PREFACE.

The collection contains documents of Vl. Ilyich characterizing his activities over two years: 1917 and 1918. The earliest document in time—"On the Question of the Role of the State" (a plan for an article against Comrade Bukharin)—was written in early 1917, still before the February overthrow; the latest—is dated December 31, 1918*.

The greater part of the Collection is devoted to the post-October period, namely 1918—the first year of the proletarian dictatorship. The organization of Soviet power, industry and agriculture, transport and fuel, courts and revolutionary legality, questions of culture and enlightenment, banking and financial policy, foreign policy, problems of international revolution—these are the principal questions reflected in the Collection.

Fifteen years ago, on February 24, 1918, the young Soviet republic, still not yet consolidated, disarmed, not having its own Red Army, was forced to accept, under the blows of mighty German imperialism, the most grievous Brest-Litovsk peace. February-March 1918—was one of the most difficult and critical periods in the history of the Soviet Union. "The predator crushes and strangles and tears Russia to pieces"—Lenin wrote in those days (Works, vol. XXII, p. 376).

The "breathing space" won at the cost of enormous sacrifices, absolutely necessary for the exhausted country, was utilized by the party for "the reorganization of Russia's economic order" (XXII, 416), for the realization of the far-reaching system of socialist transformations conceived by Lenin. Despite the exceptional severity of the republic's external and internal position in spring 1918, despite "all that abyss of defeat, dismemberment, enslavement, and humiliation into which we have now been hurled," Lenin expressed the deepest, unshakeable conviction that the Soviet republic would be able to overcome all obstacles standing in its path, would be able to "rise again from enslavement to independence" (XXII, 376), would be able to become "in every sense of the word mighty and abundant," would be able to realize socialism. "We have—Lenin wrote on March 11—the material in natural riches, and in the reserve of human forces, and in the magnificent scope which the great revolution gave to the people's creative activity,—in order to create a genuinely mighty and abundant Russia" (XXII, 376).

How to achieve this goal? "To go forward along this path (= "the path of international revolution, which we have entered"), not losing heart at defeats, gathering stone by stone a solid foundation of a socialist society, working without ceasing on the creation of discipline and self-discipline, on the strengthening everywhere and always of organization, order, business-like conduct, harmonious cooperation of all the people's forces, universal accounting and control of production and distribution of products—such is the path to creating military power and socialist power" (XXII, 376). Fifteen years have passed since these lines were written. Lenin's directive has been fulfilled. The Party, guided by Comrade Stalin, the great continuator of Lenin's work, the brilliant architect of socialist construction, at the January Plenum of the Central Committee was able to sum up the brilliant successes of the first Five-Year Plan, which ensured the economic independence of the Soviet Union, its—to use Lenin's words—"military power and socialist power."

The "breathing space" proved to be brief, but Lenin's ideas of this most interesting period, the period of the first assault on economic construction (ideas concerning the raising of labor productivity, concerning socialist competition, concerning accounting and control, concerning labor discipline, concerning "such a ploughing up of the soil that absolutely no bourgeoisie could grow on it," etc.), retain all their enormous significance also for today, for the period of developed socialist construction. In the field of agriculture, for example, Lenin already in March 1918 pointed to the necessity of "gradual, but steady transition to collective tilling of the land and to large-scale socialist agriculture" (XXII, 371). The present Collection provides some new supplementary material concerning Lenin's remarks and ideas on agriculture, which are reflected in his Works.

The ruin and impoverishment of the peasant economy as a result of the imperialist war reached considerable dimensions in 1917-1918. Hence Lenin's constant concern with measures to supply the peasantry with agricultural machines, implements, and equipment (a series of decrees and resolutions on these themes), with intensifying the production of agricultural implements, the requisitioning of privately-owned stocks of agricultural machines, the declaration of a state monopoly on all agricultural machines produced in the country or imported from abroad. The supply of agricultural machines and implements to the peasantry had to be conducted by Soviet power on certain conditions. "The basic principle of the distribution of agricultural machines, etc.,"—Lenin wrote in April 1918,—"must be, on the one hand and first and foremost, the assurance of the interests of agricultural production, the tilling of all land and the raising of agricultural productivity, and, on the other hand, the supplying of agricultural machines, etc., above all to the laboring and poorest part of the rural population; and the general aim must be to assure the proper and sufficient procurement of grain for the entire population of the state." Lenin's indications concerning the necessity of tilling all the land, concerning the raising of productivity, i.e., the yield of agriculture, and especially Lenin's requirement concerning the delivery of grain by the peasantry in the volume necessary for the country's needs—these directions of Vl. Ilyich are especially timely for today, when the Party emphasizes in every way the necessity of the delivery of grain by the collective farms to the state as their primary obligation, and pays special attention to the necessity of the struggle to raise yields. In one of the documents of an earlier period (December 1917), also concerning the supply of peasants with agricultural machines, Lenin corrects a proposed draft in which it was recommended simply to "distribute" machines among the peasants; instead, Lenin transfers the right to "dispose" of the machines to local organs of Soviet power (including district land committees), and emphasizes that "ownership of the machines remains with the state."

Questions connected with industry, with the necessity of its development and elevation to the proper level, always stood in the forefront for Vl. Ilyich. Immediately after the October overthrow he conducts the decision on the creation of the Supreme Council of the People's Economy. Vl. Ilyich devoted much attention to the complex question, requiring great effort, of the immediate conversion of military industry to work for satisfying the economic needs of the country. In a resolution adopted by the Council of People's Commissars on Lenin's proposal on December 12, 1917, it was noted that "especially urgent is the production of agricultural implements, machines, the production and repair of locomotives." A month later Lenin conducts a resolution on the necessity to "immediately begin the conversion of metal factories to work on the repair and strengthening of railway materials, as well as to the production of goods suitable in exchange for grain, etc." The Collection reflects Lenin's work on the implementation of state monopoly on leather, cloth, metal, work on the nationalization of enterprises, work in the field of railway and water transport.

However modest were our economic successes in the first year of Soviet power, in conditions of fierce civil war, nonetheless the proletarian dictatorship already had certain achievements in overcoming economic ruin and replacing capitalism with a socialist order. Lenin considered it necessary to popularize widely—in connection with the first anniversary of the October overthrow—the results of our activity in the field of industry, the results of the work of the Supreme Council of the People's Economy: "This is important both for Europe and for Russia. To tell clearly, simply, with facts: (a) the participation of workers' organizations, (b) not syndicalist, but precisely communist (Marxist) character of the construction (i.e., of the new social system, order), (c) the subordination (i.e., the breaking of the resistance) of capitalists. (d) practical successes (we have accounted for all manufacture: figures) 5-10 best examples."

Along with measures to raise industry and agriculture, it is necessary to note Lenin's struggle against the penetration of kulak and generally anti-Soviet elements into local organs of Soviet power. Proposing to grant one of the districts of Tambov Province a 172-million-ruble loan, Lenin justified this proposal as follows: "An extremely instructive example of an exemplary district where in all Soviet bodies they actually drove out the kulaks. In my opinion, such a district must be given aid as a first priority." Lenin was always very attentive to all indications from the local population concerning the presence of anti-Soviet elements in Soviet organs. When a teacher from Tver Province, one V. S. Ivanova, turned to Vl. Ilyich with a complaint about abuses of authority in one of the volosts, and indicated that former and current Black Hundreds had penetrated into the local committee of the poor, Lenin immediately issued an order to the chairman of the Tver Provincial Executive Committee to investigate this matter: "Begin the investigation carefully, so that there is no premature disclosure, so that you can fully expose and convict. If it turns out to be true, you must publicly drive out these Black Hundreds and publish a leaflet throughout the volost and district, for it is essential to accustom the population to the fact that valid complaints have serious significance and lead to serious results." As a rule, not a single complaint received by the Council of People's Commissars or personally addressed to Lenin was left without investigation.

He was relentless toward violations of revolutionary legality, lawlessness, and arbitrary rule. Lenin demanded especially merciless reprisals against bribe-takers and was indignant at the mild sentences that our judges sometimes handed down. "Instead of shooting bribe-takers to hand down such mockingly weak and mild sentences is a shameful act for a communist and revolutionary. Such comrades must be pursued by the court of public opinion and expelled from the Party." Lenin devoted much attention to questions of proper conduct of affairs in courts and revolutionary tribunals, and the Collection reflects his activity in this field as well. Vl. Ilyich was not satisfied with minor reforms in the judicial system, and he demanded "the creation of a genuinely revolutionary, swift, and mercilessly strict court toward counter-revolutionaries, hooligans, loafers, and disorganizers." In another place Lenin speaks of a strict court toward "violators of discipline." The struggle for labor discipline, against loafers and idlers, has always received much attention from our Party. In the basic provisions of economic policy written by Lenin in April 1918, there is such a point on this question: "Recognition as absolutely necessary and urgent of the most merciless measures of struggle against chaos, disorder and idleness, the most decisive and draconian measures for raising the discipline and self-discipline of workers and peasants."

Lenin attributed great agitational and propagandistic significance to the removal of old monuments in Moscow and Petrograd and their replacement with new ones corresponding to the spirit of the proletarian dictatorship and the revolutionary epoch in general. He also considered it necessary to decorate public buildings in both cities with "good quotations and inscriptions." The work moved slowly due to red tape and the sluggishness of Soviet institutions. "There is no bust of Marx for the street, nothing has been done for propaganda with inscriptions on the streets"—Lenin indignantly wrote in a note to Comrade Lunacharsky. On the basis of the red tape of those responsible for the matter in Soviet organs, there arose a correspondence between Lenin and the Commissariat of Enlightenment and the then Presidium of the Moscow Soviet: both these institutions did nothing to decorate Moscow with busts for the anniversary of the October overthrow. The Presidium shifted all blame onto the Commissariat of Enlightenment and even recorded in the minutes that it was removing itself from responsibility for the failure of the matter. To the red tape and negligence of the Commissariat of Enlightenment Lenin responded with the following telegram to the Commissar (who was then in Petrograd): "I declare a reprimand for criminal and negligent conduct, I demand the sending to me of the names of all responsible persons for delivery to trial. Shame on saboteurs and blockheads." As for the excerpt from the minutes of the Presidium of the Moscow Soviet received by him, Lenin replied with a remarkable letter. It is small in volume, less than one page, but so passionate, so scathing could only Ilyich write, angrily turning on Soviet workers who had not fulfilled their duty, who had not done the work entrusted to them. "If the Commissariat of People's Enlightenment does not answer you and does not fulfill its duty toward you, then you are obliged to complain, and with documents. ...When did you complain? Where is the copy? Where are the documents and proofs? And in my opinion the entire Presidium and Vinogradova* should be put in prison for a week for inactivity. If the Commissariat of People's Enlightenment 'does not give out busts' (when did you demand them? from whom? copy and document? when did you lodge a complaint?),—you should have fought for your right. And to 'remove yourself from responsibility'—that is the manner of capricious young ladies and foolish Russian intellectuals." The letter ends with the following words: "Forgive me for my frank expression of opinion and accept communist greetings from one hoping that you will be taught a lesson by prison for the inactivity of authority, and from deeply indignant Lenin."

From the mass of Vl. Ilyich's remarks (of 1918), concerning the most diverse questions, let us note here only the following of his directives: the necessity of economical use of fuel, the organization for this purpose of "popular agitation and propaganda concerning the importance of economizing fuel"; the role of banks in the Soviet state ("banking policy, not limiting itself to the nationalization of banks, must gradually, but steadily be directed toward the transformation of banks into a single apparatus of accounting and regulation of the socialist-organized economic life of the entire country as a whole"); the demand for decisive measures for the collection of income tax; "the creation of mobile groups of controllers in all areas of economic life"; in the field of industry "the undeviating requirement of preliminary plans and estimates, weekly reports and actual raising of labor productivity." Also interesting are Vl. Ilyich's notes on the order of preparation of sessions of the Council of People's Commissars**.

The policy of the Soviet republic has been and is invariably determined by the interests of the international proletarian revolution. "We are fighting not only for the victory of socialism in Russia, but also throughout the world" (from the plan of a speech at the First Congress on Enlightenment). When in autumn 1918 a revolution began in Germany, the inevitability of which Vl. Ilyich foresaw, he takes all measures to mobilize the attention of the broad masses to the events occurring in Germany, calls upon workers and peasants to prepare broad aid to the German revolutionary proletariat ("things have 'accelerated' so in Germany that we cannot lag behind") and at the same time pulls back those who are rushing ahead, speaks out against "going too far" (this against Kamenev, who even before the crisis in Germany had proposed conducting negotiations on a revision of Brest). In a directive letter of October 1, Lenin outlines the tactics of the Soviet republic toward the German revolution: "We will all die in order to help German workers in advancing the revolution that has begun in Germany. Conclusion: 1) tenfold more effort in procuring grain (clear out all reserves both for us and for German workers), 2) tenfold more enrollment in the army. We must have an army of 3 million by spring to aid the international workers' revolution." The revolutionary situation in Germany made the struggle against the "vilest opportunism" of Kautsky especially urgent, "replacing the viewpoint of the dictatorship of the proletariat with vulgar social-liberalism in the spirit of Bernstein and other opportunists." Lenin therefore insisted on the necessity precisely in Germany, the center of developing revolutionary events, precisely from the side of the "Left" (Spartacists and others) of a coming out against the vulgarization of Marxism by Kautsky.

Each new "Lenin Miscellany," extracting from archives not yet published documents of Lenin, representing as it does a most precious contribution to the treasury of Marxist-Leninist thought, places in the hands of Bolsheviks a new weapon in the struggle for the victory of the general line of our Party, for the complete triumph of socialism in the Soviet Union and throughout the world.

The basic materials of the Collection (the post-October period) were prepared by Comrade E. B. Novitskaya. In the preparation of the Collection the following comrades also took part: M. I. Glasser (pp. 10-30), N. A. Podvoyskaya (pp. 31-87), M. A. Avilova (pp. 204-215, 273-284), N. G. Sennikovsky (pp. 285-309).

February 22, 1933.

Vl. Sorin.

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# MATERIALS FOR THE PAMPHLET "THE STATE AND REVOLUTION"

JANUARY—AUGUST 1917

The series of documents published here under the general heading "Materials for the Pamphlet 'The State and Revolution'" represents successive stages of Lenin's working out of the excerpts and notes on the state that he had gathered in a "notebook in a blue cover" (see "Marxism on the State," Lenin Miscellany XIV, pp. 497-583).

The first document of this series—the plan of the article "On the Question of the Role of the State"—has the closest relation to the pamphlet "The State and Revolution." This article, directed against Comrade P. Bukharin, in response to an article sent by the latter in the second half of 1916 to the editorial office of the "Collection 'Social-Democrat'" entitled "On the Theory of the Imperialist State,"* was outlined by Lenin still abroad, during the period of his direct work on the writings of Marx and Engels on the state (January-February 1917). In *Bolshevik* No. 22 for 1952 there was published the correspondence of the editorial office of the "Collection 'Social-Democrat'" with Comrade P. Bukharin, from which it is clear that, regarding extremely negatively the views of P. Bukharin on the state, Lenin did not initially intend at all to publish his article in the "Collection 'Social-Democrat'." Later Lenin changed his intention and decided to place Comrade Bukharin's article, but with his own response to it. In a letter to A. Kollontai of February 17, 1917, Lenin informs her that he had almost prepared the material for an article on the question of Marxism's relation to the state, and further writes: "Alas, if only we had money! We would have published Collection Nos. 3 (all the material lies ready) and No. 4 (Bukharin's article, which we initially rejected, and my article on the state)!" (Works, vol. XXIX, p. 294). Even earlier, in December 1916, analyzing and criticizing in a note "International of Youth" Bukharin's article "The Imperialist Bandit State," written by Bukharin after the editorial office of the "Collection 'Social-Democrat'" had rejected his first article and published in the journal *Jugend-Internationale* under the signature "Nota Bene," Lenin promised to return to the question of the state and the relation toward it of revolutionary social-democracy in a special article (Works, vol. XIX, p. 296). A comparison of the plan of the article "On the Question of the Role of the State" with Bukharin's articles and Lenin's note "International of Youth" leaves no doubt that this is precisely the article against Bukharin that Lenin intended for No. 4 of the "Collection 'Social-Democrat'." A sheet with the plan was inserted in the notebook "Marxism on the State." As is evident from this plan, Lenin did not intend to use completely all the material he had gathered in the notebook; sharpening the article against anarchist tendencies in the interpretation of the question of the state, he intended to use in it, apparently, predominantly that part of these materials which was devoted to the polemic of Marx and Engels with the anarchists.

The manuscript of the article "On the Question of the Role of the State" has not been found to this day. Apparently, the article remained unwritten due to lack of time; it is also possible that Lenin deliberately postponed it due to the absence of money for the publication of the "Collection 'Social-Democrat'" (see above, the letter to A. Kollontai).

To work on the materials of the notebook "Marxism on the State" Lenin returned, as is known, already after the February revolution, hiding during the July days in a hut at Razliv station. The 1917 revolution gave Lenin new, rich supplementary material for theoretical work on the question of the state. This question, in connection with the Bolsheviks' struggle for the victory of the proletarian dictatorship, acquired special importance not only in the theoretical but also in the practical-political respect. It is clear therefore that the entire plan of this work must have been substantially changed by him.

In the plan of the preface to the pamphlet "The State and Revolution," Lenin indicates, as the occasion for its writing, disputes on the distinction between Marxism and anarchism, thus linking it with the previous polemic with P. Bukharin. The excerpts and notes from the notebook "Marxism on the State," proving Bukharin's incorrect posing of the question on the state, were used in one or another form first in the plans for the pamphlet, and then in the pamphlet itself. Analysis of the plans and comparison of the pamphlet with the materials of the notebook "Marxism on the State" show thus that Comrade Bukharin's disagreement with Lenin on the question of the state was by no means "sublated" in 1917, as certain comrades claimed. In fact, the pamphlet "The State and Revolution," giving devastating criticism of opportunistic distortions of Marx's teaching on the state, at the same time in a certain part of its content is also directed against the incorrect, semi-anarchist views of the "Left Communists" (Comrade Bukharin and others) on this question.

All the remaining plans and outlines published here were written by Lenin already after the February revolution, before the beginning of work on the pamphlet. This is indicated by the reference in all the plans, not excluding the very first sketch, to the experience of the revolutions of 1905 and 1917. In the first two sketches of the plan Lenin groups the material of the notebook "Marxism on the State," and in the third, the most detailed, main plan of the pamphlet, in each paragraph he indicates the corresponding pages of the notebook (cf. Lenin Works vol. XIV, pp. 208-209).

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# ON THE QUESTION OF THE ROLE OF THE STATE
[January-February 1917]

[Communist] or social democrat?

Socialism and communism. Complete community of objects of consumption (or at least the necessary ones)

[Democracy] is also a state. *Absterben***...

("Dying away" of the state).

Why not *Abschaffung**** and not *Sprengung*****?

"*Allmähliches Einschlafen*"****** of one function after another.

Without democracy = without the management of people.

"The roots of statehood in the souls of workers"?

Opportunism and revolutionary social-democracy.

Dictatorship of the proletariat.

(Use of the state against the bourgeoisie.

Repelling its attempts at restoration.

(Revolutionary wars.

Introduction and defense of democracy.

The role of democracy:

Education of the masses

Transition of them to the new order

Form of the social revolution: councils of 1905.

Imperialism: the state and economic organizations of capitalists. "State-capitalist trusts"...

(1870)

Democratic reforms of imperialists and social revolution.

Marx in 1844 (*Nachlass*, II vol., p. 50, end of the penultimate paragraph).

Nothing but the counterposition of socialism to politics.

Against purely political radicalism of Ruge. Until 1847!

Engels ("*On Authority*" on revolution... (+)

on organization... (-)

Marx (*ibid*) ("*Neue Zeit*, 32, II, 1913-4") on political influence and "struggle for concessions"

—on revolutionary use of state power...

Two directions in politics (politics is participation in the affairs of the state, directing the state, determining the forms, tasks, content of the activity of the state), opportunistic and revolutionary.

Or two directions in relation to "statehood"?

Democracy of reformists and democracy of revolution. Two different contents: minority and mass. Pacification of the mass? assistance in the struggle of the mass? Subordination of the mass to the authority of leaders? revolt against leaders?

"Lower mass" in Engels *versus* "mass" behind opportunist leaders.

Reduces to revolution *versus* opportunism.

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# PLANS OF THE PAMPHLET

JULY-AUGUST 1917

I.

Clarification of Marx's teaching on the state.

Should one choose a historico-dogmatic (a) order of exposition or a logical one (B)?

(a) Development of the views (chronological) of Marx and Engels. 1847, 1848, 1852, April 12, 1871, 1872, 1873, 1875, 1878 (*Anti-Dühring*), 1891 (*Critique of the Erfurt Programme*), (1895: preface to *The Civil War*) 1894, (1895)

(B) The state in pre-class society...
the state in class society...

Introduction to *Estrangement*; How does the bourgeoisie rule in a democratic republic?

Engels 1887. Engels 1894 (*Origin*)

The state and revolution (and socialism).

1847 and 1848.

1852: experience of the French revolutions

Experience of the Commune... 1871; 1872; 1874; 1875.

Transition from capitalism to socialism:

Economic: *Critique of the Gotha Programme*;

2 Phases of communist society

Karl Kautsky *versus* [something]... (nothing).

Experience of 1905 and 1917—"Councils"...

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II.

*Approximately:*

I. Introduction. The state in pre-class and class society. What is the state?

II. The modern state.

Democratic republic and the stock exchange.

Armed forces and war.

III. The "Dying away of the state."

The all-encompassing nature of this concept.

IV. 1847 and 1848: "Theory."

V. 1852: Lessons of French history and French revolutions.

VI. Experience of the Commune. ("Finally discovered").

*ad* VI:

Letter of April 12, 1871.

Preface to the Communist Manifesto June 21, 1872. 1873. 1875.

VII. Economy of the transitional stage from capitalism to communism.

VIII. Political transition from "the state" to "the non-state"

IX. The forgetting and vulgarization of Marxism.

Plekhanov 1894, K. Kautsky 1912 and later.

X. Experience of 1905 and 1917.

*Possibly more cautiously: X. Conclusion (experience of 1905 and 1917).*

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III.

PLAN OF THE PAMPHLET:

Clarification of Marx's teaching on the state.

**(with pp.)**

**Preface:** Theoretical importance and timeliness of the question.

**1. Introduction.**

Citation from *Origin*: pre-class society without the state, and class society with the state.

What is the state? (This only opportunists and Kautskyites "know"—pp. 36; 37-38)

**2. The modern state:**

Democratic republic and the stock exchange (Engels in *Origin*)—p. 37.

Armed forces and wars (Engels in *Anti-Dühring*!)

Imperialism: "State-capitalist trusts." State monopolies. (+Engels on Planlessness...)

**3. "Dying away of the state."**

This concept, not the criticism of "free people's state" (Lassalle—Engels in *Anti-Dühring*)—forgot!!—pp. 38-39.

III = General conclusions. Well-known. How general, does not touch the question of revolution, forms and methods of dying away. Admits opportunistic interpretation:

||"Dying away" *versus* "Breaking"||

Compare "dying away" and quotation from *Anti-Dühring*. Panegyric of violent revolution.

[Perhaps] Connect 1-3 as [General-theoretical views of Marxism on the "state"?] "Class society and the state" (p. 2)

**4. 1847** (*Poverty of Philosophy*) — p. 22, and **1848** (*Communist Manifesto*) — pp. 22-25.

Famous passage: "the state, i.e., the organized proletariat as the ruling class"...

How organized?

**5. 1852:** Lessons of French history and French revolutions ("break the machine")... p. 2-6.

(Engels on the "classical" character of French history: p. 4).

**6. Experience of the Commune:**

(a) Preface to the *Communist Manifesto* June 24, 1872. — p. 1.

(B) p. U. (V) Bernstein on "doctrinaire democracy"

(y) April 12, 1871. (Marx's Letter to Kugelmann — p. U-2.

(8) (May 30?) May 28, 1871. Civil War — pp. 27-28-29-30-31.

— (1872: "*On the Housing Question*" p. 25: "abolition of the state." Pp. 25-24-25-26).

(Dictatorship of the proletariat: p. 26).

**7. Bernstein's distortion and Kautsky's evasive dodges** ("cannot simply seize"...

**8. 1873** (against anarchists; — pp. 39-40-41-42.

**9. 1875.** Economic bases of transformation of the state into non-state. (Marx in *Critique of the Gotha Programme*)— pp. 15-16-17-18-19.

**10. 1875.** Engels to Bebel. (22)—p.—(1)*

**10 bis. 1891:** Engels, preface to 3rd edition— pp. 52-53-54-55.

[Engels 1887: p. 23]

Engels in *Critique* 1891 — pp. 5-6-7-8.

Engels: 1894: p. 59.

**Chapter VI (11). Forgetting and Vulgarization of Marxism by Opportunists.**

(a) Plekhanov in pamphlet on anarchism — ? 1894—nil!

(B) Kautsky 1902 ("Social Revolution") and 1909 ("Go to Power") very poorly.

+ Kautsky 1899 against Bernstein.

(-) Kautsky *versus* Pannekoek 1912 and later.—15-14-45-16-17.

(o) "Preparation" of revolution. *Quid est*? (cf. Engels 1894-5, pp. 10-11-12.)

NB + 47.

[+ 21 in Engels and Bebel]*

*Especially* NB:

"We seem more moderate than we are" Kautsky. P. 41

Revolutionary tradition. "Messianism"? No, accounting for 1905-1917

[+ (p. 20 "revolutionary mass")]

(+ special sheet: Kautsky: "*Über Nacht*").

*Ad* 8 in Ch. VI. Add:

"The Frenchman will start, the German will finish": Engels: June 2, 1891: pp. 41-42.

(*Ch. VI ad* 8). Engels on the peaceful path (preface 1895): p. 11 (NB: + p. 21).

**Chapter VII (12). Experience of the Russian revolution of 1905 and 1917.**

Councils. *Quid est*? [cf. 1905 and 1906, Resolutions of Mensheviks and Bolsheviks]

The same type as the Commune.

Distorted by Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks.

NB

"The Frenchman will start, the German will finish." Pp. 44-42... (cf. *Spectator* 1915-6)...

Or to *Ch. VII*?

Transition to socialism in concrete forms of transition (NB)...

**Chapter VII:**

1. (a) 1905. Resolutions of the Bolsheviks 1906.

Nil in West-European literature on the state.

2. (B) 1915: Theses of *Social-Democrat*.

3. (Г) 1917.

[ — power.

Experience. —militia.

{ — transition to socialism.

4. (8) Relation of Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks.

5. (e) My prediction in VI. 1917 at Congress of Councils.

6. (C) Experience VII and VIII. 1917.

7. IX. 1917.

8. "Messianism"? Who will "start"?

9. Engels on the "preparation" of revolution.

Revolutionary tradition.

**Chapter VIII (13). Conclusion.**

Necessity of changing the program of social-democrats.

[Steps toward this in Socialist Labor Party — down with it!

Draft program of RSDRP in IV and V 1917.]

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NOTES TO THE PLAN OF THE PAMPHLET.

Should one not add a chapter (or §§ to Chapter VII): concretization of the tasks of the proletarian revolution by the experience of the Russian revolution of 1917? This is necessary!

Develop Chapter VII.

One must also add: relation to anarchism.

Whose Commune? When, how and in what does the state not need to exist?

This can be included in the commentary to Engels's article against anarchists of 1873.

On the question of "Messianism": "What is formally false from the economic standpoint can be historically correct," preface by Engels to *Poverty of Philosophy*, Russian translation by S. Alekseyev, 3rd edition, "New World," St. Petersburg, 1906, pp. 7-8: "However, what is formally false from the standpoint