against 5 approves voting for credits; 30 against 10 for voting on the budget.

March 8, 1915 meeting of the Faction (budget of 10 billion)... From the debate March 18, 1915...

"Wurm warns the Faction against overextending the string; opposition is growing among the worker masses against Faction tactics; it is necessary to hold to the Marxist center. David accuses Wurm of preparing for the rejection of credits. The conduct of Hoch and Wurm is characterized in an interjection as 'dishonest'. David continues: our possible opposition would force the government to extreme measures. Legien thinks the tactic of Hoch-Wurm was 'born from secret conclaves'. Südekum is not only convinced that proceeding in the spirit of Hoch's motion is hopeless (reducing 10 billion to 5 billion), but also that the government, in reliance on future approval, will simply dismiss the Reichstag if it refuses him the 10 billion and begin to act on its own. From this helplessness of the Reichstag, Südekum concludes that social democracy must not allow itself to be excluded from participation in this — helplessness! Hoch characterizes the policy of David, Heine, Südekum as national-liberal; he cannot participate in that".. (67).

77 votes against 23 for 10 billion. | Liebknecht and Rühle voted against in the Reichstag. |

p. 70: Vorwärts of March 22, 1915: The Faction condemns Liebknecht and Rühle.

p. 71-88: "From a speech which Comrade Liebknecht delivered in January 1915 in Neukölln, we give according to stenographic notes the following excerpts"...

The essence of imperialism ("whose main bearer on the European continent is Germany" (71)) — the striving for expansion — Belgium and France (heavy industry) — Asia Minor, etc.

"The appeal to the sentiments of the popular masses is settled in a couple of sentences. Who knew and who knows these sentiments? The yelling, screeching, raging crowd that filled the streets, that tore the clothes and beat anyone who was or seemed to be foreign, should have inspired every social democrat with revulsion, not appeared exemplary to him. No freedom of the press, no assemblies, no possibility of coming into contact with the people! But even if the large mass of the people demanded approval of the credits: although social democracy will always appropriately take such mass sentiments into account, examine and use them for its own instruction, it will not follow them uncritically" (73)...

..."These patriots out of fear of the 'destruction' of organizations fail to recognize in their petty opportunism the basic essence of the workers' movement and the roots of its strength and greatness: a large organization dominated by haggling, faint-heartedness, inner weakness and uncertainty in aim, is not an advantage but a brake, a misfortune, a negative magnitude"... (73)

..."These patriots out of fear" (in other places: "patriots of fear") "are often at the same time patriots of sordid profit, patriots of good hope, of longing for reward for obedience".. (74)...

..."He (the people) is today a tool in the hands of the imperialists, a tool for capitalist purposes and nothing more; but also nothing less: the most indispensable tool and a living tool; and such a living, animate tool possesses the dangerous property that it can revolt against those who use it. And it will revolt, if it is played too dirty a trick"... (75).

..."Class struggle is the slogan of the day. Class struggle not first after the war. Class struggle during the war. Class struggle against war" (76)...

Can one expect a "reorientation" of internal policy from a "reward" for good conduct by the S.D.? ..."Certainly! A 'reorientation' may come. But not because of the refutation of some 'Reichsverband' swindle, but because of the revolt of tools against those who use them, as a result of the inevitable, notwithstanding everything, upheaval of minds because of the war".... (79-80)

I am not saying that war is a profitable enterprise. I consider it a "wretched enterprise"... (80) ...But by its very tendency, both war and peace are capitalist "enterprises".

..."A party which so manifestly displayed resistance-lessness against mass psychoses, against the howling mob of the street, against astute government demagoguery (81-82), against a sheet of paper with printer's ink announcing the state of siege, a party which deserved the name of a revolutionary party only by overthrowing its own principles, and whose firmness in a great historical moment was so negligible that a house of cards appears by comparison as a fortress wall, such a party will lack both that confidence (confidence of the masses) and this respect (of enemies). All the more so, the more 'socialist' spring larks flutter about in the midst of the inclement winter of imperialist discontent and seek to instill in the people the illusion of a near Canaan. To imagine that by means of such 'direct action' of national-liberal caliber one can pave the way for the proletariat means throwing the ABC of dialectical materialism to the winds.

"The enemies of the proletariat have learned the art of defeating us while playing. Social democracy must regain its lost prestige; regain it in struggle. If it takes up this struggle still during the war, it can reach this goal rapidly and thoroughly. If it postpones it until after the war, it will be more bitter for it, precisely because it will then be less dangerous"... (82)

NB

N. B.
(fear for
the organi-
zations)

NB

....Section heading (of the speech): "War as a Bonapartist Undertaking" ...

"True, the oppressed classes have often enough failed to see the inseparability of external and internal policy; the ruling classes have never failed to see it. For many social democrats, yes, for the Official policy of the social-democratic central institutions, when they came out for the war, the hope of an easier transition through this policy to a reorientation of internal policy was a determining factor, and there was concern about the destruction of workers' organizations in the event of oppositional policy" (82)...

When in 1910 in the special elections the S.D. was winning, — the warmongers cried out, demanding an "external (foreign) conflict" in order to crush the proletariat.
(Do not forget Bissing's corps order — 83).

"The methods of Bonapartism are two: effective force on good occasion and corruption" (84)...

Section heading (of the speech): "Principle for Social-Democratic Tactics in War" (86):

"War is the continuation of policy ('peaceful') by other means" (86)... "Did we correctly assess before the war the conditions that drove toward war or not? Or have other decisive circumstances arisen that have shown our former understanding to be erroneous? No one can answer these questions in the affirmative. Rather, it is evident that this world war, as it is, is precisely the world war that we foresaw and fought against in advance. Thus, if our former opposition to this war was seriously meant and genuine, conducted with full understanding of all the complex interrelationships, then there is no possibility of abandoning it; if we nevertheless abandon it, then we must accept that our former opposition will be regarded as mistaken or not serious, as apparent opposition, a conclusion which was indeed drawn with full justice" (86).

..."Either opposition before and after the outbreak of war, or national-liberal government policy before and after the conclusion of peace" (87)

"Also regarding the influence of the proletariat on the ending of the war holds the law: only in class struggle is it possible. Every peace action of social democracy — regardless of what kind — will possess power only insofar as it awakens an international echo, and this international echo will always be only as strong as the revolutionary force that carries it. But social democracy of each country has the right to speak in the name of the International and to act in an international direction only insofar as it speaks in a socialist manner and struggles in a socialist manner against militarism and capitalism" (88).

(The last sentence of the pamphlet).

[End of notebook]

* Here ends the last — 8th — page of the notebook. Lenin placed the end of the excerpts on a blank page of the notebook, before the beginning of the excerpts. At the end of p. 8, Lenin wrote: "[See continuation] p. 9, before p. 1", and at the beginning of p. 9: "End of excerpts from the pamphlet 'Class Struggle Against War', see p. 8" — Ed.

NOTEBOOK
"MARX AND ENGELS ON THE POLISH QUESTION
AND ON THE OPPRESSION OF NATIONS"

AUTUMN 1916. ZURICH

Marx and Engels on the Polish question (1866).
"           "          "       on the oppression of nations (1848).
Tyszka: Wages, etc. (at the end).
Almost empty

Marx and Engels on the Polish question (1866).
"           "          "       on the oppression of nations (1848).
Tyszka: "Wages, etc." (at the end).
Almost empty

# MARX AND ENGELS ON THE POLISH QUESTION

[Archive] for the History of Socialism and the Worker's Movement (Vol. VI) 1915, Issue I (175—221)

Review copies:
Address: Professor Dr. Carl Grünberg
Gentzgasse 58. Vienna 18/1.

**Marx and Engels on the Polish Question.**

A most detailed compilation of everything that Marx and Engels wrote.

**1847** Speeches by Marx and Engels in Brussels 29 November 1847.
Engels, p. 179: ..."A nation cannot become free while at the same time continuing to oppress other nations."

**1848** Speeches by Marx and Engels in Brussels 22 February 1848 (glorification of the Krakow uprising of 1846).

**1848** The same. The Communist Manifesto (for the party of the Krakow uprising of 1846).

**1848** New Rhineland Gazette 1848.

**1851** (23 May) Letter from Engels to Marx.

**1851—2** (from *New York Tribune*, "Revolution and Counter-revolution in Germany").

**1856** (16 October 1856). Letter from Marx to Engels.

**1860** ("Herr Vogt").

**1863** (13 February) Marx to Engels (and other matters) 24 March.

**1863** Proclamation of the London Workers' Educational Society (probably written by Marx) on financial aid to the Polish uprising (condemns "German treachery" toward Poland, proclaims "Polish independence," condemns the betrayal of German bourgeoisie, pp. 209—210, Appendix No. 3)...

## ENGELS. "WHAT HAS THE WORKING CLASS TO DO WITH POLAND?"

**"the right of 
self-determination" 
in the 19th century**

Three articles by Engels in *The Commonwealth* are titled:
**What have the working classes to do with Poland?** [pp. 149—161]

In the first article it is stated that the Proudhonists, accusing the International of repeating the "Bonapartist principle of nationalities" [p. 152], themselves repeat the arguments of all conservatives for Russia.

In the second article the question is posed: "what is this 'principle of nationalities'?"

In 1815 the map of Europe was redrawn chiefly in the interests of Russia. "No account was taken either of the wishes, the interests, or the national diversities of the populations" [p. 154].

National movements of 1821—23 (Italy and Spain), 1830 (France, Poland), 1848 (+ Hungary).

"There could, indeed, be no two opinions as to the right of every one of the great national subdivisions of Europe to dispose of itself, independently of its neighbours, in all internal matters, so long as it did not encroach upon the liberty of the others. This right was, in fact, one of the fundamental conditions of the internal liberty of all" [p. 154].

**"This right of the great national subdivisions of Europe to political independence, acknowledged as it was by the European democracy, could not but find the same acknowledgement with the working classes especially. It was, in fact, nothing more than to recognise in other large national bodies of undoubted vitality the same right of individual national existence which the working men of each separate country claimed for themselves. But this recognition, and the sympathy with these national aspirations were restricted to the large & well defined historical nations of Europe; there was Italy, Poland, Germany, Hungary. France, Spain, England, Scandinavia, were neither subdivided nor under foreign control, & therefore but indirectly interested in the matter; & as to Russia, she could only be mentioned as the detainer of an immense amount of stolen property, which would have to be disgorged [= to vomit; to return what was stolen] on the day of reckoning"** [p. 155].

**Russia stole 
"an immense 
amount of 
stolen 
property"**

**and the working 
class for**

Napoleon III put forward the "principle of nationalities" in order to mask decorously his foreign policy [p. 155]. Regarding this, Engels says: "there is no country in Europe where there are not different nationalities under the same government."—(Bretons in France; Highland Gaels (Celts?) in England)

"Moreover, no state boundary coincides with the natural bound of nationality, that of language."

(Belgium; German Alsace; German Switzerland).

"It is a natural consequence of the confused & slow-working historical development through which Europe has passed during the last thousand years, that almost every great nation has parted with some outlying portions of its own body, which have become separated from the national life, & in most cases participated in the national life of some other people; so much so, that they do not wish to rejoin their own main stock." [pp. 155—156] (Germans in Alsace and Switzerland; French in Belgium).

"And, after all, it is no slight advantage that various nations, as politically constituted, have most of them some foreign elements within themselves, which form connecting links with their neighbours, & vary the otherwise too monotonous uniformity of the national character.

"Here, then, we perceive the difference between the 'principle of nationalities' and the old democratic & working-class tenet as to the right of the great European nations (both emphases by Engels) to separate & independent existence. The 'principle of nationalities' leaves entirely untouched the great question of the right of national existence for the historic peoples of Europe; nay if it touches it, it is merely to disturb it. The principle of nationalities raises two sorts of questions; first of all, questions of boundary between these great historic peoples; & secondly, questions as to the right to independent national existence of those numerous small relics of peoples which, after having figured for a longer or shorter period on the stage of history, were finally absorbed as integral portions into one or the other of those more powerful nations whose greater vitality enabled them to overcome greater obstacles. The European importance, the vitality of a people is as nothing in the eyes of the principle of nationalities; before it, the Roumans of Wallachia, who never had a history, nor the energy required to have one, are of equal importance to the Italians who have a history of 2000 years, & an unimpaired national vitality; the Welsh & Manxmen, if they desired it, would have an equal right to independent political existence, absurd though it would be, with the English. The whole thing is an absurdity, got up in a popular dress in order to throw dust in shallow people's eyes, & to be used as a convenient phrase, or to be laid aside if the occasion requires it"** [p. 156].

**"importance for 
Europe"**

**ha-ha!**

**ha-ha!**

...***"The principle of nationalities, so far from being a Bonapartist invention to favour a resurrection of Poland, is nothing but Russian invention concocted to destroy Poland... Even at this present moment, the Russian Government have agents travelling among the Laplanders in Northern Norway & Sweden, trying to agitate among these nomadic savages the idea of a 'great Finnic nationality', which is to be restored in the extreme North of Europe, under Russian protection, of course. The 'cry of anguish' of the oppressed Laplanders is raised very loud in the Russian papers — not by those same oppressed nomads, but by the Russian agents — & indeed it is a frightful oppression, to induce these poor Laplanders to learn the civilised Norwegian or Swedish language, instead of confining themselves to their own barbaric, half Esquimaux idiom!"*** [p. 157].

**"eastern 
Europe" and 
intermixture**

The Celtic language, which is dying out (no longer in schools)...
"nation"  
people

People of the Isle of Man (about 50—60 thousand inhabitants).

**"The principle of nationalities, indeed, could be invented in Eastern Europe alone, where the tide of Asiatic invasion, for a thousand years, recurred again & again, & left on the shore those heaps of intermingled ruins of nations which even now the ethnologist can scarcely disentangle, & where the Turk, the Finnic Magyar, the Rouman, the Jew, & about a dozen Slavonic tribes, live intermixed in interminable confusion"** [p. 157].

**Article III.** *The doctrine of nationality applied to Poland.*

Poland consists of at least 4 "nationalities" (Poles; Belarusians; Little Russians; Lithuanians)........
sketch of Russia's struggle for conquest and partition of Poland...

**"class war"**

**"Talk about a war of class against class as something extremely revolutionary; — why, Russia set such a war on foot in Poland nearly 100 years ago, & a fine specimen of classwar it was, when Russian soldiers & Little Russian serfs went in company to burn down the castles of Polish lords, merely to prepare Russian annexation, which being once accomplished the same Russian soldiers put the serfs back again under the yoke of their lords"** [p. 160].

**NB: 
justification 
"because Ger-**

**1866** (September) Theses compiled by Marx for the General Council of the International.

..."**c) It is especially the duty of the German working class to take the initiative in this matter because Germany is one of the partitioners of Poland."** [p. 203]

**1874** Engels on the Polish question ("International matters from the *Volksstaat*").

The last document — a statement by Marx, Engels (+ Lafargue and Lessner) on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the uprising of 1830 (29 November 1880). [p. 202]

**Struggle of the Poles for revolution in Europe** (1848 and 1874); the Poles were **"above all his (the proletariat's) international fighters"** (p. 204). And therefore: long live Poland!

In 1892 Engels wrote a preface to the Polish translation of the Communist Manifesto...

## LITERARY LEGACY OF MARX, VOLUME III

From the *New Rhineland Gazette*.

**"National Revolutions"**

Cologne, 17 June.

..."**A nation, which has allowed itself to be transformed throughout its entire history into an instrument of the oppression of all other nations, — such a nation must first prove through deeds its actual revolutionariness"** [p. 185].

**"Revolutionary Germany had to, especially in relation to neighboring peoples, renounce its entire past. Together with its own freedom it had to proclaim the freedom of those peoples which it had hitherto oppressed"** [p. 185].

Cologne, 2 July...

..."**Now, when the Germans shake off their own yoke, their entire policy toward other peoples must also be changed, otherwise we will strangle our own young, still barely hoped-for freedom in those very chains with which we bind foreign peoples. Germany will become free to the extent that it grants freedom to neighboring peoples"** [p. 238].

Cologne, 11 July...

..."**At the very moment when the Germans struggle with their governments for internal freedom, under the command of these same governments they are forced to undertake a crusade against the freedom of Poland, Bohemia, Italy. What depth of reasoning! What a historical paradox! Seized by revolutionary ferment, Germany seeks salvation abroad in a war of restoration, in a campaign for the strengthening of the old power, against which it has just made a revolution. Only war with Russia is a war of revolutionary Germany,— a war in which it can wash away the sins of the past, strengthen itself and defeat its own autocrats,— a war in which it, as befits a people shaking off the chains of long, patient slavery, will purchase with the blood of its sons the right to the propaganda of civilization and will free itself at home by liberating peoples abroad"...** [p. 242].

**NB: 
because Ger-**
**many divided**
**Poland**

[7] *Ibid.* I. M. Rubinow: "Marx's Prophecies in the Light of Modern Statistics."

Analysis and definition by Simkovitch. In favor of Marx's theory (cf. theses at the end, pp. 155—6). Useful compilations of figures. Extremely insufficient and weak on agriculture.

*Ibid.* Alexander Brückner in a review of the book by Masaryk, among other things: "The often very petty party quarrels between the people of the 'Iskra', between Maximalists and Minimalists, between Bolsheviks and Mensheviks, etc. are too confused to be set forth in a few words" (p. 111).

*Ibid.* Eugene v. Philippovich: "Monopoly"...

In the United States (1912) — 480 firm owners and their directors (18 banks) held 746 directorships in 434 corporations with a total capital of 25,325 million dollars (= 101,300 million marks). "This is probably a third of all American national wealth" (p. 159).

A.E.G. (General Electric Company). Capital (1912) = 378 million marks. Its Supervisory Board has 32 members; they hold about 500 directorships in various enterprises.

**NB
characteristic 
of a German 
bourgeois 
professor**

**180 people 
(families?)

25 billion 
dollars**

In *Revue d'économie politique* (1915, No. 4, July—August) a review of Francesco Nitti: "Foreign Capital in Italy" (156 pp.). Only 500 million altogether (??), including

Belgian... 182 million
French... 148
English... 110
Swiss... 46
German... 28

Sum = 504 (mine)

Professor Dr. Robert Liefmann: "Does War Bring Us Closer to Socialism?"

(No. 56 *The German War*, edited by E. Jackh. Stuttgart—Berlin 1915).

The author protests against the view (of Jaffe and others) that war brings us closer to socialism. Taxes, monopolies, bread cards — all this, he says, has nothing to do with socialism (communism = regulation of consumption; socialism = abolition of private property).

The most vulgar arguments against socialism in general. Of course, he is for "reforms," for "mitigation of class contradictions," etc.

In general, socialism is "dreams" (p. 39), "fantasies" (p. 37), "pernicious internationalism" (of the socialists) — (p. 37)...

He reproaches the German socialists for their attitude to the war, whereas, he says, "nothing has been heard" (p. 37) (sic!) "of reproaches against" the French and English socialists.

"The conduct of German social democracy... deserves respect" (p. 37)...

questionable, is it not too much?
Compare with Paish and Harms.

..."**The elimination of the present economic order is impossible internationally, harmful nationally"** (p. 39)... **"the workers of other countries, who stand more on the ground of reality, do not think of trying it in practice"** (ibid.) (especially the workers of England, p. 38)...

..."An 'experiment' with socialism — let France do it" (pp. 39—40)...

**"It is now very difficult to say to what extent the members of the German social democratic party actually still (!!) adhere to the ideal of socialism and to what extent the party is not simply a social reform party on a democratic basis"...** (p. 40)... My statements, he says, **"only recommend what revisionism itself recommends within socialism"** (p. 40)...

**"It would be very desirable for political cooperation after the war if one could achieve a clear repudiation by the socialist party of this ideal, or at least a declaration to refrain for the time being from advocating measures for its realization; in other words, if the revisionist movement within German social democracy, which aims at this, achieved general recognition, so that there remained no ambiguity about the position of social democracy after the war"** (p. 41)...

**workers of 
other countries 
do not think 
of socialism**

**socialists or 
"reformists"?**

**I am for 
revisionism!!**

—

*Conrad's Yearbooks* 1915. Issue 2. August (pp. 214—6).

Note by Dill on the Danish law of 10 May 1915. Tax on War Profits. Taxation of all excess incomes (over 1912—5) at 10% of the surplus.

(not only war profits, but any excess income).
(the taxed party is exempted from taxation if it proves that no part of the excess income was caused by war).

**NB** [On the question of reforms under imperialism in general.]

J. Goldstein. *Workers and Entrepreneurs in German Construction* (Issue 5 of the Zurich Economic Studies). Zurich 1913.

(Toward the prehistory of the great lockout).

*Schriften des Vereins für Sozialpolitik.* Band 145. III. (See reverse side)

**Dr. Carl von Tyszka:** *"Wages and Cost of Living in Western Europe in the 19th Century"* (Leipzig 1914).

A most detailed compilation of French and English data, abbreviated Spanish, Belgian and German data. The conclusion favors England. Summary table (abridged by me):

Index: 1900 = 100. Comparative movement of **real wages**.

**Years:   England  Prussia  Southern Germany  France  Spain  Belgium**
1870      53.    57.      (1875:93.0)  69.      51.
1885      68.    56.      90.       74.      (1890: 89.)  78.
1900     100    100.0    100.0     100.0    100.0     100.0
1910      92.    82.9      99.      106.    102.      86. (in 1905)

England, thanks to free trade, suffered least from high prices (p. 289 and passim).

England became earlier an "industrial state" (p. 101), and prices in it adapted more, fully shifted to this basis.

(p. 94 — the increase in wages will prove to be smaller if one takes "weighted" averages, i.e., takes into account the greater increase in worse-paid professions. This is said for 26 branches of the machine industry in Germany.)

**NB:** But this applies to the entire work.

**N.B.** Band 145: *Cost of Living in Large Cities* (I—IV).

**N.B.** A very detailed (in Vol. 45, IV. 1915) work on Hamburg (1890—), **prices and budgets, consumption, housing, etc. = comparative with London**.

# EXTRACTS AND NOTES ON VARIOUS BOOKS

_Schriften des Vereins für Sozialpolitik_, Vol. 140, II. "The Supply of Milk to Cities" (1914).

There are fragmentary data on individual dairy farms (number of cows; production, etc.)

Development of "retail sale" of milk and public sale of it; displacement of beer (weakly and rarely).

Detailed data on prices.

Vol. 140, V. "Public Supply of Milk in Germany" (1914).

Hans Hess: "The Electron in Various Branches of Physics."
"Heaven and Earth," 1915, March (No. 3). (Year of publication 27, issue 3)

|An interesting attempt to sum up the progress of electron theory|

[End of notebook]

# EXTRACTS FROM NEWSPAPERS

**"Wiener Arbeiter-Zeitung" No. 268 (September 27, 1914)**

Article "A Combat-Ready Division" (from the _Fränkische Tagespost_). In Nuremberg, 12,474 members of trade unions went to war (with 6,000 politically organized).

So altogether in the army "well over 1 million, scarcely significantly less than 2 million members"...

And their goals are the same — socialism, "liberation from wage slavery." And the conclusion:

"The Social Democrats, who during the war honestly fulfill their duty and by their conduct true to duty help bring about the end [of the war] and, it is to be hoped, victory for our country, expect that after the war there will not be placed obstacles and difficulties for their agitation, for their strivings and deeds, as was the case in the years and decades before the war."

From _Wiener Arbeiter-Zeitung_ themes:

How the Russians ruled in East Prussia, how England prepared war beforehand, etc., etc.

Among other things: "mocking enemies and faint-hearted friends."

Of the collapse of the International speak "faint-hearted friends."

"Wiener Arbeiter-Zeitung" No. 268, September 27. Editorial: "Anniversary of the International."

"Wiener Arbeiter-Zeitung" No. 259 (September 18). Editorial: "Freedom of Peoples."

In it, among other things: "The German Reich Chancellor is entirely right in his accusations against England."

_Hamburger Echo_ No. 231, October 3, 1914.

"Thus it turns out that even socialists have not yet understood that most simple thing, that for Grey and company the question is in no way whatsoever about a war of liberation — in alliance with the Tsar! — but about a struggle to maintain the dominant position of British capitalism, won by England through naked trade wars."

Ibid. MacDonald, Trevelyan, Angell and others (bourgeois) radicals set forth conditions for peace ((no annexations; optation; agreement of parliament to treaties, etc.)).

Ibid. No. 230 (October 2, 1914).

Quote from the _Correspondenzblatt der Gewerkschaften Deutschlands_—

4.39 billion (instead of 2) subscriptions to the loan... One could put a billion toward "provision of work"...

"Could one give England a better answer?"

Ibid. No. 225 (September 26, 1914)

Letter from their correspondent from Bordeaux dated September 14.

"Anarchists, socialists, syndicalists were for war no less than, so to speak, professional war-mongers."

And _L'Humanité_ and _Guerre Sociale_ welcome the manifesto of the Russian Commander-in-Chief Nicholas about the freedom of Poland; — the chauvinist tone of Sembat and Vaillant, of course....

And _Hamburger Echo_: "It appears they did not understand at all that very simple and very natural decision of the German military command to conduct the offensive first against the militarily strong enemy, i.e., against France."

Ibid., No. 222 (September 23, 1914).

In an editorial on England's hypocrisy "to drive volunteers under the pressure of necessity," etc., and joy that, look, the Independent Labour Party refused to participate! War against militarism is being waged by England in such a way that it itself introduces militarism (the beginning of transition to universal military service).

# THE BASEL RESOLUTION

**Basel**

**The Basel Resolution**

_Berner Tagwacht_ 1912 No. 278 (November 26, 1912)

**Manifesto of the International** (Basel Congress, November 24/25, 1912).

The Manifesto, citing the Stuttgart Resolution, proceeds to point out the danger of war.

..."At any moment the great European peoples can be hurled against each other, and such a crime against humanity and Reason cannot be justified by even the slightest pretext of any national interest"...

..."The fear of the ruling classes before proletarian revolution, as a consequence of world war, proved to be an essential guarantee of peace"...

"The Great Powers of Europe" created "intolerable" conditions in Turkey... conducting the matter "to war"...

Social Democrats of Austria must fight against "the Danubian Monarchy's attack on Serbia"... "for the sake of dynastic interests"...

The Congress "protests against Albania becoming a victim, under cover of autonomy, of Austro-Hungarian and Italian strivings for domination"...

**N.B.**

**N.B.**

The movement of the working class of Russia and Poland — the best guarantee

"against the criminal intrigues of Tsarism"... To fight against the Tsar's attacks on the freedom of the peoples of the Balkans, on Armenia, on Constantinople... Revolutionary struggle against Tsarism.

But "the most important task within the sphere of activity of the International falls to the working class of Germany, France and England."

To resist "the policy of conquest" in Western Asia.

At the beginning of the manifesto there is discussion of the workers' struggle against imperialism...

and further — on "capitalist imperialism" and struggle against it...

**The Basel Manifesto.**

The Basel Congress, November 24—25, 1912.
_Berner Tagwacht_ 1912, No. 278 (November 26, 1912). [1912, II, bound in _Berner Tagwacht_.]

First cited is the Stuttgart Resolution, which states that in case of war the obligation is:

"to strive with all forces to use the economic and political crisis brought about by war to raise the people and thereby hasten the fall of capitalist class domination,"

then the countries and causes of conflict are reviewed, it is stated that Social Democrats of Austria must fight against Austria's war with Serbia, that a war of England, Germany and France over Serbia would be "criminal madness."

"The fear of the ruling classes before proletarian revolution, as a consequence of world war, proved to be an essential guarantee of peace."

And further:

"He (the Congress) firmly demands peace. Let governments not forget that, in the present condition of Europe and the mood of the working class, they cannot unleash war without danger to themselves; let them remember that the Franco-German War was followed by the revolutionary outbreak of the Commune, that the Russo-Japanese War set in motion the revolutionary forces of the peoples of the Russian Empire, that military and naval armaments gave class conflicts in England and on the continent unprecedented acuteness and unleashed enormous strikes. It would be madness if governments did not understand that the very thought alone of the enormity of a world war must call forth indignation and outrage of the working class. **The proletarians consider it a crime to shoot at each other for the profit of capitalists, the ambition of dynasties or in honor of the secret treaties of diplomacy.**

"If the ruling powers cut off every possibility of normal development and thereby drive the proletariat to desperate measures, they themselves will bear all responsibility for the consequences of the crisis brought about by them."

# RESOLUTION OF THE GERMAN SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC READING CLUB IN PARIS

_Berner Tagwacht_ 1914, No. 155 (August 17, 1914)

"German Social Democrats in Paris and the War" (resolution of the German Social Democratic Reading Club in Paris)

"the most fraternal sentiments of German socialists, who prefer to remain in your country of freedom and who refuse to fight against their French comrades.

"All of us, we love our fatherland, but we can no longer love a fatherland that attacks a peaceful people. Our sympathy is directed toward you, who defend the soil of freedom. Forward to victory! Go strike the criminal government of Berlin! Down with the monarchies! Long live democratic France! Long live the German Republic!"

# FR. ENGELS. "SOCIALISM IN GERMANY"

_Neue Zeit_, 1891-2, X, 1, pp. 580-589. No. 19
(January 27, 1892).

Fr. Engels: "Socialism in Germany."

Translation (by Engels himself) of the article written by Engels for the _Almanach du Parti Ouvrier pour 1892_.

After the translation of this article—Engels himself makes a note that all this was written in "late summer," when the war of France and Russia against Germany was in the air. Now the situation changes with the famine in Russia (1891). Reasoning about the causes of famine (creation of internal market, etc., etc.).

For Europe, this famine means "for now, peace."

"What will come of all this for Russian despotism? We'll see."(End of article: p. [254]).

From the French article itself:

"How many times has the bourgeoisie not demanded of us that we renounce the use of revolutionary means once and for all and remain within legal boundaries, especially now that the exception law has fallen and equal rights are restored for all, even for socialists! Unfortunately, we do not have the ability to do the gentlemen of the bourgeoisie this favor".... [239-245] And further — you fire first, gentlemen bourgeois!

Our army in the year 1900 will be for the most part socialist: for people vote from age 25, while soldiers [can vote] from age 20!...

"Peace will ensure the victory of the German Social Democratic Party in roughly ten years. War will bring it either victory in two or three years, or complete ruin, at least for fifteen to twenty years" [249]. One would have to go mad to wish for war under such conditions.

Therefore all socialists of all countries are for peace.

"But if war should come after all, then one thing is certain: this war, in which fifteen to twenty million armed men will fight each other and which will devastate all Europe as no other has — this war must either bring immediate victory for socialism, or it must so turn the old order of things upside down from head to foot and leave behind such a heap of ruins that the existence of old capitalist society would become even more impossible than ever before, and the social revolution, though postponed ten or fifteen years, would then have to win all the faster and more thoroughly" ([250]). (This is the end of the article from the French Almanac).

"In the face of the German Empire, the French Republic can perhaps represent the bourgeois revolution. But in the face of the republic of some Constans, Rouvier, and even Clemenceau, and especially in the face of a republic that has taken the side of the Russian Tsar, German socialism unquestionably represents proletarian revolution" [248-249].

# ZETKIN ON THE ZIMMERWALDCONFERENCE

_Die Gleichheit_ 1915, No. 4 (November 12, 1915).

Unsigned article: "The Echo of the Zimmerwald Conference" praises the conference, criticizes the Party Executive, etc., and writes:

"What would be worthy of criticism at the Zimmerwald Conference is not truly the lack of respect for the official parties, authorities and institutions, nor the absence of faithful submission to their views and commands. Rather, it is a certain timidity, through which the decisions were kept within the boundaries that the quite weak opposition of the parliamentary fraction minority of German and French Social Democracy set for itself, that opposition which, though 'in principle' clenches its fist against imperialism, 'from discipline' modestly keeps this fist in its pocket in Parliament. Through the results of its work, the Conference contented itself with stating that in its overwhelming majority it considers this kind of opposition insufficient, and that in the respective countries growing protest against it echoes from the ranks of the party. But, having given warning to the left, where the whirlpool of Bolshevik sectarianism draws its vortex, it prudently did not erect the same warning signal to the right, where lie the slippery boundaries between opposition and swamp. The Conference deemed it wiser not to bind itself through formal voting, lest under certain circumstances this would have torn apart the elements that were intended to be united internationally" (p. 28).

On p. 27 it is stated that the C.C. of the Bolshevik Party "wished for sharper, more socially revolutionary actions"...

# EXTRACTS FROM NEWSPAPERS

A. Forel. "The United States of the Earth"

"Supra-national Arbitration Court"

_Volksrecht_ (Zurich), April 29, 1915

Brief article about a new book:

Professor Dr. A. Forel ("the well-known pioneer of the bourgeois peace movement"...): "The United States of the Earth"———

disarmament, they say, by stages, "a kind of order police," etc.

The newspaper remarks for itself:

"If the decision depended only on the dead and the crippled of the raging war, or also on the organized workers of the world, Forel's supranational arbitration court could be convened as soon as tomorrow."

# "SOCIAL IMPERIALISM AND LEFT RADICALISM"

"Bremer Bürger-Zeitung" 1915, No. 291 (December 13).

Editorial: "Social Imperialism and Left Radicalism"... "It was a direction in German radicalism that crystallized during the campaign for Prussian voting rights and in the disarmament debates of 1910-1913"...

..."He (Kautsky) tried to represent imperialism as a form of capitalist expansion that could be replaced by another, milder one"...

**N.B.**

To these left belonged "Rosa Luxemburg, Pannekoek, Thalheimer, Zetkin and others"....

..."The Left Radicals waged a sharp struggle against the remnants of the ideology of English Manchester's foreign policy" (in Adler and Kautsky, also Eckstein)....

What is common to Left Radicals and Social Imperialists is that "the world has entered an imperialist epoch"....

..."While for the Left Radicals even the militia was not a means by which to eliminate in the epoch of imperialism its expansion tendencies; while they advocated for the militia only in the hope that the anti-imperialist tendencies of the popular masses would ripen within it, the Social Imperialists seize upon every impulse toward the militia that this war gives rise to, but which can only be realized in contradiction to the policy they themselves advocate, as bait for the militarization of Social Democracy."

# STATEMENT OF MARCH 27, 1915 AT THE WOMEN'S CONFERENCE

Statement of March 27, 1915 at the women's conference:

"We do not vote for the resolution adopted by the conference because, from a principled point of view, it is insufficient and incomplete; at the same time we declare that, not demarcating ourselves from joint action, we shall support all actions directed toward revolutionary struggle and struggle against chauvinism and nationalism."

# A. HESSE. "GERMAN NATIONAL WEALTH"

A. Hesse. "German National Wealth"
_Jahrbücher_ of Conrad, 1915 (September 1915), Vol. 105 (Part III, Vol. 50), Issue III.

Reckons national wealth (p. 309) as:

Germany = 350 million marks
Austro-Hungary = 107
France = 457
England = 232
United States = 260, 492

Turkey?
Bulgaria?
Belgium?
Russia?
Serbia?
Italy?

**N.B.** Only for Germany does he give his own calculation, providing for other countries (p. 290) figures of other authors without criticism. From Fuhrmann, "National Wealth in Saxony," 1914.

# [BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE ON THE ARTICLE BY MEHRING AND ON CLAUSEWITZ'S WORKS]

_Neue Zeit_, 25th year of publication, 2nd vol., 1906-7.

Fr. Mehring: "New Materials for the Biography of Marx and Engels." [Articles, pp. 15—; 53—; 98—; 160—; 180—; 222—].

From the correspondence of Marx and Engels with Weidemayer.

Note: in another notebook.

Clausewitz. _Literary Legacy_. Berlin 1852-7 (Vols. 1-10)

1-3 vols. "On War"
4-6 vols. "The Campaign of 1799"
7 vol. "The Campaigns of 1812 and 1813"
8 vol. "The Campaign of 1815"
9-10 vols. "Strategic Examination of Several Campaigns"

# ENGELS'S LETTER TO BEBEL

_Der Kampf_, 1915, No. 5 (May).

R. Hilferding: "Historical Necessity and Necessary Politics" (pp. 206-215) — on Cunow.

At the end is a quote from Engels's letter to Bebel (it is not stated when and where it was printed), in which, among other things, it is said:

"Such a war would be our greatest misfortune, it could set back the movement by 20 years. But the new party that would ultimately have to emerge from all this would be free in all European countries from all sorts of scruples and pettiness that now everywhere hamper the movement" (p. 215).*

*The quote is from Engels's letter to Bebel dated December 16, 1870; see Marx and Engels, _Works_ XXVII, 78. Editor.

# FROM "SOZIALISTISCHE MONATSHEFTE"

## AUGUST WINNING: "COLONIES AND WORKERS"

*Sozialistische Monatshefte* 1915 No. 5.

August Winning: "Colonies and Workers."

Colonies are needed not only for the accumulation of surplus-value and its utilization—but also for obtaining raw materials (p. 220).

One cannot deny the necessity of colonies—and the "working class" cannot deny it (221).

"Let us suppose that the working class conquered political power in the great industrial states: could it then even only think of abandoning colonial policy? If it did so, it would thereby deal a mortal blow to its own rule" (222).

"But even with categorical recognition of humanity toward the native peoples, we must remember that above all a good piece of educational work must be done on them" (223)... "The necessary economic opening-up of access to primitive countries is just as little possible without intrusion into the 'rights' and 'freedoms' of their population as the education of a child without compulsory school instruction and without strictness" (224).

## K. LEUTHNER: "PEACEFUL DEMOCRACY"

*Sozialistische Monatshefte* 1915 No. 4 (4 March 1915).

K. Leuthner: "Peaceful Democracy"...

"And as soon as war breaks out, even Social-Democrats and anarchists, like Plekhanov and Kropotkin, who do not yet sit in deputies' chairs, turn toward the unity and indivisibility of Russia, that is, toward the existing regime, under which the Great Russians hold approximately 70 to 80 million people of other nationalities under their heel" (183)... 

NB

## P. KAMPFFMEYER: "THE SECOND INTERNATIONAL AND WAR"

*Sozialistische Monatshefte* 1915 No. 2 (4 February 1915).

P. Kampffmeyer: "The Second International and War"...

..."the Marxist Plekhanov fought with Marxist arguments for Russia's victory" (84).

## H. POETSCH: "WAR AND THE SOCIALIST INTERNATIONAL"

*Sozialistische Monatshefte* 1914 No. 20 (9 December 1914).

Hugo Poetsch: "War and the Socialist International."

p. 1226— ..."Maslov and Tsekheidze have spoken out for the war"...

p. 1226—7:

..."Kautsky rightly argues that if, despite all efforts of Social-Democracy, war breaks out nonetheless, for socialists of all nations the equal right and equal obligation arise to participate in the defense of the nation, and 'no one shall dare to reproach another for this'" (*Neue Zeit* 1914—5, vol. I, p. 1 ff., "Social-Democracy in War").

# FROM NEW LITERATURE:

**Danish Statistics. Statistical Reports.** 4th series, vol. 48, issue 2 ("Livestock in Denmark 15 May 1915").

**H. Goehring.** *Der Weltkrieg und die Preise* ["World War and Prices"]: *Grenzboten* 74, 29—30.

**J. H. Jones.** *The Economics of War & Conquest. An Examination of Mr. Norman Angell's Economic Doctrines.* (XVII, 160 pp.). London, King, 1915.

**Thorstein B. Veblen:** *Imperial Germany & the Industrial Revolution.* 12°. 324 pp. New York (Macmillan). 1915 (Dollar 1.50).

**Francis J. Adkins:** *Historical Backgrounds of the Great War. The War: Its Origins & Warnings.* New York 1915 (McBride). 227 pp.

**Pierre Albin:** *La guerre allemande* [The German War].

**A. Aulard:** *Patrie, patiotisme avant 1789* [Fatherland, Patriotism before 1789] (*Révolution française* 54, 10/11, 193—224).

**Dr. Robert Redslob:** *Abhängige Länder* [Dependent Countries]. Leipzig 1914/5? (12 Mark). (Professor of state law. Survey of state relations of many dependent countries).

**Rodolfo Mondolfo:** *Il materialismo storico in Federico Engels* [Historical Materialism in Frederick Engels]. Genoa. 1913 (355 pp.). Review in *Revue philosophique* 1914 No. 12.

**Karl Gerhard:** *Machs Erkenntnistheorie und der Realismus* [Mach's Epistemology and Realism]. (1914). Issue 3 of *Münchener Studien.*—His article in *Vierteljahrsschrift für wissenschaftliche Philosophie* 1912, "Zur Kontroverse Planck—Mach." Yes, Mach's attempts "have shattered against the natural realism of physics" (*Vierteljahrsschrift für Philosophie* 1915, issue 2, p. 182). **Planck:** *Die Einheit des physikalischen Weltbildes* [The Unity of the Physical Picture of the World] (1909) asserts the transcendental reality of the physical object.

# A GOOD COMPILATION OF COMPARATIVE FIGURES

**Dr. Ernst Günther:** *Die wirtschaftlichen Hilfskräfte Deutschlands und seiner Hauptgegner* [The Economic Resources of Germany and Its Principal Opponents]. Essen 1915 (*Kriegshefte aus dem Industriebezirk*, issue 7). 80 Pf.

**Population (millions) (round figures)**

**Years:** Germany | Austria | France | England | Russia
1810: 30 | 30 | 30 | 20 | 45
1910: 65 | 51 | 39.5 | 46 | 136.5

Germans + Austrians: 267 | 258

**In Germany the following areas were cultivated (in thousands of hectares):**

| | Rye | Wheat | Oats | Barley | Total Grain | Potatoes |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1800 | 4,623 | 1,027 | 2,569 | 2,055 | 10,274 | 350 |
| 1901/10 | 6,080 | 1,849 | 4,271 | 1,666 | 13,866 | 3,291 |
| Growth | +23% | +80% | +67% | -19% | +35% | +840% |

**In the average of the last five years, the following double-centners were harvested per hectare:**

| | Wheat | Rye | Barley | Oats | Potatoes |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Russia | 7.0 | 8.0 | 8.7 | 8.2 | 76.7 |
| United States | 9.3 | 8.8 | 11.7 | 8.5 | 107 |
| Hungary | 12.2 | 11.5 | 13.0 | 11.4 | 78.0 |
| Austria | 13.9 | 13.9 | 15.2 | 12.9 | 99.0 |
| France | 14.0 | 11.3 | 14.3 | 13.1 | 98.0 |
| Great Britain | 20.7 | — | 17.1 | 16.7 | 153.3 |
| Germany | 21.4 | 18.2 | 20.0 | 19.7 | 136.0 |
| Belgium | 25.0 | 22.3 | 28.0 | 23.3 | 187.3 |

| | | Per hectare harvested (double-centners) |  |  |  |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| | | Rye | Wheat | Oats | Barley |
| USA | | 8.2 | 10.28 | 9.64 | 11.00 |
| Germany | | 16.3 | 19.6 | 18.30 | 19.00 |
| | Growth | +90% | +227% | +137% | |

**Wheat harvested per hectare (double-centners):**

| | 1881/90 | 1901/10 | Growth |
|---|---|---|---|
| Austria | 5.87 | 6.77 | +1.32 (+24%) |
| Germany | 8.53 | 9.30 | +1.03 (+12%) |
| France | (1876—85) 12.0 | (1899—1901) 13.1 | +1.0 (+16%) |
| Russia | 18.3 | 20.0 | +1.7 (+10%) |
| Belgium | 14.1 | 19.3 | +4.8 (+32%) |

**Number of workers (in thousands) in the textile industry:**

| Year | England | Germany |
|---|---|---|
| 1895 | 1,018 | 945 |
| 1907 | 1,015 | 1,057 |

**Export of machinery (millions of marks):**

| Year | England | Germany |
|---|---|---|
| 1902 | 400 | 183 |
| 1913 | 674 | 678 |

**From world coal production, the following fell to:** (World coal production in millions of tons)

| | England | Germany | United States |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1860 | 60% (81 million tons) | 12.4% (167 million tons) | 10.0% |
| 1880 | 45 | 18 | 20 |
| 1900 | 30 | 20 | 32 |
| 1910 | 24 | 19 | 37 |
| 1913 | 21 (280 million tons) | 21 | 39 |

**Iron production (million tons):**

| | England | Germany |
|---|---|---|
| 1860 | 7.8 | 2.8 |
| 1880 | 9.1 | 8.1 |
| 1900 | 9.1 | 8.3 |
| 1910 | 10.5 | 19.5 |

**Power of the German, French, and English fleets:**

| Year | Germany 1000 tons | % | England 1000 tons | % | France 1000 tons | % |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1870 | 1,146 | 100 | 7,917 | 100 | 1,528 | 100 |
| 1880 | 1,614 | 141 | 12,027 | 152 | 1,767 | 116 |
| 1890 | 2,835 | 247 | 18,062 | 228 | 2,444 | 160 |
| 1900 | 4,569 | 399 | 23,687 | 299 | 2,622 | 172 |
| 1910 | 7,698 | 672 | 32,412 | 409 | 3,082 | 202 |
| 1912 | 8,454 | 739 | 33,849 | 427 | 3,139 | 206 |

German fleet : English fleet : French fleet = 100 : 691 : 133 (1870) = 100 : 745 : 109 (1880) = 100 : 637 : 86 (1890) = 100 : 518 : 57 (1900) = 100 : 421 : 40 (1910) = 100 : 400 : 37 (1912)

**Number of workers (in thousands) in machine and shipbuilding industry:**

| Year | England | Germany |
|---|---|---|
| 1881 | 217 | 206 |
| 1901 | 400 | 700 |

**Railways (1000 km):**

| | 1881 | 1901 |
|---|---|---|
| England | 29 | 38 |
| Germany | 34 | 63 |

**From total world trade, the following percentages fell to:**

| | 1886 | 1900 | 1910 | 1912 |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Germany | — | 10.3 | 12.1 | 12.0 | 12.9 |
| France | — | 12.5 | 10.0 | 9.4 | 9.2 |
| England | — | 20.8 | 19.0 | 16.9 | 16.9 |

**Foreign trade (imports + exports):**

| | Germany Special Trade Millions of Marks | % | Great Britain % | France Special Trade % | Germany % | England % | France % |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1880 | 5,712 | 100 | 14,232 | 100 | 6,896 | 100 | 100 | 249 | 121 |
| 1890 | 7,473 | 130 | 15,253 | 107 | 6,633 | 96 | 100 | 204 | 89 |
| 1900 | 10,377 | 181 | 17,900 | 126 | 10,776 | 155 | 100 | 172 | 69 |
| 1913 | 20,868 | 365 | 28,644 | 201 | 12,307 | 178 | 100 | 137 | 59 |

# E. RAPPARD: "TOWARD NATIONAL UNDERSTANDING"

**Dr. William E. Rappard:** *Zur nationalen Verständigung* [Toward National Understanding]. Zurich 1915 (*Schriften für schweizerische Art und Kunst*, 26). (National Library).

"Before 1870 the ratio of the populations of Germany and France was as 9 to 8; today it is as 13 to 8. Coal extraction in France in the last 40 years has approximately doubled, in Germany approximately quadrupled, so that today it stands to France's as 6 to 1. In raw iron production, the two countries were approximately on the same level a generation ago. Today Germany surpasses France by approximately three times" (p. 15).

((400x : 200y = 6:1; 400x = 1200y; 1x = 3y))

8:8; 13:8 = 3:1; 6:1 = 1:1; 3:1

# BOOKS FROM CATALOGS

**Bern**

Lessing. *Lichtstrahlen aus seinen Schriften* [Light Rays from His Writings]. Lit. D. 66
—*Sämtliche Schriften* [Complete Writings]. 4—24. 1886
—584.
Bibliography National Library 1915/8. 1100 (cf. *Catalog of the Free Municipal Library in Basel.* 4945).

**Bloch** L. *Die ständischen und sozialen Kämpfe in der römischen Republik* [Class and Social Struggles in the Roman Republic]. 1900. (not available)

**Fr. Bodenstedt:** *Die Völker des Kaukasus und ihre Freiheitskämpfe gegen die Russen* [The Peoples of the Caucasus and Their Struggles for Freedom against the Russians]. 1855. (2nd ed.). Hist. VI. 40a.

**Jac. Burckhardt:** *Weltgeschichtliche Betrachtungen* [World-Historical Reflections]. 1910 (2nd ed.). Hist. XXXVI. 12.

**Carlyle.** *The French Revolution.*

**A. Fournier.** *Napoleon.* 3 vols.

*Allgemeine Geschichte in Einzeldarstellungen* [General History in Monographs] (Wilhelm Oncken) IV. Main section. 2 copies. Hist. XIII. 21. (861).

**Guizot, F.** *Histoire de la civilisation en France* [History of Civilization in France]. 4 vols. (1846). Hist. XIII. 15.
—*Essais sur l'histoire de France* [Essays on the History of France]. 1844. Hist. XV. 94.
—*Histoire de la révolution en Angleterre* [History of the Revolution in England]. 2 vols. (1850) Hist. 450.
—*Histoire de la civilisation en Europe* [History of Civilization in Europe]. 1846. Hist. XIII. 46.

**Kropotkin.** *Die französische Revolution* [The French Revolution].

**Lamartine.** *Histoire des Girondins* [History of the Girondins]. 8 vols. (4 tomes) (1849). Hist. 648.
—*1789. Les constituants* [1789. The Constituents]. 3 vols. (1854). 7249.

**P. Liman.** *Die Revolution* [The Revolution]. 1906.

**Taine.** *Les origines de la France contemporaine* [The Origins of Contemporary France]. 5 vols. Hist. XXIV. 89 & 90.

**Aug. Thierry:** *Récits des temps mérovingiens* [Tales of Merovingian Times]. (1853), 1—2. Hist. XVI. 150.
—*Lettres sur l'histoire de France* [Letters on the History of France]. (1827). Hist. VIII. 403.
—*10 ans d'études historiques* [10 Years of Historical Studies]. (1835). Hist. II. 64.
—*Essai sur le Tiers Etat* [Essay on the Third Estate]. 1853. Hist. XXII. 107.

**Bartels.** *Geschichte der deutschen Literatur* [History of German Literature]. 1915. 2 vols.

**Engel.** Idem. 2 vols. 1908.

**Lanson.** *Histoire de la littérature française* [History of French Literature]. 1902.

**Suchier.** Idem.

**Fr. Th. Vischer.** *Das Schöne und die Kunst* [The Beautiful and Art].
—*Altes und Neues* [Old and New] (1882). Lit. XV. 92.
—*Ästhetik* [Aesthetics]. 6 vols. Log. IV. 40.
—*Kritische Gänge* [Critical Essays]. 2 vols. (1873). Log. 1888.

**Ostwald:** *Grosse Männer* [Great Men].

**Schulze:** *Die grossen Physiker* [The Great Physicists].

**P. Mérimée.** *Portraits historiques* [Historical Portraits].

**J. Lemaître.** *Les contemporains* [The Contemporaries]. 1—7. Paris 1899. Lit. R. 487.

**J. B. Lamarck.** *Philosophie zoologique* [Zoological Philosophy]. (1907). Nat. XI. 488.

**A. Aulard:** *Histoire politique de la révolution française* [Political History of the French Revolution]. (1909) ((and nothing else)). Hist. XXIV. 432.

**Napoleon.** *Oeuvres complètes* [Complete Works]. 1—4. (1822). Mut. 358.

**Robespierre.** *Oeuvres* [Works]. (1867). Hist. XIX. 90.
—Idem (1910). Hist. XXXIV. 44.

**L. Blanc.** *Histoire de la Révolution française* [History of the French Revolution]. 7 vols. (1855). L. G. 6306.
—*Histoire de 10 ans 1830—40* [History of 10 Years 1830—40]. (1844). 1—5. Hist. VII. 7

**Bloch.** *Der Krieg* [The War] (in Russian). 4—6. 1898. St. Petersburg. Jus. 2554.

**Bloch.** *Die wahrscheinlichen Folgen des Krieges* [The Probable Consequences of War] (1901). Hist. var. 64.

**A. Daudet.** *Souvenirs d'un homme de lettres* [Memoirs of a Man of Letters].
—*30 ans de Paris* [30 Years of Paris].
—*L'immortel* [The Immortal]. Paris. [18]88. Lit. XVIII. 102 and XXXII. 83

**Em. Daudet.** *Histoire diplomatique de l'Alliance franco-russe 1873—1893* [Diplomatic History of the Franco-Russian Alliance 1873—1893]. Paris 1894. Hist. XXV. 707.

Request from Aarau: Cantonal Library: is it possible to receive books at home? (and catalog?)

**Goethe.**

*West-Östlicher Divan* [West-Eastern Divan]: Lit. XXV. 58
—*Faust*: Lit. XXIV, 43 (and 247)
—*Sprüche* [Aphorisms]: Lit. XV. 144.
—*Werke* [Works]. 1—36 (36 Register). Lit. D. 466
—20 vols. Lit. D. 261
—50 vols. L. G. 4500
—10 vols. Lit. XIX. 4.

**V. Hugo.** *Oeuvres complètes* [Complete Works]. 46 vols. Lit. XIII. 53
—*Napoléon le Petit* [Little Napoleon]. 1852: Lit. R. 462

**H. Heine.** *Gesammelte Werke* [Collected Works]. 1—9. Lit. XIV. 88
—Idem. (13 vols.) XV. 99

**F. Freiligrath:** *Gedichte* [Poems]. 1848. Lit. D. 1,056

**Lessing.** *Werke* [Works]. Lit. D. 579. vols. 1—3.
—Idem. 580. *Poesie und Kunst* [Poetry and Art].

**Schiller.**

**Shakespeare.**

**Byron.** *Works.* Lit. XVI. 47. 6 vols.
—[Lit. E. 22]. In German XVIII. 310. Lit. E. 20.

**Napoleon.**

**Kielland.** *Erhebung der Nation und Napoleons Ende* [The Rise of the Nation and Napoleon's End].

**Ibsen**

**Carlyle.** *Past & Present.* Tg. Hb. 89
—*Chartism.* Tg. (Fg?) Pb. 138
—*The French Revolution.* Hist. 777.
—*Works.* 7—30. Lit. E. Rupp. 95.

**Disraeli.** *Two Nations.* (not available)

**Sinclair.** (not available)

**R. Dehmel.** (not available)

**W. v. Polenz.** (not available)

**B. Auerbach.** *Dorfgeschichten* [Village Stories]. 3 vols. (1853) L. G. 5889

**P. Rosegger.** *Das Ereignis in der Schrun* [The Event in the Schrun]. 1913. H. XVIII. 46b2

**A. Schnitzler.**

**Andersen** Nexø.

**J. London.** (not available)

**B. Bjørnson.**

**Dante Alighieri.** *Die göttliche Komödie* [The Divine Comedy]. (1871). Lit. VIII. 67.
—Idem. 1888. Lit. XIV. 7 (219...)
—*Lyrische Gedichte* [Lyrical Poems] (1842). 1—2. Lit. R. 89

**Aristotle.** *Lehre vom Erkennen* [Theory of Knowledge]. 1—2. Log. 1236
—*Metaphysik* [Metaphysics]. (1 vol.) (1890) Par. 76.
—*Redekunst* [Rhetoric]. Phil. XV. 114.

**Plato.** *Werke* [Works] (1—6). Phil. III. 71 (Phil. 637)
—*Ausgewählte Dialoge (erklärt)* [Selected Dialogues (Explained)]. Phil. XV. 103.

**Leibniz.** *Hauptschriften* [Main Writings]. 1—2. (German). Log. 1246.
—*Oeuvres* [Works]. 6 vols. Log. 1. 47

**Kant.** *Werke* [Works]. 1—10. (II. *Reine Vernunft* [Pure Reason]. VII. *Urteilskraft* [Critique of Judgment]. IV. *Praktische Vernunft* [Practical Reason]). Log. II. 51.
—Idem. 1—7. Log. 416.
—Log. 500. II. *Reine Vernunft* [Pure Reason].
—III. *Prolegomena.*
—IV. *Urteilskraft* [Critique of Judgment].

**Spinoza.** *Werke* [Works]: 1—5. Log. 1002 (articles) (1—3: *Ethics* + treatise). Better: Log. 1215 (and 16). *Ethics*

**Jacobi:** *Werke* [Works]. 1—8. Lit. VII. 32.

**Fichte** Joh. Gottlieb: *Werke* [Works]. 1—11. Log. 258.

**Helvétius.** *Oeuvres* [Works] vol. 1—4. F. g.

**Holbach.** *Système de la nature* [System of Nature]. 2 vols. Log. III. 130.
—[Idem F. g. B.b. 36, 37]

**de La Mettrie.** *Oeuvres* [Works]. 2 vols. 1753. Lit. XI. 61.

**Hegel.** *Werke* [Works]. 1—19. vols. Log. 1. 175.

**Schäsler.** *Populäre Gedanken aus Hegels Werken* [Popular Thoughts from Hegel's Works]. Log. 407.

**Feuerbach.** *Werke* [Works] 1—10. Log. 556.

**Rousseau:** *Origine de l'inégalité* [Origin of Inequality]. Log. III. 56.
—*Oeuvres* [Works]. (8 vols.), vols. 1—3 (*Discours, Émile, Politique* [Discourses, Emile, Politics]), vol. VI. *Les confessions* [Confessions]. Lit. R. 265

**P. Leroy-Beaulieu.** *Colonisation chez les peuples modernes* [Colonization among Modern Peoples]. 1891. Hist. XX. 409

Bern Library

**W. Bolsche.**

**F. Auerbach.** *Die Grundbegriffe der modernen Naturlehre* [The Basic Concepts of Modern Natural Science].

**K. Eckstein.** *Der Kampf zwischen Mensch und Tier* [The Struggle between Man and Beast]. 1900. (not available)

**H. Helmholtz.** *Populäre wissenschaftliche Vorträge* [Popular Scientific Lectures] (3 issues). Nat. XIX. 1081 (and 1082)
—*Über die Erhaltung der Kraft* [On the Conservation of Energy]. Nat. 666.
—*Wechselwirkung der Naturkräfte* [Interaction of Natural Forces]: "Broschüre 3742".

**T. H. Huxley.**

**A. Kirchhoff.** *Mensch und Erde* [Man and Earth]. 1901.

**Mie.** *Moleküle* etc. [Molecules, etc.] (not available)

**Ostwald.** *Einführung in die Chemie* [Introduction to Chemistry]. 1910.

**Snyder.** *Das Weltbild der modernen Naturwissenschaft* [The World Picture of Modern Natural Science]. (not available)

**K. Weule:** *Kulturelemente der Menschheit* [Cultural Elements of Mankind]. Nat. XII. 454

*Die Kultur der Gegenwart* [The Culture of the Present]. Part III, section 7, 1.

**P. Hinneberg:** *Allg.* 497
—vol. XII. *Kriegswesen* [Military Science].
—vol. III/II. *Chemie* [Chemistry].
—vol. V. *Allgemeine Geschichte der Philosophie* [General History of Philosophy].

**E. Becher:** *Naturphilosophie* [Philosophy of Nature] (not available)
should be included in Hinneberg. Part III, section 7, vol. 1. (1914)

**Verworn.**

**Ostwald.** *Klassiker der exakten Wissenschaften* [Classics of the Exact Sciences]. (By individual authors). Nat. 666
—*Grundriss der allgemeinen Chemie* [Outline of General Chemistry]. Nat. V. 275.

**Ament.** *Die Seele des Kindes* [The Soul of the Child].

**Finck.** *Haupttypen des Sprachbaus* [Main Types of Language Structure].

**Hamann:** [*Aesthetik* 1911] *Der Impressionismus* [Impressionism]. 1907. Arch. VI. 138.

**Metchnikoff.** (not available)

**Ruskin, John.** *Modern Painters.* 1—5. Rupp. 516.

**Helmholtz.** *Zahlen und Messen, erkenntnistheoretisch betrachtet* [Numbers and Measurement Considered from the Theory of Knowledge]. Log. 4108
—*Vorträge und Reden* [Lectures and Speeches]. Nat. 10 to

**Max Müller.**

**Noire.**

**Bibliothèque de la ville de Neuchâtel:**
(Supplement) V. 1913.

**Alb. Babeau.** *Paris en 1789.* (1893). (Page 48*).

**Baldwin.** *Le développement mental chez l'enfant.* (1897. p. 20).

**L. Blanc.** *Organisation du travail.* (1848). (p. 37).

**Bryce.** *La République américaine* (1902). 2 vols. 8°. (p. 34).

**Carnegie.** *La démocratie triomphante.* (1903). 8°. (p. 62).
(50 years of the history of the United States).

**A. Chénier.** *Oeuvres complètes* [Complete Works]. 2 vols. (1908). (p. 76).

**P. L. Courier.** *Oeuvres* [Works]. Paris 1866. 8°. (p. 94).

**Gaston da Costa.** *La Commune vécue* [The Commune as Lived]. 3 vols. (1905). (p. 95).

**Dépître.** *Le mouvement de concentration dans les banques allemandes.* Paris 1905. 8°. (p. 405).

**Gertsch.** *Vom russisch-japanischen Kriege* [On the Russo-Japanese War] 1905. Bern 1910. 2 vols. (p. 155).

**Grand-Carteret.** *La montagne à travers les âges.* [The Mountain through the Ages]. Grenoble 1901. 2 vols. 4°. (p. 165).

**Hanotaux.** *Histoire de la France contemporaine* (1871—1900). Paris. 4 vols. 8° (p. 475).

**Helvétius.** *Oeuvres complètes* [Complete Works]. London 1777. 4 vols. 8°. (p. 477).

**G. Houda.** *Le passé et l'avenir des trade-unions.* (1892). 8°. (p. 488).

**A. Keim.** *Helvétius, sa vie et son oeuvre.* Paris 1907. (p. 205).

**Lord Kelvin.** *Conférences scientifiques.* Paris 1893. (p. 206).

**King.** *Histoire de l'Unité italienne* (1847—1871). Paris 1901. 2 vols. (p. 206).

**P. de La Gorce.** *Histoire de la seconde République française.* Paris 1901. 2 vols. (p. 245).

**(La Mettrie).** *L'homme machine.* Leiden 1748. (p. 247).

**L. Léger.** *Le monde slave.* 1st series. Paris 1897.
—2nd series. Paris 1902.

**E. Levasseur.** *L'histoire des classes ouvrières en France de 1789 à 1870.* Paris 1903—4. 2 vols. (p. 254).

**Lévy-Bruhl:** *Les fonctions mentales dans les sociétés inférieures.* Paris 1910. (p. 235).

**F. Martin.** *La Révolution en province. Les jacobins.* Clermont-Ferrand 1902. (p. 253)

**S.-L. Martin.** *Cartels et trusts.* Paris 1903. (p. 254).

**P. Matter:** *La Prusse et la révolution de 1848.* Paris 1903. (p. 255).
—*Bismarck et son temps.* 2 vols. Paris 1906.

**A. Metin.** *Le socialisme sans doctrines.* Paris 1901. (p. 262).
—*La transformation de l'Égypte.* Paris 1903.

**baron Charles Mourre:** *D'où vient la décadence économique de la France.* Paris 1899. (p. 275).

**Alfr. Neymarck.** *Finances contemporaines.* 2 vols. Paris 1904. (p. 280).

**W. Wundt.** *Völkerpsychologie.* Leipzig 1900—9. 6 vols. IV. Supplement.

**Aug. Dirmly:** *Histoire de la formation territoriale des États de l'Europe centrale.* Paris 1876. 2 vols. (p. 445).

**Heeren.** *Handbuch der Geschichte des europäischen Staatensystems und seiner Kolonien.* Göttingen 1822. 2 vols. (p. 445).

**Debidour.** *Histoire diplomatique de l'Europe. 1814—1878.* Paris 1891. 2 vols. (p. 447).

((in the National Library)) Partial Catalog.

**Cantonal Library in Lugano.** 1909.

**Antonio Labriola:** *Scritti vari, editi e inediti; di filosofia e politica.* (p. 143).

**B. Croce.** *Ciò che è vivo* etc. Hegel. (p. 150).

**B. Spaventa.** *Da Socrate a Hegel.* (ibid.).

**Giuseppe Ferrari:** *Filosofia della rivoluzione.* (p. 149).

*Documenti socialisti intorno alla guerra.* 60 cents.

# NOTES TO THE BROCHURE "STATISTICS AND SOCIOLOGY"
JANUARY 1917. ZURICH

**18714 AND REPUBLICATION OF THE ARTICLE "ON THE RIGHT OF NATIONS TO SELF-DETERMINATION"***

**Summary of the article with [[]]:**

*Prosveshchenie* 1914. 4.

1. What is national self-determination?..............p. 34—38.
2. Historical and concrete formulation of the question............................p. 38—40.
3. Concrete peculiarities of the national question in Russia and its bourgeois-democratic transformation...................p. 40—43.
4. "Pragmatism" in the national question....p. 44—47.
5. Liberal bourgeoisie and socialist opportunists in the national question. p. 57—64.
6. The separation of Norway from Sweden..........................p. 64—68.
7. Decision of the London International Congress of 1896...........................................p. 68—71.
8. Utopian Karl Marx and practical Rosa Luxemburg..................................................p. 33—38.
9. Program of 1903 and its liquidators........p. 38—44.
10. Conclusion..............................p. 44—47

# CORRECTIONS AND EDITORIAL AMENDMENTS*

p. 35. To the word Kautsky insert a note:

We ask the reader not to forget that Kautsky, until 1909, until his excellent brochure "The Road to Power," was an enemy of opportunism, which he began to defend only in 1910—11, and most decisively only in 1915—16.

p. 35, line 22 from top. Definitions, not definitions.

p. 39. line 6 from top. Marxian, not Martian.

p. 39. line 14 from bottom. Development, not development.

p. 41. line 20 from top. And instead of and.

p. 42. line 22 from bottom. Jumps instead of jumps.

p. 46. line 1 from top. Bold instead of strong.

p. 58. line 17 from top. Working instead of working.

p. 67. line 10 from top. Compatibility instead of compatibility.

p. 67. line 27 from top. Insert a long dash (—) before the word "quite."

p. 68. line 11 from top—close quotation marks after the word "reversal."

p. 68. line 24 from top. Klassenbewusstsein [class consciousness] instead of Klassenbewusst.

p. 38: To the word Plekhanov insert a note:

We ask the reader not to forget that Plekhanov in 1903 was one of the principal opponents of opportunism, far removed from his notorious later turn toward opportunism and subsequently toward chauvinism.

# CALCULATIONS OF POPULATION AND PLANS FOR THE BROCHURE "STATISTICS AND SOCIOLOGY"
1878 AND 1838³

**Tables for calculating politically independent and dependent population in all countries of the world²**

**Population (millions)**

| Country | Metropolis | Colonies: 1871 |
|---|---|---|
| England | 47 | 393.3 |
| Holland | 6 | 38.1 |
| Belgium | 8 | 15.0 |
| Portugal | 6 | 9.1 |
| France | 39 | 56.1 |
| Germany | 65 | 12.0 |
| Japan | 53 | 20.0 |
| United States | 99 | 10.0 |
| Italy | 35 | 14.0 |
| Spain | 20 | 3.1 |
| Denmark | 3 | 0.03 |

Total = 381 | 557.23 |

1557:381 = 4.1% (59% of this category)

Without colonies: 13.0

V = 394 | 557 |

## II

**Number of states with colonies**

Distribution of colonies:

2) England + Holland
3) Belgium, Portugal, France
4) Remaining 4 countries
5) Remaining Western Europe + America + Japan

53 — 132
53 — 81
275 — 44
V = 381
557

— 252 — 473
129
81

84:129 = 65%

391 — 557 = 951
26.2

583

583:951 = 61.3%

## III

**Nationally alien and disenfranchised population of Western European states.**

| Country | Millions | % |
|---|---|---|
| Germany | 5.0 | (10%) |
| England (Ireland = 4.4) | 4.4 | (<10%) |
| France (1.3% Italians = 0.5) | 0.3 | (1.1%) |
| Belgium (53.3% Flemings) | 4.3 | (53%) |
| Switzerland | — | 1.3 |
| United States | 10.2 + 11.0 = | 26. |

Western Europe = 1 = 13.0
out of 242 (6%)

United States (from 99) = 2 — 11.0
"" 99 (11%)

Japan = 0
"" 35 (0%)

2 = 25.0
394

If we add Switzerland to Western Europe:
+ 1.3
(31%)

3.765 × 0.31 = 1.2 Mill.
= 26.1
out of 391 (approximately 6.7%)
2620:394 = 6.8%
- 26.1
367.8

**Germany:**
64.926 × 5.7 = 371.3 (approx. 3.7 Mill.
+ 1.3 Mill. to Alsace-Lorraine
(out of 1.87) (roughly 1.3 i.e. < from 1.4)

Poles = 3.47%
Danes = 0.25

2 = 5.0

**France:** 39.602 × 1.3 = 51.182 = 0.5 Mill.

**Belgium:** 7.751 × 0.53 = 4.123.532 = 4.1 Mill.

**United States:** [99 × 11.3 = 108.5 = 11.0] 99 × 11 = 1098.9 = 11.0
10.8% blacks
0.3 Native Americans

—

## IV**

| States | Their Population (Mill.) | Oppressed or Disenfranchised Population | % National[ly] Oppressed or Disenfranchised or Alien Population | Colonies | If Colonies Counted | Total Population |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| a) Advanced capitalist countries | | | | | | |
| α) with colonies | 11 | 581 | | 557 | + 142 | 1,280 |
| β) without colonies | 8 | 13 | | — | 0 | 21 |
| Eastern Europe | 3 | 249 | | — | 142 | 394 |
| Colonies and oppressed territories | 1 | 381 | 488 | 557 | — | 1,426 |
| | | | 699 | | | |
| | | | 1,487 | | | |
| | | | — 557 | 61+ | | |
| | | | — 0 | | | |
| | | | 142 | 0 | | |
| | | | 53+ | | | |

* This note in the manuscript is connected by an arrow to the line "Germany" (see above).

† Lenin first wrote: 11.4, then, recalculating, crossed out 11.4 and wrote: "correction: 11.0".

*** The first part of this table in the manuscript is crossed out.

POPULATION CALCULATIONS
FOR THE PAMPHLET
"STATISTICS AND SOCIOLOGY"

285

[Table columns with abbreviations indicating: great powers, overseas nations, dependent nations, etc.]

a) 3. E[urope] + America + Japan: 368 + 26 + 557 = 951, 61%

b) W. E[urope]: 128 + 144 = 272, 53%

496 + 727 = 1,223 millions

[Calculations of colonial possessions for the 4 richest giants, by development of capitalism:]

2. Germany ............. 65, 12[?]
(= 207, [?] 20[?]%)
3. England ................ 47, 394
(= 842%, 394:17)
France ................. 40, [?]
([?] 141%)
1. U.S.A. ................ 100, 10[?]
(= 10%)
∑ = 252

473 [?]
∑ = 500

+ 30 mill.[?] % of colonies, except China
+ 472
approximately % of colonies
and financially dependent

945

approximately: 250 — 1,000

VI

Picture of the division of the world:

250 — 500 mill. directly (financially [+] political] exploitation])
500 mill. financial [+] indirect-political exploitation
1,000

200 (financial] exploitation: Russia, Austria, Italy)

1,200

+
mill.

330 China
272 W[estern] Europe
[?]
50 Japan
652
100 colonies of small countries
752
250— 500 (direct)
750 (indirect)

250 1,200
557
144
750
701
350
366
1,100

a: :
1,067

$ from these
1,500

(150 mill. independent]
approximately {
nations
(600 non-independent]

VII

4 main countries
(3[western] E[urope] + A[merica])
500
colonies of main
4 countries

Japan + 2nd-rate *
European states

+ Russia + W. E[urope]

300
remaining] colonies
and dependent
peoples of Eastern Europe]

250
China and other
colonies

[Rough figures continued]

Colonies and directly dependent political countries
— ⅓ colonies: dependent financially] and partly politically]

Dependent financially

In round figures:
4 main countries

W[estern] E[urope] + America ............
millions
250
1,650

500
250

COLONIES
⅓
⅓
350
China and other ⅓ colonies
Russia + Japan, remaining] European
colonial
and dependent
250
peoples

⅞ + ⅔ + ⅔ + ¾ = 1⅔ m[illia]rds
peoples
of Eastern Europe]

128 W. Europe independent]
129 remaining] colonial countries

(+ Japan) 300
250
257

288
LENIN COLLECTION

1789— 1848
1848—1905
1911
20th century

Financially and financially not independent, ½ colonies
(independent, but politically self-standing countries], politically independent] states
dependent
colonies
and politically dependent]

Germany — 65 }
England — 17 }
France — 40 [
U.S.A. — 100 ;

300 + 350 + 750 = 1,650. In round figures.

VIII

Europe 237 Mill. [55% (oppressed] national-
Eastern
[?] 376.1 X 0... = 100, [?]
(10°/0 os..., 1.6 X 0.08 =
... 
[?] X 0.07 = 0.336/
... X 0... = 0...
(...1.6 X 0.57 = 12.1[?])
oppressed
nations
: 100., Mill. to
29.4
0...
0...
0...
» »
12...
» »
Russia
Austria
Bulgaria
Rumania
Greece
(Serbia
Territory
% of oppressed] nations
(57%; + 176.4
(57%; — (107.1 —
(»%.) —
(7%.) —
(5%) —
1.4
+ .8
+ 9
£ 2 = 111.4
from 272.4
i.e. 52
%
8%
Montenegro] + Albania]

(57%; — 21...
27[?]
+ 1...
+ 272
21.8
—
[?]
23...
Balkans
except Turkey

Eastern Europe + its part of Asia:

E[astern] E[urope]:
Russia
176,400
Austria
51,390
Turkey
21,600
Rumania
7,602
Bulgaria
4,767
Greece
4,875
Serbia
4,490
Montenegro
+ Albania
1,285

∑ = 23,019
i.e. Turkey
21,600
44,619
Austria
51,390
Russia
176,400
∑ = 272,409
— 144...
128...

Approximately:
a) W. Europe + U.S.A.
+ Japan
b) Eastern Europe
+ its part
of Asia
c) remaining] America
[⅔ and ⅓?]
d) ⅓ colonies
e) colonies
∑ =
Approximately: ⅓ dependent]
[(9—10) ⅞—⅛] 6.6% (a)
(40—60) 40% (b + c)
(80— 90) 78% (d + e)

Russia + Austria
+ Turkey
= 249,390
remaining] Balkans
23,019
∑ = 272,409

IX

Population (millions)
Independent] 
Dependent]
∑
367.8 +
26... (7%) = 394
128... +
144... (53%) = 272.4
[55 (?) +
27] (?) = 82
?
?
[200 + 166]
= 366)
?
?
>923
0 + 557 (100%) = 557]
[76[?](?) + 920 (?)] = 1,671
368 + 26 = 394
[183] + [171] = [334]
(200) + 723 = 923
∑ = 751 + 920" = 1,671

* Approximately. Editor
Leninist Collection XXXII

or thus:
Y — 8 = transitional = 448
[a — b independent] 496 (368 + 128 = 496)
colonies
W. Europe
W. Europe
557
144
26
727 mill. (non-independent])
+ 448 (transitional)
+ 496 (independent])
∑ = 1,671

Number of states:
By nationality] composition

Eastern Europe
3 large
(Russia
Austria + Turkey)
249
6 small (Balkan
states])
23 [?]
[various columns showing classification]
W[estern] Europe
5 large states (>20 millions])
207.3
5
7 small states
34.3
4
5 toy-like states
(<⅓ million)
0.3 —
[?] Ж [?]
[?]

1 U.S.A.
(large)
99
1
1 Japan (large)
53
1

13
∑ (?) — 0
[?]
2 —
2
[?] 2
1 —
3 and
5 2-a
0 [?] and
[?] >
[?] [?] £ в* 
» >. x :
[?] 5 я :
5
3
т
1
0
0
0
O 3
3 30—40 (?)
OB. 6

South and Central America

1 (S. and C. America) large
24.9
0
16 small
55.6
0
3 (very small)
(toy-like)
и
0
ka])

W. Europe (without toy-like)
U.S.A. + Japan
W. Europe + America + Japan...

Eastern Europe + its part
of Asia...

0
2 1 —
1
? (2— 3)
15?
? (16)
3
? (3)

mixed]
— 2
12
∑ = 14
∑ = 9

W[estern] Europe + America + Japan
Pure and "almost" national] states: 10 states with population] 230.7 mill.
Mixed] (but without oppression of nations).
2 states with population
11.8 mill.
Eastern Europe
pure and almost: 6 states with population + 23.0 mill.
mixed] (based [on] oppression]
of nations) 3 states with population
2,194
»
Germany
Britain
France
Italy
Spain
64.9
45.8
39.6
35.6
20.* 
207.*
34.6
Belgium
Holland
Portugal
Sweden
Denmark
Norway
Switzerland
Luxemb[urg]
7.*
6.3
5.*
5.*
2...
2.3
3...

XI

billions:
0.4 W[estern] Europe + America + Japan.
0.3 E. Europe (+Asia)...
0.4 Transitional (remaining] America
colonies])
0.6 Colonies
1.7 m[illia]rds
Africa — 
Whole earth..
136,438
394
272
(7%)
(53%)
?
557 (100%)
1,671

XII *

Western
Europe
Belgium ...
Area]
mill. sq km
0.03
Population
mill.
6...
Holland ...
0.03
5...
G[reat]Britain
0.3
41.8
Italy ....
0.3
32...
Germany ...
0...
56...
Luxemb[urg] ...
≈.00
0.3
Switzerland ...
3.3
France ...
0...
38.9
Denmark ___
0...
Portugal ...
0.01
5.3
Spain ...
0...
17.8
Sweden ___
0.4
5...
Norway ...
0.3
2-3
Gibraltar
0.
0...
Malta
(15)
218...
Including] dependent
(Flemings]?)
(0.08 ... 
Ireland)
Are there
colonies??
X
X
X
—
X
(Danes — ?
X
I Alsace-
I Lorraine — ?
Poles — ?
(Italians?)
X
X
X
X
Colonies
{ (? }
Hereupon printed from manuscript, preserved in the archive of IMK under
No 18383. Editor

XIII

N[umber] of states:
17
1
1
W. Europe
U.S.A.:
Japan
Mill.
242
99
53
% of its own nationality:
95% (6%)
74—89% (11%)
>99% (0%)
9
Eastern Europe
237
(272)
approx. 40—45%
20
S. and C. America
82
? 60—90%
6
½ colonies
366
?
60 (?)
COLONIES
592
(557)
?
1,671
(1671)
N[umber] of states
17
1
1
Approximately
W. Europe
U.S.A.:
Japan
Era of national
and democratic]
movements]
16— ⅔ 19th c[entury] (1566*— 1871)
end of 18— ⅔
of century (1783— 1865)
19th century
9
Eastern Europe
20
S. and C. America
6
½ colonies
60 (?) colonies
7
* .................................
(end) 19 —
beginning] 20th century)
beginning] 19th c[entury] —
20th century
[? beginning]
20th century
(1871)
(1858, 1905
1909)
(1823— 1911)
1911 especially]

XIV

W. Europe
. . . 242
U.S.A.
99
Japan
53
Eastern Europe
. . . 237 )
S. America, central
. . . 82 j
½ colonies
366 |
colonies
592 [
394
319
958
% = 1,671
1,671
½ colonies
China
329,618
Persia
9,500
Siam
8,149
Afghanistan]
4,450
Nepal] +
Oman] +
Arabia]
4,950
356,667
+ 9,560
* Beginning] Dutch] repthe[ritory...

XV

America
British
French
Dutch
Danish
U.S.A.
America
Africa
Europe
Australia
Asia
Asia
10,131
[Britain]
321,879
460
37,717
141
[France]
17,267
27
Portugal]
980
( 63
209
\ 1,184
[U.S.A.]
8,938
Japan
19,687
12,306
Russia
35,559
126,878
250
445,236
7,865
— 35,559
415,236
409,677
∑ =
592,535

Africa
_
136,438
9,560 (Morocco + Abyssinia + Liberia) (½ colonies)
∑ = 126,878

Eastern Europe (and its
Asia)
272,409
Remaining] Asia
Africa
Australia] and Polynesia]

XVI

W. Europe
Entire America
Eastern Europe,
remaining] Asia,
Africa and Australia]
242,161
192,873
4,357,034
272,409
961,554
1,671,997
—
386
1,671,611
820,130
136,559
7,865
664,554

Asia:
35,559 Russia
in Asia
+
+ 19,709 Turkey » »
55,268
820,130
875,398
874,928
_ 470
53
? 417
31
?? 386 Difference]
Independent
Sinai
I 55,268
819,330
874,598
819,330
35,559
19,709
874,598
874,928
Europe
272,409
— 55,268
_ 217,141
53
217,088
' 242,161

Independent]
459,249 +
12 Thasos
459,261 Difference = 12 Thasos
— 330
Difference
British possessions in Africa
Entire Africa 136,438
31
12
136,481
1 W. Europe +
2 U.S.A.
4 Remaining] America
3 Eastern Europe] + Asia]
6 Semi-colonies] .......
5 colonies

+
∑ =
_ 136,559
136,481
Difference]
78

XVII

= 93
+
= 272
6,191 qkm
36,891 thousand pop[ulation]
14,726 Egypt
31 Sinai
12 Thasos
51,660
state] dependent]
houses] pending]
Approximately: 400 + 35 = 435
120 + 150 = 270
(thus) 420 + 540 = 960
560 + 825 = 1,765
1,671,380
15
1,671,997
1,671,365
1,671,365
632

W. Europe
+ U.S.A.
+ Japan]
Eastern Europe
½ colonies
242 )
99
394
53 j
272,409
237
237
— 35,559
366
366
236,850
592
∑ =
1,589
S. America + 82
1,671
Japan
72,673
— 19,687
52,986

PLANS
FOR THE PAMPHLET

I *
18723
Eastern Europe] 53% v[ersus] 7% W.
"[S]tate [of] nationalities"? Geography.... versus
politics! (NB) History
(historical stages)
Central and S[outhern] America

II
18383
a — fully independent] states]
Capitalist cultural circle **
fully completed national] movement]
(3— transitional
from European
to Asian. Incomplete] national] development]
½— ½ colonies (transitional)
8 — national] dependence in general direction (colonies).

III
18728
Difference] of countries oppressing and oppressed?
European states and
colonies in 1876 and 1946.
"It was not worth emancipating the negroes" (Wirth)
M[arx] on the state: "der
heut[ige] Staat" ***?? (NB)
+ M[arx] on Ireland] 1869
(from Contributions to the Biography)
E[ngels] on the treaty of 1866 and its
cancellation (special sheet)
+ "Arguments" of Lench
(his 2 articles)...
"Era of national]
wars" (Patouillet
and Junius) •
"Law" of state] concentration????
National] peculiarities of oppressed] nations (Wirth on Ireland])
Engels on Ireland] in case of
war between America and England].
N[eue] Z[eit] 1915—6?
... "Imperialist] economism" ....
"Ultra-imperialism".. .
Stupidities
"Cannot be national] wars" in imperialist] "epoch".
(How much stronger it would be!)
Concept of "epoch"...
+ (1) "corners" (Italia irredenta)
(2) "system of states"...
(3) foreign p[olic]y versus domestic]
IV
1872»
Historical] conditions of national] movements.
A. A bit of statistics. (Facts are stubborn things*).
B. Theoretical] errors in reasoning] of some m[arxists] on the national] question].
Approximately:
C. Right] of nations to self-determination] and
Rosa L[uxemburg]
D. Cultural-national] autonomy.

Old studies...
Ad. A: 1. Old and new studies on the national] question**
3 "types" of countries.
("State of nationalities". Incompleteness of this concept.
2. "types" = historical] stages.
3. Uneven development].
Ad. B:
Imperialism and the national] question.
"Feasibility" of national] self-determination].
Annexations and national] self-determination].
Colonies and national] self-determination].
State and state] building.
"Dualism" and "monism" in the national] question.
Heterogeneity] of movements to one goal.
"Out of the colonies"??
Socialism and colonies (Engels 1882).
Jewry — nation?
Fusion of nations?
Progress of reforms: Bismarck versus 1818.
Imperialist] war 1914—7 versus 1848 (III)
Imperialism and division of the world.
Imperialist] wars on the basis of slavery etc.
Combination] of imperialist] wars with national].

Ad. B 1
R[elationship] of d[emocracy] to imperialism]
Minimum]-program] and "maximum"]

18381
Statistics and sociology *
A) Historical] conditions of national] movements.** "Change of epochs; types of countries, as historical] stages of this change—

A. H[istorical] basis of national] movements (p. 2)**
Chapter I, p. 4, and II, p. 8.
1. [A little] Little statistics...
[(table] #° 1)***]
2. Three "types" of countries........
(Types = historical] stages).
3. Imperialism and division of the world....
(diagram?;
Stage of completed national] movements... 
"[S]tate [of] nationalities" ?
4. Rule: oppressing and oppressed] nations...
5. "System of states"........
( system of national] states
\ system of imperialist] states /
6. National] wars in the "epoch" of imperialism.
Concept of "epoch"
\ Hilferding
" Patouillet
Junius '
7. Combination imperialist] and national] wars...
America 1783 —
"possible" and real.
B) Some theoretical] questions [some unsettled questions?*], concerning national] movements.
B. 1. "Feasibility" of self-determination].
(1) [On the concept of feasibility].
2. National] wars in the "epoch" of imperialism.
Junius.
(2) 2 bis: "Dualism" and monism...
{ 3. Annexations and self-determination].
| 4. Colonies and self-determination].
(3) [Annexations and colonies].
| 5. Lench versus Struve. "Arguments" of Lench....
| 6. Engels] on treaty of 1866 (special sheet)....
(4) [Arguments of Lench.]
{ 7. Imperialist] economism
and "ultra-imperialism"....
[ 8. State and
state] building.
(6) {
9. Democracy and socialism.
10. Minimum] and maximum].
(?)
11. Social-chauvinism] versus Kautsky[ism] in the question of self-determination] and imperialism.
(8) United] States of Europe: ....
Patouillet. (William] II)....
Colonies
(9) Social-pacifism,
as embellishment
of imperialism.
(Karl] Kautsky] XII. 1916)8.

A) Historical] conditions of national] movements.
B) Some theoretical] questions] concerning national] movements.
C) Right] of nations to self-determination] and Rosa Luxemburg#
D) Cultural-national] autonomy...

1 Lenin's manuscript of the pamphlet "Statistics and Sociology", which he planned to publish under the pseudonym II. Piryuchev, remained unfinished. It breaks off on page 9.
2 The tables were compiled on the basis of numerical data from the book "Otto Hübner's geographisch-statistische Tabellen aller Länder der Erde. Fortgeführt und ausgestaltet von dr. Franz von Juraschek. Ausgabe 1916". ("Otto Hübner's geographical-statistical tables of all countries of the earth. Updated and developed by Dr. Franz Juraschek. Edition 1916").
3 % of non-national] population (see below, p. 308).
4 "Neue Beiträge zur Biographie von Karl Marx und Friedrich Engels" ("New Materials on the Biography of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels") published by F. Mehring in "Neue Zeit", XXV. Jahrgang, II. Bd. 1907 (see Lenin's Works XVII, 459—464, and "Lenin Collection" XXIX, 201—209).
5 Lenin speaks of two articles by the German chauvinist Paul Lench, published in the journal "Die Glocke" ("The Bell"): "Die Selbstbestimmungsblaue" ("Prattle about Self-determination") — in No. 8, 1915, and "Sozialismus und Annexionen in der Vergangenheit" ("Socialism and Annexations in the Past") — in No. 9, 1916 (see above, p. 119—127).
* Joseph Patouillet. "L'imperialisme americain", Dijon, 1904) (Joseph Patouillet. "American Imperialism", Dijon, 1904). Junius — pseudonym of Rosa Luxemburg; her book "Die Krise der Sozialdemokratie" ("The Crisis of Social Democracy") appeared in 1916 (see Lenin's Works XIX, 176— 190).
7 R. Hilferding. "Finance Capital. The Latest Phase in the Development of Capitalism". Authorized translation from German by I. Stepanov, Moscow, 1912 (see Lenin's Works XIX, 162).
8 In December 1916 Kautsky "appeared in the German s.-d. press with five especially stupid pacifist articles, likewise, of course, 'paraphrasing' the chatter about a nice democratic peace put on the agenda by events" (Lenin's Works XIX, 379, and note 193, p. 484).

19034
P. Piryuchev.
STATISTICS AND SOCIOLOGY

Preface.

The essays offered to the reader's attention are in part unpublished, in part reprints of articles that appeared before the war in various periodicals. The question to which the essays are devoted—on the significance and role of national] movements, on the relationship of the national] and the international]—now naturally arouses special interest. Most often and chiefly the deficiency in discourse on this question is the absence of a historical perspective and concreteness. It is very common for all sorts of contraband to be smuggled under the banner of general phrases. We think therefore that a bit of statistics will prove most useful. A comparison of what we said before the war with its lessons seems to us not without value. The essays are united by the unity of theory and perspective.
In 1917.
Author.

THE HISTORICAL BASIS OF NATIONAL MOVEMENTS.

Facts—are a stubborn thing, says an English proverb. This proverb is especially often recalled when one sees how some writer goes on at length about the question of the greatness of the "principle of nationality" in its various meanings and relationships, whereby this "principle" is applied for the most part as successfully and aptly as were the exclamations of a certain character from folk tale: "you can't haul what cannot be hauled" at the sight of a funeral procession.

Precise facts,
indisputable facts—that is what is especially intolerable for this kind of writer and that is what is especially necessary if one wishes to seriously sort out the complex and difficult question, deliberately entangled on all sides. But how to gather facts? How to establish their connection and interdependence?

In the realm of social phenomena there is no more widespread and more unsound procedure than the plucking out of isolated factlets and playing with examples. To find examples in general—costs no effort, but has no significance either, or purely negative significance, because everything depends on the historical concrete situation of individual cases. Facts, if taken in their entirety, in their connection, are not only "stubborn" but absolutely convincing things. Factlets, if they are taken outside the whole, outside the connection, if they are fragmentary and arbitrary, are nothing more than playthings or something worse. For example, when a writer, who was serious in former times and wishes to be considered as such, takes the fact of Mongol rule and presents it as an example in explanation of certain events in Europe of the 20th century, can this be considered only play, or is it more correct to refer it to political charlatanism? Mongol rule is an historical fact, undoubtedly connected with the national question, just as in Europe of the 20th century one observes a series of facts undoubtedly connected with this question. Yet few will be found—of the type that the French call "national clowns"—capable of pretending to seriousness and operating in illustration of what is happening in Europe in the 20th century with the "fact" of Mongol rule.

T[he] C[onclusion] f[rom] t[his] i[s] c[lear]: one must attempt to establish such a f[oundation] of precise and indisputable facts on which one could rely, with which one could compare any of those "general" or "exemplary" reasonings with which such boundless abuse is committed in certain countries in our days. For this to be truly a foundation, it is necessary to take not isolated facts, but the entire totality of facts bearing on the question under consideration, without a single exception, otherwise inevitably there will arise suspicion, and completely justified suspicion, that the facts are chosen or selected arbitrarily, that instead of objective connection and interdependence of historical phenomena in their whole, a "subjective" concoction is being presented for justification, perhaps, of a dirty business. This happens... more often than it seems.

Proceeding from these considerations, we decided to begin with statistics, fully conscious, of course, of the deep antipathy that statistics arouses in certain readers, preferring to the "low truths" the "ennobling deception", and in certain writers who love to smuggle political contraband under the banner of "general" discussions of internationalism, cosmopolitanism, nationalism, patriotism, and so on.

Chapter I.

A LITTLE STATISTICS.

1.
In order to survey truly the entire totality of data on national movements, one must take the entire population of the earth. Two signs must be established as precisely as possible and traced as completely as possible: first, the purity or diversity of the national composition of individual states; second, the division of states (or state-like formations in cases where doubt arises whether one can properly speak of a state) into politically independent and politically dependent.

Let us take the most recent data, published in 1916, and rely on two sources: one—German, "Geographical-Statistical Tables" of Otto Hübner, and one English, "Political Yearbook" (The Statesman's Year Book). The first source must be taken as the basis, since it is far more complete on the question of interest to us, while we shall use the second for verification and certain, mostly particular, corrections.

Let us begin our survey with politically independent and most "pure," in the sense of national composition coherence, states. The group of states of Western Europe immediately comes to the fore here, that is, lying to the west of Russia and Austria.

We have here in all 17 states, of which however five, being very pure in national composition, are outright toy-like in their negligible size. These are Luxembourg, Monaco, San Marino, Liechtenstein and Andorra, whose population, taken together, constitutes all in all only 310 thousand persons. Undoubtedly, it would be far more correct not to include them at all in the number of states. Of the remaining 12 states, seven are of completely pure national composition: in Italy, Holland, Portugal, Sweden, Norway 99% of the population of each state belongs to one nationality; in Spain and Denmark—96% of the population each. Then three states of almost pure national composition: France, England, Germany. In France altogether 1.3% of the population are Italians, annexed by Napoleon III in violation and falsification of the will of the people. In England annexation is Ireland, whose population, 4.5 million, constitutes less than one-tenth of the entire population (46.8 million). In Germany out of 64.9 million population, nationally alien and almost completely as nationally oppressed an element as the Irish in England are the Poles (5.47%), Danes (0.95%) and Alsatians-Lorrainers (1.87 million), though from the latter [a certain] (unknown exactly which) part undoubtedly not only in language but also in economic interests and sympathies inclines toward Germany. In general, about 5 million of Germany's population belongs to alien, unequal, and even oppressed nations.

Only two small states of W[estern] Europe have mixed national composition: Switzerland, whose population, slightly less than four million, consists of 69% Germans, 21% French and 8% Italians,—and Belgium (population somewhat less than 8 million; approximately about 53%, probably, Flemings and about 47% French). It is necessary to note however that, however great the diversity of national composition of these states, one cannot speak of oppression of nations here. By the constitutions of both states all nations are equal in rights; in Switzerland this equality in rights is actually carried out completely; in Belgium there is inequality in relation to the Flemings, although they constitute the majority of the population, but this inequality is negligible compared, for example, to what the Poles endured in Germany or the Irish in England, not to mention what one usually observes in countries not belonging to the group under consideration. Therefore, incidentally, the term "state of nationalities", which has particularly come into use thanks to the opportunists in the national question, the Austrian writers K. Renner and O. Bauer, is correct only in a very limited sense, namely, if, on the one hand, one does not forget the special historical place of the majority of states of this type (we shall have to speak of this below), and on the other hand one does not allow concealment of this term of the fundamental difference between actual equality of rights of nations and oppression of nations.

Combining together the countries considered, we get one group of 12 Western European states with a total population of 242 million persons. Of these 242 millions only approximately 9.5 million, that is, only 4%, represent oppressed nations (in England and Germany). If we sum up all parts of the population in all these states not belonging to the main state nationality, we shall get about 15 million, that is, 6%.

In general and as a whole, then, this group of states is characterized by the following signs: these are—the most advanced capitalist countries, the most developed both in the economic and political respect. The cultural level is likewise the highest. In national respect, the majority of these states are of completely pure or almost completely pure national composition. National inequality, as a special political phenomenon, plays a completely insignificant role. Before us—a type of that "national state" about which one speaks so often, forgetting in most cases the historically-conditional and transitory character of this type in the general capitalist development of humanity. But we shall speak of this in more detail in the proper place.

The question arises: is this type of state limited to Western Europe? Obviously not. All the fundamental signs of this type, economic (high and especially rapid development of capitalism), political (representative system), cultural, national, are likewise observed in the advanced states of America and Asia: in the U.S.A. and Japan. The national composition of the latter—long established and completely pure; the population consists of more than 99% of Japanese. In the U.S.A. only 11% of the population are negroes (and also mulattos and Indians), whom one must refer to an oppressed nation, inasmuch as the equality, won by the civil war of 1861—65 and secured by the constitution of the republic, in practice in the main places of negro residence (in the South) and in many respects was increasingly limited in connection with the transition from the progressive, pre-monopolist, capitalism of the 1860—1870s to the reactionary, monopolist capitalism (imperialism) of the recent epoch, which in America is marked off especially clearly by the Spanish-American imperialist (that is, caused by the division of spoils between two robbers) war of 1898.

Of 88.7% white population of the U.S.A., 74.3% constitute Americans and only 14.4% born abroad, that is, those who migrated from other countries. As is known, the especially favorable conditions for the development of capitalism in America and the special rapidity of this development have brought it about that nowhere in the world are vast national differences ground up so rapidly and so radically as here into one "American" nation.

Joining the U.S.A. and Japan to the above-listed Western European countries, we obtain 14 states with a total population of 394 million persons, of which nationally unequal are approximately 26 million, that is, 7%. Jumping ahead, let us note that the majority of precisely these 14 advanced states in the period of the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries, that is, just in the period of the transformation of capitalism into imperialism, rushed forward especially intensively along the path of colonial policy, as a result of which these states now "dispose of" more than half a billion population in dependent, colonial countries.

II.
The group of states of Eastern Europe—Russia, Austria, Turkey (the latter geographically more correctly considered now an Asian state, and economically a "semi-colony") and 6 small Balkan states: Rumania, Bulgaria, Greece, Serbia, Montenegro and Albania—shows us at once a picture fundamentally different from the preceding. Not a single state of pure national composition! Only the small states on the Balkans can be called national states, though one cannot forget that in them foreign national population constitutes from 5 to 10%, that vast (compared to the total number of representatives of a given nation) quantities of Rumanians and Serbs live outside the boundaries of "their" state, that in general "state building" on the Balkans in the direction of bourgeois-national development is not completed even by "yesterday's," one might say, wars of 1911—12. Not a single such national state as Spain, Sweden, etc., exists among the small Balkan states. And in the large states of Eastern Europe, in all three, the percentage of population of "its own" and moreover principal nationality constitutes only 43%. More than half of the population, 57%, in each of these three large states belongs to "foreign national" (foreign-ethnic, as the truly-Russian phrase goes) population. Statistically the difference between the Western-European and Eastern-European groups of states is expressed as follows:

In the first group we have 10 pure or almost pure national states with a population of 231 million; only 2 "diverse" in national respect states, but without oppression of nations, with constitutional and actually carried-out equality of their rights, with a population of 11⅛ million.

In the second group 6 states almost-pure with a population of 23 million; three states "diverse" or "mixed" without equality of rights of nations, with a population of 219 millions.

In general and as a whole, the percentage of foreign national population (that is, not belonging to [the main population] the main nation* of each individual state) constitutes in Western Europe 6%—and if we add the U.S.A. and Japan, then 7%. In Eastern Europe this percentage is 33%!

* In Russia—Great Russians, in Austria—Germans and Magyars, in Turkey—Turks.

VARIA

17
THE UNION OF THE BUND WITH THE R.S.D.L.P."

[September 1906. Petersburg]
Recently the 7th Congress of the Bund, an organization of Jewish s.-d. workers of Russia, took place. The total number of Bund members, according to the reports of this Congress, reaches 33,000 in 257 organizations. Representation at the Congress was organized on democratic principles, with 1 delegate per 300 party members. About 23,000 members participated in the elections, who sent 68 delegates with decisive vote to the Congress.

The main question subject to decision at the Congress was the question of the union of the Bund with the R.S.D.L.P. As is known, the unification Congress of the R.S.D.L.P. voted for unification and affirmed the conditions of this unification. Now the 7th Congress of the Bund accepted these conditions. The union with the R.S.D.L.P. passed by 48 votes against 20. Thus, the Russian S.D. Workers Party finally became truly all-Russian and unified. The number of party members is now over 400,000 persons. 31,000 were represented at the unification Congress, then about 26,000 Polish s.-d., about 14,000 Latvian and 33,000 Jewish.

The representatives of the C.C. of the Bund entered the C.C. of the R.S.D.L.P. Difficult work lies ahead in implementing the unification of Bund organizations with organizations of the R.S.D.L.P. on the local level.

The second question discussed at the Bund Congress was the question of the contemporary political moment. In a detailed resolution, accepted by an overwhelming majority of votes, the 7th Congress of the Bund recognized the tactical slogan the convening of the Constituent Assembly [without any weakening of this slogan by any linking of it with the Duma ("through the Duma" etc.)], rejecting any slackening of this slogan such as "through the Duma" etc. Boycott of the Duma was rejected conditionally, that is, the necessity of participation in elections was recognized in the event that the party of the proletariat is able to independently conduct an electoral campaign.

The third question was the question of "partisan actions", without dividing them into "expropriations" and terrorist actions. By an overwhelming majority a resolution against partisan actions was accepted.

The last question was that of the organization of the Bund. An organizational statute was adopted.

Limiting ourselves for now to this brief note, we hope in the near future to acquaint the reader more closely with the decisions of the 7th Congress of the Bund.

1 Lenin's note on the VII Congress of the Bund was not published. The VII Congress of the Bund took place at the end of August 1906 in Lvov (see Lenin's Works X, 496, note 168; see also Lenin's article "Apropos of an Article in the Bund Organ", ibid., p. 204).

D.K. Zelenin: "Bibliographical Index of Russian
Ethnographic Literature on the External Life of the Peoples of Russia.
1700 — 1910".
(From the Notes of the Imperial] Russian Geographic[al]
Society by the Section of Ethnography. Vol. XL, issue] 1).
St. Petersburg 1913. (Pp. XXXIX + 733).

20535
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
[1913]

EXTRACT FROM "VORWÄRTS"
18709

Vorw[ärts] February 5, 1916.
"National Brotherhood".
How Purishkevich in the Russian Assembly (December 1915) praised Plekhanov and said that his speech (Plekhanov's) "could have been delivered in the Russian Assembly".
"To this characterization, which is the most shameful brand, we have nothing to add".
Ibid[em]. In reply to Winnig, who wrote:
"The trade unions will emphatically declare that they cannot recognize and support any other policy than that of the present majority".
"Whatever these decisions (of the s.-d. party) may be—they cannot move the trade unions to a fundamentally different position".

EXTRACT FROM "VORWÄRTS"
"Vorwärts" February 5, 1916.
"National Brotherhood".
As Purishkevich in the Russian Assembly (December 1915) praised Plekhanov and said that his speech (Plekhanov's) "could have been delivered in the Russian Assembly".
"To this characterization, which is the shameful brand, we have nothing to add".
Same place—reply to Winnig, who wrote:
"The trade unions will emphatically declare that they cannot recognize and support any other policy than that of the present majority".
"Whatever these decisions (of the s.-d. party) may be, they cannot turn the trade unions to a fundamentally different position".

18194
INDEX OF PAGES FOR EXTRACTS FROM
THE GERMAN BOOK BY A. WIRTH "WORLD
HISTORY OF MODERNITY" *

[September 22, 1916. Zurich]

Wirth, p. 50 (Albania ** investigated, than Central
215(1) NB 395 (??) (11)
252— 5 411 (2 ends)
270— 274 443 (...)
545 — x! 476 (and imperialism of Italy)
385 Literature]  Reez: 436
P. 299 (imperialist] age ****)
P. 253 (end of 3rd paragraph)

W[estern] Europe and America — Colonies — Eastern Europe]. Russia
September 22, 1916

* See "Lenin Collection XXVIII, 218—273. Each page in the manuscript is crossed out, evidently after Lenin had transcribed the marked passages from the book. Editor.
** less. Editor.
*** Not readable: two words; possibly: "Persia ½". Editor.
**** age of imperialism. Editor.
***** This date defines the time of Lenin's work on Wirth's book: September 22, 1916. Editor.

Appendix to pp. 266–278
ALPHABETICAL LIST OF BOOKS
FROM THE CATALOGS OF SWISS LIBRARIES*

Allgemeine Geschichte in Einzeldarstellungen. — Herausgegeben v. Wilhelm Oncken. 36 Bande, Berlin, G. Grote, 1879—1892.

IV. Hauptabteilung. — Das Zeitalter des Kaisers Wilhelm. — Von Wilhelm Oncken. 2 Bde.

Ament, Wilhelm. — Die Seele des Kindes. Eine vergleichende Lebensgeschichte. — Stuttgart, Franckh. pp. 95.

Andersen Nexo.

Aristoteles. — Metaphysik. — Uebersetzt v. H. Bonitz. Aus dem Nachlass, hrsg. v. E. Wellmann. Berlin. Reimer, 1890. pp. 321.

— Redekunst. — 3 Bücher (20, 22 u. 21 d. Werke). Uebersetzt v. A. Stahr. 2. Aufl. Berlin, Langenscheidt, 1900.

— Zweite Analytiken oder die Lehre vom Erkennen. — Leipzig, 1878 («Philosophische Bibliothek», hrsg. v. Kirchmann).

Auerbach, Berthold. — Schwarzwälder Dorfgeschichten. — 3 Bde. Mannheim, Bassermann, 1852—1853.

Auerbach, F. — Die Grundbegriffe der modernen Naturlehre. Einführung in die Physik. — Leipzig, B. G. Teubner, 1902 («Aus Natur und Geisteswelt». Sammlung wissenschaftlich-gemeinverständlicher Darstellungen. 40. Bändchen).

Aulard, F. A. — Histoire politique de la Révolution française. Origines et développement de la démocratie et de la République. (1789—1804.) — 4e éd. Paris, Armand Colin, 1909. pp. XII + 805.

Babeau, Albert. — Paris en 1789. — Paris, Firmin-Didot et Cie, 1893.

Baldwin, James Mark. — Le développement mental chez l'enfant et dans la race. — Paris, Felix Alcan, 1897.

* To compile his list of books, Lenin made use of the catalogs of Swiss libraries: the national library in Bern, the cantonal library in Aarau, the municipal libraries in Basel and Neuchâtel, and the cantonal library in Lugano. These catalogs are not available to the editorial board, nor is a significant number of the books on Lenin's list. Where Lenin provided incomplete information about a book, its edition has been established on the basis of the number of volumes indicated by Lenin, the year of publication, or other information available in the list. — Ed.

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